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Constitutional Design for Divided Societies

Arend Lijphart
- Vol. 1, Iss: 4, pp 33-44
TLDR
Lijphart as mentioned in this paper presents a set of such recommendations, focusing in particular on the constitutional needs of countries with deep ethnic and other cleavages, and his recommendations will indicate as precisely as possible which particular power-sharing rules and institutions are optimal and why.
Abstract
Over the past half-century, democratic constitutional design has undergone a sea change. After the Second World War, newly independent countries tended simply to copy the basic constitutional rules of their former colonial masters, without seriously considering alternatives. Today, constitution writers choose more deliberately among a wide array of constitutional models, with various advantages and disadvantages. While at first glance this appears to be a beneficial development, it has actually been a mixed blessing: Since they now have to deal with more alternatives than they can readily handle, constitution writers risk making ill-advised decisions. In my opinion, scholarly experts can be more helpful to constitution writers by formulating specific recommendations and guidelines than by overwhelming those who must make the decision with a barrage of possibilities and options. This essay presents a set of such recommendations, focusing in particular on the constitutional needs of countries with deep ethnic and other cleavages. In such deeply divided societies the interests and demands of communal groups can be accommodated only by the establishment of power sharing, and my recommendations will indicate as precisely as possible which particular power-sharing rules and institutions are optimal and why. (Such rules and institutions may be useful in less intense forms in many other societies as well.) Most experts on divided societies and constitutional engineering broadly agree that deep societal divisions pose a grave problem for democracy, and that it is therefore generally more difficult to establish and maintain democratic government in divided than in homogeneous Arend Lijphart is Research Professor Emeritus of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego. He is the author of Patterns of Democracy: Government Forms and Performance in Thirty-Six Countries (1999) and many other studies of democratic institutions, the governance of deeply divided societies, and electoral systems.

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Citations
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Lingual and Educational Policy toward “Homeland Minorities” in Deeply Divided Societies: India and Israel as Case Studies

TL;DR: In this article, a comparison is conducted between the policies of India and Israel regarding Arabic and Urdu, showing that both states have consigned the minority language to a marginal position on the public stage.
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The Effect of Democratic Political Institutions on Political Violence in Different Societal Settings

TL;DR: The authors test three central claims in the consociationalist literature: that in ethnically divided societies, conflict can be reduced by adopting proportional representation over majoritarian electoral rules, parliamentary over presidential or semi-presidential arrangements, and a federal over a unitary system.
Book Chapter

Political Reform and the Demise of Consociationalism in Southeast Asia

TL;DR: In this article, the two-turnover test of democratic development is applied to Southeast Asian countries and the results show that all these countries have experienced at least two peaceful turnover of power via the electoral process.
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'Ancient Enmities' and Modern Conflict: History and Politics in Northern Ireland

TL;DR: In this paper, the role of history and historical consciousness in deeply divided societies is investigated and the case of Northern Ireland is examined. But, while the conflict here is caused by contemporary divisions, perceptions of the past have had considerable influence.
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Constitutional Evolution: Amendment Versus Replacement in Comparative Perspective

TL;DR: This article disaggregated constitutions by their specificity on human rights versus political institutions and demonstrated that the specificity of human rights reduces the probability of replacement, while the specificity of institutions increases the frequency of amendments.
References
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