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Constitutional Design for Divided Societies

Arend Lijphart
- Vol. 1, Iss: 4, pp 33-44
TLDR
Lijphart as mentioned in this paper presents a set of such recommendations, focusing in particular on the constitutional needs of countries with deep ethnic and other cleavages, and his recommendations will indicate as precisely as possible which particular power-sharing rules and institutions are optimal and why.
Abstract
Over the past half-century, democratic constitutional design has undergone a sea change. After the Second World War, newly independent countries tended simply to copy the basic constitutional rules of their former colonial masters, without seriously considering alternatives. Today, constitution writers choose more deliberately among a wide array of constitutional models, with various advantages and disadvantages. While at first glance this appears to be a beneficial development, it has actually been a mixed blessing: Since they now have to deal with more alternatives than they can readily handle, constitution writers risk making ill-advised decisions. In my opinion, scholarly experts can be more helpful to constitution writers by formulating specific recommendations and guidelines than by overwhelming those who must make the decision with a barrage of possibilities and options. This essay presents a set of such recommendations, focusing in particular on the constitutional needs of countries with deep ethnic and other cleavages. In such deeply divided societies the interests and demands of communal groups can be accommodated only by the establishment of power sharing, and my recommendations will indicate as precisely as possible which particular power-sharing rules and institutions are optimal and why. (Such rules and institutions may be useful in less intense forms in many other societies as well.) Most experts on divided societies and constitutional engineering broadly agree that deep societal divisions pose a grave problem for democracy, and that it is therefore generally more difficult to establish and maintain democratic government in divided than in homogeneous Arend Lijphart is Research Professor Emeritus of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego. He is the author of Patterns of Democracy: Government Forms and Performance in Thirty-Six Countries (1999) and many other studies of democratic institutions, the governance of deeply divided societies, and electoral systems.

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Citations
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Pulling Together: Shared Intentions, Deliberative Democracy and Deeply Divided Societies

TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that developing shared intentions between conflicting communities is important for overcoming their conflict and explain why deliberation is a better instrument than bargaining for developing them, since it involves and promotes more extensive and robust shared intentions than bargaining and hence enables a stronger sense of togetherness between communities to emerge.
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Military Autonomy and Balancing in Political Crises: Lessons From the Middle East:

TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that autonomous militaries can play a balancing role during major internal political crises and that when militaries' autonomy is curtailed by political leaders before the cris...
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Constitutional Democracy for Divided Societies: The Indonesian Case

TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss the prospect of constitutional democracy for divided societies by putting constitution as a social contract for them, and argue that if a common consensus for a constitution has been reached, then the possibility of a harmonized society can be realized since people have a common platform that binds them legally, politically and socially.
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Does Ethnolinguistic Diversity Preclude Good Governance? A Comparative Study with Alternative Data, 1990‐2015

TL;DR: This paper used a variety of data measuring political and economic corruption for 150 countries over 24 years, finding positive effects between ethno-linguistic diversity and corruption, but the substantive effects are very slight.
References
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Book

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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the third wave of global democratization has come to an end, leaving a growing gap between the electoral form and the liberal substance of democracy.
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