Showing papers in "Journal of Contemporary Asia in 2017"
TL;DR: The idea of "national races" or taingyintha has animated brutal conflict in Myanmar over who or what is "Rohingya" as mentioned in this paper. But because the term is translated from Burmese inconsistently, and because its u...
Abstract: The idea of “national races” or taingyintha has animated brutal conflict in Myanmar over who or what is “Rohingya.” But because the term is translated from Burmese inconsistently, and because its u...
158 citations
TL;DR: The authors argued that part of Duterte's electoral success is hinged on his effective deployment of the populist style. But their analysis was limited to the 2016 presidential election in the Philippines and focused on the characteristics of contemporary populism that are befitting of an age of communicative abundance.
Abstract: This commentary aims to take stock of the 2016 presidential elections in the Philippines that led to the landslide victory of the controversial Rodrigo Duterte. It argues that part of Duterte’s electoral success is hinged on his effective deployment of the populist style. Although populism is not new to the Philippines, Duterte exhibits features of contemporary populism that are befitting of an age of communicative abundance. This commentary contrasts Duterte’s political style with other presidential contenders, characterises his relationship with the electorate and concludes by mapping populism’s democratic and anti-democratic tendencies, which may define the quality of democratic practice in the Philippines in the next six years.
150 citations
TL;DR: This paper found that Islam in general and Muslims in Myanmar are presented as an existential threat to race and religion and a personal threat to individuals and communities, reinforced by three inter-related sets of arguments that refer to international events, events within Myanmar, and personal experiences.
Abstract: Myanmar has been the site of serious violence between Buddhist and Muslim communities. This article presents findings from a research project convened to better understand the production of this violence. Based on interviews with 78 residents of six cities, we find a narrative that presents Islam in general and Muslims in Myanmar as an existential threat to “race and religion” and a personal threat to individuals and communities. This narrative is reinforced by three inter-related sets of arguments that refer to international events, events within Myanmar, and personal experiences. Drawing on these findings, we explore the ways in which Muslims in Myanmar are constructed as a “fearsome Other,” thus justifying discrimination and violence. However, we also identify alternative narratives that contest the production of violence. These narratives are generated through articulated senses of contradiction between contemporary antagonisms and memories of inter-religious co-existence. We argue that unders...
51 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors trace the history of contention that saw key collective actors emerge who staged violent events and then framed them for the public, and then routinised itself into a de facto pro-regime, anti-National League for Democracy, and a new regional player, the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party initiated the violence.
Abstract: Recent anti-Muslim violence in Myanmar cannot be understood primarily as a spontaneous outburst of religious feeling among the general population. Rather it was a shocking repertoire deployed by a semi-organised social movement with clear political goals, which overlapped with those of Myanmar’s military elite. In this article we trace the history of contention that saw key collective actors emerge who staged violent events and then framed them for the public. Elite competitive strategies leading to the 2015 election shaped its rhythm. A new regional player, the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party, initiated the violence. When the ruling elite failed to condemn it, a monk-led, apparently popular, chauvinistic movement expanded rapidly throughout Myanmar. Asserting the Rakhine violence as an existential threat to the Burmese nation, a moral panic effectively created a crisis where none existed. The movement then routinised itself into a de facto pro-regime, anti-National League for Democracy, t...
40 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explore why dowry inflation persists in Bangladesh, despite the country being widely heralded as a development success, especially with regard to gender, and explore the relationship between dowry and the broader political economy of development.
Abstract: This article explores why dowry inflation persists in Bangladesh, despite the country being widely heralded as a development success, especially with regard to gender. The article asks three questions. Does rural Bangladesh show changing patterns of marriage similar to those reported elsewhere in South Asia and more broadly? What might explain the persistent spread and inflation of dowry payments? How might changes in marriage and the inflation of dowry be related to the broader political economy of development in Bangladesh? Analysis of primary data from rural Bangladesh affirms shifts in norms of marriage arrangement and conjugal relationships, but also emphasises considerable continuity. The political economy of development in Bangladesh is briefly described. Dowry is argued to function not as compensation for perceived weakness in women’s economic contribution, but to bolster men’s. In mobilising “additional” resources, dowries help sustain the economic system and indicate ongoing commitment t...
33 citations
TL;DR: This article argued that the labor law system in China is a crucial means through which the Chinese party-state has attempted to secure the working class's consent to the ruling class, and that after almost four decades of capitalist reform, the post-socialist Chinese state has been transforming from forcefully steering the country's passive revolution into assisting the capitalist class to build up hegemony (i.e. cultural, moral, and political leadership).
Abstract: This chapter demonstrates that current studies have depicted the Chinese state in three major forms: an authoritarian state, a developmental state and a corporatist state. However, these three approaches have under-examined the ideological and hegemonic capacities of the Chinese party-state. Seeking to fill up this intellectual gap, this chapter elaborates on the overarching framework of the book: the Chinese economic reform begun in 1978 is a top-down passive revolution, and that after almost four of capitalist reform, the post-socialist Chinese state has been transforming from forcefully steering the country’s passive revolution into assisting the capitalist class to build up hegemony (i.e. cultural, moral, and political leadership). Within this framework, it is further argued that the labor law system in China is a crucial means through which the Chinese party-state has attempted to secure the working class’s consent to the ruling class.
32 citations
TL;DR: Abe's "Abe Doctrine" as mentioned in this paper has been widely regarded as a rare example of strong leadership as he seeks to arrest and reverse his country's perceived decline and the strategy to achieve these objectives has come to be known as the “Abe doctrine, which represents a radical but risky shift in foreign policy.
Abstract: Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo has emerged as the “comeback kid” of Japanese politics and in his second term of office is now widely regarded as a rare example of strong leadership as he seeks to arrest and reverse his country’s perceived decline. The strategy to achieve these objectives has come to be known as the “Abe Doctrine,” which represents a radical but risky shift in foreign policy. This article outlines the tenets of the evolving Abe Doctrine and then applies them to the Abe administration’s behaviour in the mechanisms of global governance, a highly pertinent but overlooked example. It argues that although a more strategic and coherent approach to global governance has emerged under Abe than had been previously evident, this has been at the expense of the norm of internationalism that has traditionally shaped Japan’s role.
30 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined the localisation experience of two Chinese telecommunications enterprises (Huawei and ZTE) in Malaysia and revealed several dimensions of localisation, including product, workforce, technology, organization and management.
Abstract: While much research has been undertaken on firms’ internationalisation, much less has been written on internationalisation’s other side, localisation. Yet with the rise of emerging economies, especially Chinese transnational corporations, localisation has become an increasingly significant. This article examines the localisation experience of two Chinese telecommunications enterprises – Huawei and ZTE – in Malaysia. By holding these factors constant (the ceteris paribus assumption), several dimensions of localisation are revealed. They are product, workforce, technology, organisation and management. Firm-specific factors matter both in accounting for inter-firm similarities and differences in the manner they localised. Enterprise ownership is also important in explaining firm performance and host countries’ perception of these firms. Leadership styles of these enterprises’ founders also matter. Together, these factors affect the differential pace of firms’ internationalisation and localisation.
29 citations
TL;DR: The authors categorises the violence as "communal", in so far as it consisted of recurrent, sporadic, direct physical hostility realised through repeated public expressions that Muslims constitute an existential threat to Buddhists.
Abstract: Collective violence wracked Myanmar from 2012 to 2014. Overwhelmingly, Buddhists attacked Muslims. This article categorises the violence as “communal,” in so far as it consisted of recurrent, sporadic, direct physical hostility realised through repeated public expressions that Muslims constitute an existential threat to Buddhists. It advocates for interpretive modes of inquiry into the violence, as well as into the practices of interpretation enabling it. Eschewing methods aimed at producing a purportedly coherent picture of what happened, interpretive research raises questions about conventional readings of violence, and seemingly self-evident categories for its analysis. But as the articles in this special issue show, interpretivists do not repudiate the search for factual truth. The contributors all make strong truth claims, but claims recognising that factual truths are always contingent. They establish these claims by attending variously to the processes, narratives, histories and typologies ...
29 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined the emergence of Islamic militias that are often involved in political gangsterism in post-authoritarian Indonesia and argued that these groups are an outcome of complex structural changes accompanying state formation in the context of capitalist development, instead of the product of a weak state or because of decentralisation of power and authority in the democratic context.
Abstract: This article examines the emergence of Islamic militias that are often involved in political gangsterism in post-authoritarian Indonesia. It is argued that these groups are an outcome of the complex structural changes accompanying state formation in the context of capitalist development, instead of the product of a weak state or because of decentralisation of power and authority in the democratic context. Their existence is intricately related to the way the state organises institutions of coercion according to specific exigencies. In addition, these militias are an element of the rise of Islamic identity politics following the fall of Soeharto. The approach advanced here contrasts with two dominant approaches: an institutionalist approach that emphasises a lack of state capacity and the anthropology of the state approach that draws on Migdal’s state-in-society approach, which underlines the fragmentation of authority as the condition for the emergence of militias. It is shown that such groups cou...
26 citations
TL;DR: The authors argue that the figure of the wealthy Muslim perpetrator has been popularised both as a scapegoat for decades of brutal authoritarianism and as a threat to the contemporary social reproduction of the national Buddhist polity.
Abstract: Since 2012 Myanmar has experienced recurrent waves of religiously imbued violence. Violence has been both physical and symbolic. Symbolic violence has included the popularisation of the belief that Muslim men are the primary threat to Buddhist women, and by extension, the body politic of Myanmar. This article draws on ethnographic research and theory on rumours and nationalism to show how colonial era social and legal processes have been drawn on to establish Muslim men as the scapegoats for deeply held social grievances amongst the Buddhist majority. Rumours of the rape and forced religious conversion of Buddhist women make the political personal and justify demands for male and state protection. We argue that in Myanmar the figure of the wealthy Muslim perpetrator has been popularised both as a scapegoat for decades of brutal authoritarianism and as a threat to the contemporary social reproduction of the national Buddhist polity.
TL;DR: The Justice and Development Party (or AKP) era in Turkey has witnessed the emergence of a new welfare regime resting on voluntary public and private transfers This system has been replacing the traditional welfare system as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The Justice and Development Party (or AKP) era in Turkey has witnessed the emergence of a new welfare regime resting on voluntary public and private transfers This system has been replacing the fo
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors deal with the theoretical and empirical gaps in the literature about diverse forms of capitalism, including the incomplete institutional and political account of how the state can, through a series of policies, shape the development of domestic enterprises.
Abstract: Empirical gaps exist in the literature about diverse forms of capitalism The first is thematic, involving the incomplete institutional and political account of how the state can, through a series of policies, shape the development of domestic enterprises The second gap is regional in nature: this literature does not deal with the historical development of firms that have played a central role in industrialising Southeast Asia One reason for this is that since most existing theories are based on Western contexts, they are theoretically ill-equipped to deal with the concepts of power and state-business nexuses when the political system is not democratic in nature But state-business ties, where politicians in power distribute government-generated rents on a selective basis, have resulted in diverse business systems such as highly diversified conglomerates, state-owned companies and small- and medium-scale enterprises This article deals with these theoretical and empirical gaps To better underst
TL;DR: This article analyzed the news production processes in reporting on the conflict in Rakhine State in Myanmar, focusing on the how-to of conflict sensitive reporting and the dangers of employing local fixers and interpreters whose influence is seen to reduce the objectivity of news, rather than on the actual news gathering strategies used in specific conflicts.
Abstract: Since communal violence erupted in Myanmar’s Rakhine State in 2012 between Buddhist and Muslim communities, the plight of the Rohingya Muslims has received much media attention both inside and outside of the country. Rarely, however, do we get critical analyses of how such reporting is constructed. Research on communal conflict and journalism tends to focus on the how-to of conflict-sensitive reporting and the dangers of employing local fixers and interpreters whose influence is seen to reduce the objectivity of news, rather than on the actual news gathering strategies used in specific conflicts. Based on personal observations of a freelance reporter in Myanmar, and interviews with journalists and “fixers” working in the country, this article analyses the news production processes in reporting on the conflict. The article maps out the various actors involved in the production of news, such as foreign and local journalists, local producers (the “fixers”) and interpreters, and the various challenges...
TL;DR: In this article, a detailed empirical study of how Myanmar's legislature and its lawmakers responded to these ethnic conflicts, both inside and outside the chamber, is presented, arguing that while Myanmar's parliament could have responded more proactively, at the very least it prevented itself from becoming a forum for populist politics that could have further inflamed tensions.
Abstract: From 2011 Myanmar’s nascent legislature quickly became a symbol of the country’s transition from military rule by exhibiting its autonomy and by sometimes acting as a check on the executive. While expectations grew that it would play a significant role in the transition from military to quasi-civilian rule, including managing ethnic conflicts, its reluctance to tackle sectarian violence represented a major setback for the legislature’s credibility. Using legislative records and interviews, this article provides a detailed empirical study of how Myanmar’s legislature and its lawmakers responded to these ethnic conflicts, both inside and outside the chamber. Building on studies of the role of legislatures in conflict management, this article argues that while Myanmar’s legislature could have responded more proactively, at the very least it prevented itself from becoming a forum for populist politics that could have further inflamed tensions.
TL;DR: The developmental state literature emphasises the importance of state autonomy and capacity, with a particular focus on a Weberian type of meritocratic bureaucracy as mentioned in this paper, which is the case in South Korea.
Abstract: The developmental state literature emphasises the importance of state autonomy and capacity, with a particular focus on a Weberian type of meritocratic bureaucracy. Existing studies of South Korea’...
TL;DR: Sri Lanka's police torture has been subject to extensive investigation and condemnation but remains a widespread and seemingly entrenched practice as discussed by the authors, and the resistance of such practices has been studied extensively.
Abstract: Police torture in Sri Lanka has been subject to extensive investigation and condemnation but remains a widespread and seemingly entrenched practice. Seeking to understand the resistance of such pra...
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined Chery, a Chinese car maker, and its internationalisation strategy and its localisation efforts in Malaysia using an in-depth case study, finding that Chery's experience in navigating a set of complex state and society relations in Malaysia resulted from an adaptation of its business strategy to address protectionist and institutional constraints found in Malaysia.
Abstract: The economies of Malaysia and China have become increasingly integrated through trading and investment linkages. This article focuses on one aspect of this relationship, examining Chery, a Chinese car maker, and its internationalisation strategy and its localisation efforts in Malaysia. It does this by analysing Chery’s interaction with the host government, local partners and suppliers. Using an in-depth case study, it was found that Chery’s experience in navigating a set of complex state–society relations in Malaysia resulted from an adaptation of its business strategy to address protectionist and institutional constraints found in Malaysia. However, while relations between Chery, the local partner and government agencies have grown strongly, few interactions have evolved between Chery and local suppliers and national research and development facilities, limiting collective learning processes and production collaboration in Malaysia. The evidence also suggests that Chery’s present conundrum of lo...
TL;DR: The authors found that membership in vigilante groups is important for providing social bonds that support young precarious workers in dealing with labour-related insecurities and moderate their anger, anxiety, anomie and alienation, and act to integrate them within society.
Abstract: In his 2011 book, The Precariat, Guy Standing claims that the precariat is “a new dangerous class.” This article seeks to revisit this claim and assess it using the case of young workers engaged in urban situations in Jakarta that fit the definition of precarious work. It will particularly focus on young workers who are often identified as potentially “dangerous” because they join vigilante groups. It is argued that these precarious workers share characteristics with the broader working class, and the claim that they constitute a new class in a developing country such as Indonesia is challenged. It is found that membership in vigilante groups is important for providing social bonds that support these young precarious workers in dealing with labour-related insecurities. The social bonds also moderate their anger, anxiety, anomie and alienation, and act to integrate them within society. It is also suggested that where these young precarious workers may be considered “dangerous,” it is a characterist...
TL;DR: In this paper, it is argued that this book does not overcome what I believe are some key theoretical and empirical problems in the Global Capitalism school, from not taking the state seriously to a dearth of corporate ownership data to demonstrate the existence of a TCC.
Abstract: Globalisation continues to stir debate. One burgeoning theoretical perspective is the “global capitalism school” (GCS), anchored around the writings of William Robinson. The GCS argues that globalisation marks a new epoch as nationally-based elites are no longer the central locus of power in world order with the rise of a “transnational capitalist class” (TCC). Jeb Sprague’s edited volume, Globalization and Transnational Capitalism in Asia and Oceania, is the first book-length study testing key tenets of the GCS in the Asia-Pacific, and therefore fills a crucial gap. In this review article, it is argued that this book does not overcome what I believe are some key theoretical and empirical problems in the GCS, from not taking the state seriously to a dearth of corporate ownership data to demonstrate the existence of a TCC. To argue this, the article draws upon chapters in the book itself that are critical of the GCS, as well as from empirical research on corporate ownership and nationality. Neverth...
TL;DR: Malaysia gained attention for its use of capital controls in 1998, but since the early 2000s it has emphasised its commitment to an open capital account, despite experiencing volatile capital flows as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Malaysia gained attention for its use of capital controls in 1998, but since the early 2000s it has emphasised its commitment to an open capital account, despite experiencing volatile capital flows. As well as opting for financial openness, Malaysia chose to manage the value of its exchange rate after de-pegging from the US dollar in 2005. In a bid to escape the macroeconomic constraints that arise from capital mobility, Malaysia also chose to sterilise a large portion of capital inflows. It then made a further choice to use market-based sterilisation instruments more than regulatory sterilisation measures. These choices have carried costs and led to a build-up of economic risk. Three interrelated factors explain these choices: Malaysia’s strategy to manage the stigma arising from its imposition of controls in 1998, the increased level of financial integration that followed from this strategy, and the politically privileged position of groups that have benefitted from Malaysia’s commitment to capi...
TL;DR: This paper conducted a series of large-scale surveys in Beijing between 2011 and 2013 on the twinned topics of domestic nationalism and international relations, and found that the majority of respondents supported China's constructive engagement with the international order, or did it seek to assert China's supremacy.
Abstract: China’s rise has been accompanied by a rise in nationalism. But what are the characteristics of this nationalism now being witnessed? Does it support China’s constructive engagement with the international order, or does it seek to assert China’s supremacy? These questions lie at the hub of a rapidly expanding secondary literature on the emergence of nationalism in China and its impact on China’s foreign relations. What is, however, absent from the academic discourse is the voice of the Chinese people themselves. What are their perceptions of the nation-state, and how do these beliefs shape their views of China’s relationship with East Asia? To address this gap, we conducted a series of large-scale surveys in Beijing between 2011 and 2013 on the twinned topics of domestic nationalism and international relations. Our findings, as reported below, represent an initial attempt to answer this final and, arguably, most critical set of questions.
TL;DR: In the past two decades the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) has broadened its focus on heritage from tangible sites to intangible cultural practices as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In the past two decades the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) has broadened its focus on heritage from tangible sites to intangible cultural practices. It h...
TL;DR: This paper examined the evolution of this pattern of trade in East Asian countries and found that the factory Asia model continues, but it is changing as different East Asia countries capture more value in global value chains The gaps in the rate of upgrading are identified and mainly attributed to differences in government policies and competition.
Abstract: Trade patterns in East Asia are termed the “Factory Asia” model, whereby Asia functions as a “global factory” that imports intermediate goods from its regional networks and then assembles and exports them as finished goods to higher-income developed countries In 2001, China’s accession into the World Trade Organisation consolidated this pattern by becoming the core economy in this model However, is this pattern still valid after more than a decade of rapid development in East Asian countries? The main objective of this article is to examine the evolution of this pattern of trade in East Asian countries Although the key findings of this study show that the Factory Asia model continues, it is changing as different East Asian countries capture more value in global value chains The gaps in the rate of upgrading are identified and mainly attributed to differences in government policies and competition However, the dependence on foreign inputs still remains an important part of high-technology prod
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors investigated the effects of the Non-standard Employment Protection Acts on women workers by comparing the employment characteristics before and after the introduction of the law, and pointed out that more surreptitious forms of discrimination against women workers remained intact.
Abstract: The growth of non-standard work since the Asian financial crisis of 1997 has emerged as the central political concern in South Korea. Important legislative interventions, the Non-standard Employment Protection Acts, were introduced in 2007 to protect workers from insecurity and precarity. This article investigates the effects of the Acts on women workers by comparing the employment characteristics before and after the introduction of the law. The Acts reduced the proportion of non-standard employment to a certain degree, but employers continued discriminatory practices against women workers and aggressively took advantage of more precarious forms of non-standard work. Due to severe sex segregation in the dualistic labour market, more surreptitious forms of discrimination against women workers remained intact. The results of this study point to the fact that social protection for non-standard work and more egalitarian gender relations in the labour market require a new paradigm of social rights.
TL;DR: The Nationality Law and the Military Service Law in South Korea were changed in 2004 and 2005 respectively to enable tighter control over the conscription of male citizens as discussed by the authors, which stands in contrast to other industrialised countries, where conscription has been replaced by professional and marketised military services.
Abstract: The Nationality Law and the Military Service Law in South Korea were changed in 2004 and 2005 respectively to enable tighter control over the conscription of male citizens. This movement stands in contrast to other industrialised countries, where conscription has been replaced by professional and marketised military services. This article explains the Korean exception as “shallow marketisation,” one particular way the connection between citizenship and military service is being reconfigured in the era of neo-liberal globalisation. The Korean state and its “flexible citizens” engage in the exchange of citizenship and military service, but their choices are constrained by previous social relations, including the ideals of equal citizens and of national identity and belonging. In this context of shallow marketisation, the state is tightening the linkage between citizenship and military conscription and trying to restore the facade of “universality” to conscription. Flexible male citizens frame their ...
TL;DR: Wang et al. as discussed by the authors argued that China's rapid economic growth in the last three decades has been fuelled by energy-intensive investment and manufacturing, which have become instrumental for China to become the world's largest economy based on purchasing power parity, and for the United States and the European Union to have access to cheap consumer goods.
Abstract: China’s rapid economic growth in the last three decades has been fuelled by energy-intensive investment and manufacturing, which have become instrumental for China to become the world’s largest economy based on purchasing power parity, and for the United States and the European Union to have access to cheap consumer goods. China’s development strategy, however, has generated a serious domestic environmental crisis, which has also accelerated the global climate emergency. In addition, the 2008 economic crisis led to a collapse of China’s external demand, inducing the leadership to support domestic investment – including investment in environmental projects – as an alternative source of effective demand. By setting ambitious green targets and by adopting strategic policy initiatives, China has become the world’s largest investor in renewable energy. Yet China remains the world’s largest coal consumer and the world’s largest carbon dioxide emitter. The Chinese economy nears a crossroad: will it be ab...
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore the way in which South Korean water policy has been dynamically (re-)constructed by continuing political contestations among diverse social forces acting in and through the stat...
Abstract: This study explores the way in which South Korean water policy has been dynamically (re-)constructed by continuing political contestations among diverse social forces acting in and through the stat...
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors compare Malaysia and China's shift from manufacturing to services and the challenges and prospects of such a shift, and find that Malaysia's shift occurred earlier than China's and was prompted by the failure of its manufacturing sector to deepen as it has not produced any world-class domestic technology firms.
Abstract: When do countries that pursue industrialisation through the development of their manufacturing sector shift to services? Does the shift take place because manufacturing development has matured with the development of indigenous technology? What is the role of policy in this shift? Understanding this shift is crucial due to the changing nature and role of services in development and its association with deindustrialisation. This article seeks to compare Malaysia and China’s shift from manufacturing to services and the challenges and prospects of such a shift. The main findings indicate that Malaysia’s shift occurred earlier than China’s and was prompted by the failure of its manufacturing sector to deepen as it has not produced any world-class domestic technology firms. China’s more recent shift is associated with on-going upgrading in its manufacturing sector while some global domestic technology firms have also emerged. Both countries used similar policies to drive this shift in response to domes...
TL;DR: In a context of mining privatisation and a drive towards labour informalisation in India, the authors investigates the implications for labour of the neo-liberal agenda in the mining sector of the Indian state of Odisha.
Abstract: In a context of mining privatisation and a drive towards labour informalisation in India, this article investigates the implications for labour of the neo-liberal agenda in the mining sector of the Indian state of Odisha. This is part of a broader research project investigating the social dynamics underlying the neo-liberal project in Odisha. The article initially summarises previous analysis of the political economy of mining privatisation policies in order to provide the background for understanding the implications of neo-liberal mining policies for labour. Acknowledging the complexity of labour’s situation and future, the article focuses first on mining labour relations and labour conditions in private iron ore mines; and second, the article seeks to detail the implications of the expansion of opencast mining in forest areas on the livelihoods of that part of the population – mainly consisting of Scheduled Tribes or Adivasis and partially of Scheduled Castes or Dalits – who in some measure dep...