Showing papers in "Global Change, Peace & Security in 2015"
TL;DR: In this paper, the emerging contours of China's foreign policy under Xi and the implications for the future regional order in the Asia Pacific are analyzed and the authors argue that recent international behaviour of China is the manifestation of a new phase of Chinese foreign policy that could be defined as "peaceful rise 2.0".
Abstract: Since the leadership transition in China in November 2012, there have been significant changes in Chinese foreign policy. It has been widely observed that under the new leadership headed by President Xi Jinping, Beijing has become more assertive in international affairs. This paper ex- amines the emerging contours of China's foreign policy under Xi and the implications for the future regional order in the Asia Pacific. It argues that recent international behaviour of China is the manifestation of a new phase of Chinese foreign policy that could be defined as ‘peaceful rise 2.0’. In this analysis, while Beijing still adheres to its declared ‘peaceful development’ policy aiming to maintain a stable external environment conducive to its ascendance, the manner in which it seeks to do so are considerably different from past decades. The paper further argues that despite China's growing power, President Xi faces greater difficulties than his predecessor to achieve his foreign policy objectives. Indeed Beijing's...
69 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors identify a range of negative impacts, including the exploitation and displacement of the Saharawi people, the destruction of aquatic ecosystems by nutrient pollution, and jeopardizing future generations' ability to produce food.
Abstract: Without phosphorus, we could not produce food. Farmers need access to phosphate fertilizers to achieve the high crop yields needed to feed the world. Yet growing global demand for phosphorus could surpass supply in the coming decades, and the world currently largely relies on non-renewable phosphate rock that is mined in only a few countries. Morocco alone controls 75% of the remaining reserves, including those in the conflict territory of Western Sahara. While some argue that the market will take care of any scarcity, the market price of phosphate fertilizers fails to account for far-ranging negative impacts. Drawing on multi-stakeholder supply chain risk frameworks, the article identifies a range of negative impacts, including the exploitation and displacement of the Saharawi people, the destruction of aquatic ecosystems by nutrient pollution, and jeopardizing future generations' ability to produce food. This paper fills a crucial gap in understanding phosphorus impacts by mapping and discussing the nat...
37 citations
TL;DR: Kolb as discussed by the authors provides an advanced, challenging, short and selective introduction to International Human Rights Law (IHL) and discusses problems in the implementation, enforcement, and accountability of IHL.
Abstract: human rights law in times of armed conflict, new technological advancements in means and methods of combat, such as cyber warfare, and the ongoing problems relating to implementation, enforcement, and accountability for IHL. As noted above, international humanitarian law is a vast and complex field of international law. Depending on how one defines the term, it covers conduct before, during, and after hostilities, in the domains of land, air, sea, and space (and cyberspace), and can range from the law of neutrality, the rules on peacekeeping, post-conflict accountability and reconstruction, and human rights law, as it impacts on, among other things, combatants, civilians, the natural environment, and cultural property. Kolb’s book lives up to stated objectives – for an ‘advanced, challenging, short and selective introduction to IHL’ – admirably. Rather than simply summarizing or reciting the basics of the law, Kolb uses the fundamentals of the law as a starting point from which to highlight gaps in the law and discuss problems in the implementation and interpretation of the existing law. Kolb canvasses areas of debate and dispute clearly and concisely, offering useful and pertinent references to cases, treaties, and leading academic writings on the topic. Kolb also helpfully draws on relevant historical and social developments and events to illustrate the law and its problems and gaps. Kolb writes in a lucid, logical, and accessible style, but still analyses complex situations with a nuance and sophistication that will benefit any reader, from comparative novices to well-established IHL experts. Professor Kolb is to be commended for this valuable addition to the literature.
33 citations
TL;DR: The BRICS and the future of global order were discussed in this paper, where Oliver Stuenkel argued that the global financial crisis of 2008 was caused by the BRICS.
Abstract: The global financial crisis of 2008, I argue in my book The BRICS and the Future of Global Order,11 Oliver Stuenkel, The BRICS and the Future of Global Order (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2015). cr...
26 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors investigated the impact of cultural contexts in Myanmar and Taiwan on disaster recovery and reconstruction plans for specific categories of vulnerable population groups, such as women, children, and the elderly.
Abstract: Social capital and leadership are critical in mobilizing collective actions to promote community and individual recovery after a natural disaster. Transformation to a better situation post-disaster, not just returning to a previous state, reflects the growing emphasis on disaster as a catalyst for change. To facilitate transformative change, the development focus at the core of this approach emphasizes empowerment through local governments and domestic civil society organizations working in the ‘bottom up’ participatory mode to enhance the resilience of vulnerable population groups. Poverty reduction and disaster risk reduction are interlinked. However, the research literature on disasters pays least attention to socially created vulnerabilities. They are ignored because of the difficulty in developing agreement on theory, and prioritizing issues quantifying them. This article investigates the impact of the cultural contexts in Myanmar and Taiwan on disaster recovery and reconstruction plans for specific ...
26 citations
TL;DR: The idea of capacity development has become ubiquitous in discussions of development assistance: a lack of capacity in developing countries is frequently identified as the main obstacle to development and building "capacity" is seen as the most important output of development aid as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The idea of capacity development has become ubiquitous in discussions of development assistance: a lack of capacity in developing countries is frequently identified as the main obstacle to development and building ‘capacity’ is seen as the most important output of development assistance. The terms ‘capacity development’ and ‘capacity building’ are, however, relatively new in development assistance discourse, having only come into frequent use in the last two decades. This paper examines the history and different uses of the concept of capacity in development assistance literature, tracing its origins and rise in popularity. Although a large amount of material has been produced on the topic there is no clear agreement on what it means, with a range of interpretations used by different authors and in different contexts. The more expansive and ambitious approaches promoted by some development organizations have a number of theoretical and practical difficulties and it is argued that the wide and imprecise us...
20 citations
TL;DR: The role of natural resources in the continuing ‘question' of Western Sahara is not fully understood as mentioned in this paper, however, because of a lack of credible information and limited analysis of the connection of resources to the stalled process of self-determination and the territory's occupation.
Abstract: The role of natural resources in the continuing ‘question' of Western Sahara is not fully understood. In recent years, the development of the territory's resources has been at issue in efforts to arrive at self-determination for the Saharawi people. Misconceptions about the effect of such development persist, however, because of a lack of credible information and limited analysis of the connection of resources to the stalled process of self-determination and the territory's occupation. The present analysis surveys the history, problems resulting from and consequences of the exploitation of resources in a Western Sahara that has for 40 years been under armed occupation. It begins with Spain's colonizing of Western Sahara and involvement with its resources before turning to the territory's abandonment to Morocco and Mauritania following which Spain retained some resource rights. Revenue from extraction of the two primary resources since 1975 is then assessed and compared to the costs to occupy Western Sahar...
18 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider how Australia's political discourse about the South Pacific has evolved since 1999 and what impact this has had on Australia's relationships in the region and conclude that it might be time to recharacterize the region as an arc of opportunity.
Abstract: The term ‘arc of instability’ was first used in 1999 to describe the security challenges facing the South Pacific It subsequently came to dominate Australian political discourse, although its veracity was critiqued This article considers how Australia's political discourse about the region has evolved since 1999 and what impact this has had on Australia's relationships in the region It begins by outlining why the arc of instability characterization emerged and how it contributed to the securitization of the South Pacific, which justified Australia's policy of new interventionism in the region It concludes by considering whether it might be time to recharacterize the region as an ‘arc of opportunity’ This recharacterization may shift the political discourse to focus on the South Pacific's potential and opportunities, desecuritize Australia's relationship with the region and diffuse concerns about continued Australian intervention by articulating a more cooperative approach
15 citations
TL;DR: Abou Jeng makes an important contribution to debates about the merits and feasibility of designing and pursuing "African solutions to African problems", a mantra that captures a des... as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: With this book, Abou Jeng makes an important contribution to debates about the merits and feasibility of designing and pursuing ‘African solutions to African problems', a mantra that captures a des...
15 citations
14 citations
TL;DR: This paper examined the linkages between the vibrant dynamics of the Chinese theoretical debates and the actual practices of Chinese scholars in realizing their claims, and suggested that this investigation can serve as a springboard into a better appreciation of the theory-practice and power-knowledge relationships in the context of Chinese IR.
Abstract: The rise of China/East Asia and the perceived decline of the US/West pose an emerging question about how international relations (IR) theory should respond to this change. Increasingly, there have been heated discussions among Chinese IR academics over a desirable Chinese contribution to IR theory (IRT), particularly the possibility of building a distinctive Chinese IRT. Inevitably, this drive towards theorizing from a Chinese perspective also creates a backlash among not only Western but also other Chinese scholars as they question the ‘nationalistic’ if not ‘hegemonic’ discourse of the scholarship. Drawing on the sociology of scientific knowledge framework, this article examines the linkages between the vibrant dynamics of the Chinese theoretical debates and the actual practices of Chinese scholars in realizing their claims. It suggests that this investigation can serve as a springboard into a better appreciation of the theory–practice and power–knowledge relationships in the context of Chinese IR.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the application of the international law of occupation under international humanitarian law (IHL) in the legal analysis of dealings in natural resources in Western Sahara.
Abstract: Much of the international legal analysis of dealings in natural resources in Western Sahara has focused on its status as a Non-Self-Governing Territory, as well as the right of self-determination of the Sahrawi people. Surprisingly overlooked in the legal debates is a close examination of the application of the international law of occupation under international humanitarian law (IHL). This article considers whether and why Western Sahara is ‘occupied territory' under IHL, discussing some of the unique peculiarities that complicate the legal answer. It then considers issues of state responsibility and individual criminal liability under international law for unlawful dealings with natural resources in Western Sahara by Moroccan and foreign companies.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors describe the political and ideological context which stimulated the broad conception of human rights included in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and then focus on the ideological turn which occurred over the 1970s from welfare democracy to neoliberal democracy and the neoliberal approach to human rights.
Abstract: The article aims to describe how the measurement and monitoring of human rights have been changed and weakened by the neoliberal resistance to social rights. In so doing, the study describes the political and ideological context which stimulated the broad conception of human rights included in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It then focuses on the ideological turn which occurred over the 1970s from welfare democracy to neoliberal democracy and the neoliberal approach to human rights. Based on a neo-Gramscian approach, the study considers political and ideological reasons as key in explaining both the rise and fall of social rights and the changes in their measurement. As a case in point, the article analyses the work of the UN in measuring and monitoring human rights. In spite of the use by the UN committees of indicators and guidelines aimed at measuring and monitoring the progressive realization of all human rights, results show that the reluctance of many states to implement social and econo...
TL;DR: The illegality of facilitating the exploitation of natural resources by an occupying power in non-self-governing territories is well-established in international law, yet the legal principles are often overlooked by foreign corporations and their governments as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The illegality of facilitating the exploitation of natural resources by an occupying power in non-self-governing territories is well-established in international law, yet – as in such cases as Namibia and East Timor – the legal principles are often overlooked by foreign corporations and their governments. The resource-rich territory of Western Sahara, under Moroccan occupation since 1975, is no exception, as European, North American, and Australian companies have sought to take advantage of lucrative fishing grounds or mineral deposits. While some have tried to claim that such resource extraction is legal since Morocco reinvests the money it receives into the territory through ambitious development programs, the benefits of such ‘development' have largely gone to Moroccan settlers and occupation authorities, not the indigenous population. As with Namibia and East Timor, it may fall to global civil society to pressure such companies, through boycotts and divestment campaigns, to end their illegal exploitat...
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine the role of informal networks in providing "freedom from want and freedom from fear" to the population in post-communist South Caucasus (Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia).
Abstract: In contrast to numerous studies on exogenous mechanisms of human security – such as the provision of human security by international actors – this study examines the role of informal networks in providing ‘freedoms from want’ and ‘freedoms from fear’ to the population. With the primary focus on post-communist South Caucasus (Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia) this article conducts a rigorous examination of informal networks’ critical function as sources of human (in)security since the breakup of the Soviet Union. Based on a combination of open-ended elite (expert) interviews, field observation and closed-ended survey data, this study demonstrates that apart from the informal networks’ crucial role in generating social capital and functioning as indispensable social safety nets, they also exacerbate human insecurity by cementing the traditions of clientelism and corruption that are deeply entrenched in the region.
TL;DR: In this article, a case study of translating international norms into domestic political change, local and international trade union networks are shown to have a significant impact on achieving complia cation.
Abstract: Networks of trade union activists working as part of the global union movement have played a central role in political change in Myanmar. In response to trade union advocacy, compliance with International Labour Organization (ILO) standards was made a key condition for the lifting of sanctions on Myanmar, leading the current civilian government to pass revised labour laws allowing the formation of independent trade unions. Union activists have taken advantage of this new freedom, with a rapid growth in registration of local union organizations since 2011. Based on recent fieldwork in Myanmar, including interviews with union leaders and ILO officials, this paper presents an empirical analysis of political relationships formed by local and international union organizations in the context of multi-level political change. In this case study of translating international norms into domestic political change, local and international trade union networks are shown to have a significant impact on achieving complia...
TL;DR: In 2008, the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) exempted India from its full-scope safeguards (FSS) condition, making it the first country to be allowed to have nuclear trade with NSG members while retaining its nuclear weapons program as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) was founded in 1974 in response to the Indian nuclear test in order to prevent nuclear proliferation by controlling nuclear exports. In 2008, the NSG exempted India from its full-scope safeguards (FSS) condition, making it the first country to be allowed to have nuclear trade with NSG members while retaining its nuclear weapons program. India won this waiver after tough negotiations and having resisted tough nonproliferation conditions. India is now bidding for NSG membership. This paper analyses the prospects for the membership in light of the waiver negotiations and how the waiver negotiations can guide us in assessing the likely path of the membership negotiations. This study concludes that India will resist any conditions and the US and India have to invest massive diplomatic efforts to reach a formula that addresses the nonproliferation concerns of member states.
TL;DR: In this paper, the investor community has intervened vis-a-vis the global fertilizer companies sourcing phosphate rock from occupied Western Sahara, while their traditional and legal owners are increasingly active in trying to stop the practice.
Abstract: This article describes how the investor community has intervened vis-a-vis the global fertilizer companies sourcing phosphate rock from occupied Western Sahara. The territory holds large phosphates deposits, and the export of such rock constitutes the biggest source of income for the Moroccan government in the territory it has annexed. Due to the particular nature of the conflict in that territory, such practice is associated with concerns of human rights breaches, international law violations and political controversy. A dozen companies purchase these phosphates from the Moroccan government, while their traditional and legal owners are increasingly active in trying to stop the practice. Investor engagement and company improvement are discussed with a particular focus on Australia. By the end of the 1980s, 39% of all phosphate rock in Western Sahara ended up in Australia. After a massive shareholder campaign directed at the Australian importers, the country has basically ended its dependence on such phosp...
TL;DR: Kissane et al. as discussed by the authors provide an in-depth panorama of the post-civil war conflict in nine scenarios with an over-arching concern about the fate of identity in these conflicts and their post-conflict developments.
Abstract: This book provides an in-depth panorama of the post-civil war conflict in nine scenarios with an over-arching concern about the fate of identity in these conflicts and their post-conflict developments. The case studies cover multifaceted stories, comparisons, similarities and differences. It delves in substantial detail and depth into nine separate historic civil conflicts which have occurred in Europe throughout the twentieth century. The cases are offered in chronological order under three sections. The first section addresses ‘Reconstructing the nation in inter-war Europe’, which includes the Finnish War of 1918 (with the USSR), the Irish civil war of 1922–23 and the Spanish Civil War of the 1930s. The second section covers ‘Reconstruction without conflict resolution’, and this includes the Greek Civil War between 1944 and 1949, the role of Greek identity in the divided island of Cyprus and the identity of Kurds in Turkey. The third and final section deals with ‘Reconstruction under external supervision’, and includes the post-conflict state of Bosnia-Herzegovina, identity of Kosovo/Kosova and the nature of the post-conflict brokered peace in Northern Ireland. The nine cases are not in any way obscure events and in most cases have been politically and historically defining. While these chapters address conflicts which might appear to be in states on the ‘periphery’ of Europe, they have however also been conflicts and attempts at ‘reconciliation’ which have drawn in many other key powers and nations both in their civil conflict and in their post-conflict arrangements. In the introduction, the editor clarifies the nature of civil conflict, explaining that ‘Modern civil wars, ethnic or non-ethnic, are usually fought over the definition of political community’ (p. 1). It states that these civil conflicts have the effect of wounding nationhood. Curiously, the introduction tackles some slippery territory when it highlights the notion that ‘In this period [twentieth century] no European society witnessed a unifying war of independence like Israel’s, which provided a foundation myth for a new political community’ (p. 2). This statement is superficially true but highly contentious on why no European state has had a unifying experience in the twentieth century. The second aspect of this ambiguous phrase is whether Israel can be the odd one out. This simplistic observation is out of place in this otherwise most elaborate and compelling treatment of post-civil war conflict. Moreover this is not the central focus of the book. The book and the narrator (Kissane) highlights that there is little in the literature on civil war of a comparative nature focused on Europe. Is this an accident? The introduction also reminds us that no major internal war occurred in Europe between 1950 and 1989 on either side of the Iron Curtain. This is surely an important finding and possibly requires greater engagement. Partly it seeks to address the matter in the third section when it labels it ‘reconstruction under external supervision’. In effect, what this revelation indicates is the ‘stabilizing’ role of the Cold War. This is such an odd conclusion to reach yet the Cold War was very much conducted on the basis of the superpowers not engaging directly in war and conducting warfare through proxy delegation and representation of the two major ideological powers. Not all accept this thinking, as demonstrated by Berdal’s assertion that ‘With the end of the Cold War, violence in the international system has shifted more markedly towards the intra-state level. A major reason for this has been the collapse of multi-ethnic federal state structures (the USSR and Yugoslavia)’. Equally revealing is the matter of the outbreak of nationalistic wars after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the USSR. It tells us much about nation building, the role of ideology and
TL;DR: This article reviewed the relationship between Saudi Arabia and the United States during the period of the Arab Uprisings from 2010 to 2014, with reference to the role of an ascendant Iran and the emergence of the Islamic State.
Abstract: The Arab Uprisings continue to re-shape the political environment of the Middle East. As the epicentres of Egypt, Iraq and Syria draw the bulk of international attention, the impact of the last four years has been felt in more subtle ways, with a reconfiguring of alliances and relationships throughout the region. This article reviews the relationship between Saudi Arabia and the United States. There is a special focus on the challenges faced in the period of the Arab Uprisings from 2010 to 2014, with reference to the role of an ascendant Iran and the emergence of the Islamic State. Through an exploration of the three traditional pillars of the Saudi–US relationship; oil, geostrategic considerations and security, the article charts the current state of the alliance and explores the likely future trajectory of this lynchpin relationship in modern Middle Eastern affairs.
TL;DR: The Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) is a founding member of the African Union (AU) and is the sovereign governing authority in Western Sahara as mentioned in this paper, and the SADR government believes that its significant natural resources will play an important part in the development of a viable, self-reliant and democratic nation which will contribute to peace, stability and progress of the Maghreb region.
Abstract: The Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) is a founding member of the African Union (AU) and is the sovereign governing authority in Western Sahara. The SADR government believes that the territory's significant natural resources will play an important part in the development of a viable, self-reliant and democratic nation which will contribute to peace, stability and progress of the Maghreb region. The paper examines the SADR's efforts to manage its natural resources through the establishment of the SADR Petroleum and Mines Authority, the launch of licensing rounds, its claim to an exclusive economic zone in the Atlantic Ocean and the recent enactment of a Mining Code. The paper discusses the SADR's efforts to protect its natural resources in a territory that is under occupation, and examines the SADR oil and gas licensing rounds as an example of SADR's assertion of sovereignty. The SADR natural resources strategy has two basic goals: to deter Morocco's efforts to exploit the country's natural resource...
TL;DR: For 25 years, Morocco has refused the Saharawi people a referendum, with the United Nations organization unable to respond as a result of a threatened veto by some permanent members of the Security Council as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Western Sahara and Timor-Leste (East Timor) are twin cases marking an incomplete end to the era of decolonization. The two are remarkably similar: they are former European colonies with peoples who had been promised self-determination only to be invaded within weeks of each other in late 1975 by neighboring states, themselves recently decolonized. Decades would pass while the international community stood by. The people of Timor-Leste eventually achieved freedom against the odds while most of Western Sahara and half the Saharawi people remain under foreign occupation, the scene of established human rights violations and the ongoing export of natural resources. For 25 years, Morocco has refused the Saharawi people a referendum, with the United Nations organization unable to respond as a result of a threatened veto by some permanent members of the Security Council. However, a Saharawi state arguably has come into being, enjoying popular legitimacy, governing institutions and accepted control over a part of ...
TL;DR: This paper analysed the response of the Australian political-military establishment to climate change through the lens of securitization theory and found that political partisanship surrounding broader national policy debates on climate change made it increasingly difficult for the ADF to publicly adopt meaningful climate policies.
Abstract: This paper analyses the response by the Australian political–military establishment to climate change through the lens of securitization theory. The research used mixed content analysis techniques to systematically examine more than 1500 speech-acts, policies and doctrinal articles between 2003 and 2013. It argues that the Australian Defence Force (ADF) was not a climate securitizing actor and that its response to climate change was mediated by the political partisanship surrounding broader national policy debates on climate change. The politicization of climate change made it increasingly difficult for the ADF to publicly adopt meaningful climate policies. It subsequently crafted a strategy that minimized any investment (resource or reputational) lest a change of government rendered them invalid or it drew unwanted criticism. At the very heart of this finding exists the challenge of an avowedly apolitical institution responding to what emerged in the Australian context as a politically partisan security ...
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine gender mainstreaming processes in successive UN peacebuilding missions in Timor-Leste, with a focus on the relationship between these missions and the national women's organizations who were vehicles for implementation.
Abstract: This article examines gender mainstreaming processes in successive UN peacebuilding missions in Timor-Leste, with a focus on the relationship between these missions and the national women's organizations who were vehicles for implementation. Apparent frictions occur in this process and the article suggests that the gender rhetoric and practice incorporated into UN peacebuilding since 2000 can have potentially destabilizing effects for women's activism in post-conflict settings. Women's organizations socialize and negotiate around gender norms in order to mitigate this potential and aim to identify the synergies between women's activism before peacebuilding, and gender mainstreaming policies and practice post-conflict. This article provides insight into how national women's organizations socialize gender norms, as well as how women's post-conflict activism can be shaped by the presence of UN peacebuilding.
TL;DR: The westernmost corner of Algeria, near the border with Morocco, Western Sahara and Mauritania, is a desolate and unforgiving place, where summer temperatures reach and sometimes exceed 50 degrees as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The westernmost corner of Algeria, near the border with Morocco, Western Sahara and Mauritania, is a desolate and unforgiving place, where summer temperatures reach and sometimes exceed 50 degrees ...
TL;DR: This article argued that deterministic geopolitical lenses are misconceived and counter-productive, missing the sophistication and fluidity of world politics and suggested that such reductionist geopolitical categories instead work to narrow the space for mutual understanding and deny the multiple versions of power and sovereignty in the world today.
Abstract: This paper discusses how geopolitical visions from an earlier century are being reanimated in certain quarters of the political, intellectual, and military elite in the United States in order to frame recent shifts in China's status in the international system. However, these deterministic geopolitical lenses – like the historical antecedents they draw on – are misconceived and counter-productive, missing the sophistication and fluidity of world politics. It is suggested here that such reductionist geopolitical categories instead work to narrow the space for mutual understanding and deny the multiple versions of power and sovereignty in the world today.
TL;DR: For instance, the authors argues that current economic and political systems are unlikely to produce the policy and institutional changes needed to reduce adequately the greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions causing the problem, so some of the most dangerous effects of climate change could occur this century.
Abstract: What are the implications of global climate change for peace and human welfare in the future? The answer depends on the actual effects of climate change and how the world responds to them. Current economic and political systems are unlikely to produce the policy and institutional changes needed to reduce adequately the greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions causing the problem, so some of the most dangerous effects of climate change could occur this century. Some observers posit that climate change will result in catastrophe, but specifics of this catastrophe range widely. Does climate change mean painful but manageable social disruption, requiring, for instance, populations to move and cities to be rebuilt? Or does climate change portend much worse, including major wars, the end of modern civilization or, incredibly, even the eventual extinction of humanity? If these more severe consequences are likely or possible, what kind of global society would be best able to survive, or at least cope? The answer may be fou...
TL;DR: In this paper, the utility of the territory being defended often supersedes the likelihood of a successful defense, on occasion generating negative outcomes for the insurgent forces, on the contrary to the conventional force's ability to defend territory, a defined space.
Abstract: Insurgent guerrilla groups are on occasion faced with difficult decisions: whether and when to become a conventional force, and whether to defend an operational base or fixed site. Standard doctrine suggests that to achieve state capture or acquire autonomous status apart from a central authority, the ability to successfully engage in conventional warfare may became necessary. A conventional force must be capable of defending territory, a defined space. Accompanying the decision to defend territory is a certain level of risk. This article examines the decision by four insurgent organizations to defend ‘operational hubs’, territory deemed worthy of a defense. The analysis herein submits that in insurgent warfare the utility of the territory being defended often supersedes the likelihood of a successful defense, on occasion generating negative outcomes for the insurgent forces.
TL;DR: The Advanced Introduction to International Humanitarian sets itself an ambitious objective: to provide an "advanced, challenging, short and selective introduction to IHL" (p. viii) as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Robert Kolb's Advanced Introduction to International Humanitarian sets itself an ambitious objective: to provide an ‘advanced, challenging, short and selective introduction to IHL’ (p. viii). This ...
TL;DR: The Sixth Oceanic Conference on International Studies (OCIS) was held in Melbourne, Australia between 9 and 11 July 2014 as mentioned in this paper, which was hosted by the School of Social and Political Sciences at MIT.
Abstract: The Sixth Oceanic Conference on International Studies (OCIS) was held in Melbourne, Australia between 9 and 11 July 2014. The conference was hosted by the School of Social and Political Sciences at...