Abstract: Since the 1970s the global economy has been in an era of market regulation and growing labor market ̄exibility, in which new technologies, new labor control systems and reformed forms of work organization have transformed patterns of labor force participation throughout the world. In the process, the turn of the century will mark the end of the century of the laboring man in a literal and real sense, in that women will account for almost as many of the ``jobs'' as men. This paper is a ``revisit'' to ideas and data presented in a paper written in 1988. The main hypothesis of that paper was that the changing character of labor markets around the world had been leading to a rise in female labor force participation and a relative if not absolute fall in men's employment, as well as a ``feminization'' of many jobs traditionally held by men. The term ``feminization'' was intentionally ambiguous. Perhaps a better term could have been used. It was intended, however to capture the double meaning and the sense of irony that, after generations of eorts to integrate women into regular wage labor as equals, the convergence that was the essence of the original hypothesis has been toward the type of employment and labor force participation patterns associated with women. The era of ̄exibility is also an era of more generalized insecurity and precariousness, in which many more men as well as women have been pushed into precarious forms of labor. Feminization arises because available employment and labor options tend increasingly to characterize activities associated, rightly or wrongly, with women and because the pattern of employment tends to result in an increasing proportion of women occupying the jobs. The term could be decomposed into its constituents. A type of job could be feminized, or men could ®nd themselves in feminized positions. More women could ®nd themselves in jobs traditionally taken by men, or certain jobs could be changed to have characteristics associated with women's historical pattern of labor force participation. The characteristics include the type of contract, the form of remuneration, the extent and forms of security provided, and the access to skill. A further diculty arises from the connotations. Most observers think that work patterns that are intermittent, casual and partial are bad, while those that are stable, continuous and full are good. If the surrounding conditions are appropriate, however there is nothing intrinsically bad about a pattern of work involving multiple statuses, multiple activities and varying intensity of involvement in dierent forms of work. Gender outcomes in labor markets do not re ̄ect natural or objective dierences between men and women, but rather re ̄ect the outcome of discrimination and disadvantage, and the behavioural reactions by workers and employers. This means that even if the thesis of feminization were supported empirically, a reversal of trend could still be possible. That stated, the following does no more than bring the original hypothesis up to date with a decade more of data used in the original paper, bearing in mind all the diculties of making crossnational comparisons. To reiterate, the contextual developments that have shaped the growing feminization of the labor market include: World Development Vol. 27, No. 3, pp. 583±602, 1999 Ó 1999 Elsevier Science Ltd All rights reserved. Printed in Great Britain 0305-750X/99 $ ± see front matter PII: S0305-750X(98)00151-X
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