Showing papers on "Democracy published in 1994"

Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy

Abstract: Why do some democratic governments succeed and others fail? In a book that has received attention from policymakers and civic activists in America and around the world, Robert Putnam and his collaborators offer empirical evidence for the importance of "civic community" in developing successful institutions Their focus is on a unique experiment begun in 1970 when Italy created new governments for each of its regions After spending two decades analyzing the efficacy of these governments in such fields as agriculture, housing, and health services, they reveal patterns of associationism, trust, and cooperation that facilitate good governance and economic prosperity

Return of the Citizen: A Survey of Recent Work on Citizenship Theory

Abstract: There has been an explosion of interest in the concept of citizenship among political theorists In 1978, it could be confidently stated that "the concept of citizenship has gone out of fashion among political thinkers" (van Gunsteren 1978, p 9) Fifteen years later, citizenship has become the "buzz word" among thinkers on all points of the political spectrum (Heater 1990, p 293; Vogel and Moran 1991, p x) There are a number of reasons for this renewed interest in citizenship in the 1990s At the level of theory, it is a natural evolution in political discourse because the concept of citizenship seems to integrate the demands ofjustice and community membership-the central concepts of political philosophy in the 1970s and 1980s, respectively Citizenship is intimately linked to ideas of individual entitlement on the one hand and of attachment to a particular community on the other Thus it may help clarify what is really at stake in the debate between liberals and communitarians Interest in citizenship has also been sparked by a number of recent political events and trends throughout the world-increasing voter apathy and long-term welfare dependency in the United States, the resurgence of nationalist movements in Eastern Europe, the stresses created by an increasingly multicultural and multiracial population in Western Europe, the backlash against the welfare state in Thatcher's England, the failure of environmental policies that rely on voluntary citizen cooperation, and so forth These events have made clear that the health and stability of a modern democracy depends, not only on the justice of its 'basic structure' but also on the qualities and attitudes of its citizens:' for example,

Statehouse Democracy: Public Opinion and Policy in the American States

Abstract: The importance of public opinion in the determination of public policy is the subject of considerable debate. Whether discussion centres on local, state or national affairs, the influence of the opinions of ordinary citizens is often assumed yet rarely demonstrated. Other factors such as interest group lobbying, party politics and developmental, or environmental, constraints have been thought to have the greater influence over policy decisions. Professors Erikson, Wright and McIver make the argument that state policies are highly responsive to public opinion, and they show how the institutions of state politics work to achieve this high level of responsiveness. They analyse state policies from the 1930s to the present, drawing from, and contributing to, major lines of research on American politics. Their conclusions are applied to central questions of democratic theory and affirm the robust character of the state institution.

Comparative Democracy: the Economic Development Thesis

Abstract: In comparative politics, an established finding—that economic development fosters democratic performance—has recently come under challenge. We counter this challenge with a dynamic pooled time series analysis of a major, but neglected data set from 131 nations. The final generalized least squares-autoregressive moving averages estimates (N = 2,096) appear robust and indicate strong economic development effects, dependent in part on the nation's position in the world system. For the first time, rather hard evidence is offered on the causal relationship between economics and democracy. According to Granger tests, economic development “causes” democracy, but democracy does not “cause” economic development. Overall, the various tests would seem to advance sharply the modeling of democratic performance.

Neopatrimonial Regimes and Political Transitions in Africa

Abstract: This article proposes revisions to the theory of political transitions by analyzing patterns of recent popular challenges to neopatrimonial rule in Africa. The approach is explicitly comparative, based on contrasts between Africa and the rest of the world and among regimes within Africa itself. Arguing against the prevalent view that transitions unfold unpredictably according to the contingent interplay of key political actors, the authors contend that the structure of the preexisting regime shapes the dynamics and sometimes even the outcomes of political transitions. They find that in contrast to transitions from corporatist regimes, transitions from neopatrimonial rule are likely to be driven by social protest, marked by struggles over patronage, and backed by emerging middle classes. Following Dahl, the authors compare African regimes on the basis of the degree of formal political participation and competition allowed. They find that regime variants—personal dictatorship, military oligarchy, plebiscitary one-party regime, and competitive one-party regime—are associated with distinctive transition dynamics. Whereas transitions from military oligarchies are typically managed from the top down and are relatively orderly, transitions from plebiscitary systems often occur discordantly through confrontational national conferences. A consolidated democracy is least likely to result from the abrupt collapse of a personal dictatorship and is most likely, though never guaranteed, from a graduated transition from a competitive one-party regime. In general, getting to democracy is problematic from all regimes that lack institutional traditions of political competition.

Parties, policies, and democracy

Abstract: * Introduction Paul A Sabatier * A Theory of Democratic Policymaking * A Revised View of Party Competition * Measures and Models * Britain * Australia * Canada * France * United States * Sweden * Austria * Federal Republic of Germany * The Netherlands * Belgium * Parties, Policies, and Democracy

Three normative models of democracy

Abstract: This chapter provides a proceduralist view of democracy and deliberative politics which differs in relevant aspects from both the liberal and the republican paradigm. It describes the opposite features of these two established models. The chapter introduces a new proceduralist conception by way of a critique of the "ethical overload" of the republican view. It further elaborates the three normative models of democracy by comparing their corresponding images of state and society. The normative models are republican model, liberal model, and proceduralist model. In contrast to the ethical constriction of political discourse, the concept of deliberative politics acquires empirical reference only when we take account of the multiplicity of communicative forms of rational political will-formation. According to the communitarian view, there is a necessary connection between the deliberative concept of democracy and the reference to a concrete, substantively integrated ethical community.

The Difficult Transition from Clientelism to Citizenship: Lessons from Mexico

Abstract: Electoral competition is necessary but not sufficient for the consolidation of democratic regimes; not all elections are free and fair; nor do they necessarily lead to actual civilian rule or respect for human rights. If there is more to democracy than elections, then there is more to democratization than the transition to elections. But in spite of the rich literature on the emergence of electoral competition, the dynamics of political transitions toward respect for other fundamental democratic rights is still not well understood. Political democracy is defined here in classic procedural terms: free and fair electoral contestation for governing offices based on universal suffrage, guaranteed freedoms of association and expression, accountability through the rule of law, and civilian control of the military. Although analyses of democratization typically acknowledge that these are all necessary criteria, most examine only electoral competition. This study, however, develops a framework for explaining progress toward another necessary condition for democratization respect for associational autonomy, which allows citizens to organize in defense of their own interests and identities without fear of external intervention or punishment.

Turkey: A Modern History

Abstract: Introduction: periodization, theory and methodology. Part 1 Western influences and early attempts at modernization: the Ottoman Empire at the end of the 18th century between tradition and innovation - Sultan Selim III and the "new order", 1789-1807 the early years of Sultan Mahmut II - the centre tries to regain control the later years of Sultan Mahmut II - the start of the reforms the era of the Tanzimat, 1839-71 the crisis of 1873-8 and its aftermath reactionary despotism or culmination of the reforms? the reign of Sultan Abdulhamit II. Part 2 The young Turk era in Turkish history, 1908-50: the second constitutional period the struggle for independence the emergence of the One-Party State, 1923-27 the Kemalist One-Party State, 1925-1745 the transition to democracy, 1945-50. Part 3 A troubled democracy: the rule of the Democratic Party, 1950-60 the second Turkish republic, 1960-80 the third republic - Turkey since 1980.

Democracy and the Peaceful Settlement of International Conflict.

Abstract: The research reported here develops an explanation for the often-noted absence of international war between democratic states. This explanation is derived from a theoretical rationale centered on universal democratic norms for reconciling competing values and interests. I argue that democratic states locked in disputes are better equipped than others with the means for diffusing conflict situations at an early stage before they have an opportunity to escalate to military violence. Not only is this explanatory logic consistent with the published findings on democracy and war, but it also entails the novel empirical proposition that disputes between democracies are more amenable than are other disputes to peaceful settlements, the hypothesis I examine here. Analyses of contemporary interstate disputes reveal that even when potentially confounding factors are controlled, democratic opponents are significantly more likely to reach peaceful settlements than other types of disputants.

The Difficult Transition from Clientelism to Citizenship: Lessons from Mexico

Abstract: Author(s): Fox, Jonathan A | Abstract: Electoral competition is necessary but not sufficient for the consolidation of democratic regimes; not all elections are free and fair; nor do they necessarily lead to actual civilian rule or respect for human rights. If there is more to democracy than elections, then there is more to democratization than the transition to elections. But in spite of the rich literature on the emergence of electoral competition, the dynamics of political transitions toward respect for other fundamental democratic rights is still not well understood.Political democracy is defined here in classic procedural terms: free and fair electoral contestation for governing offices based on universal suffrage, guaranteed freedoms of association and expression, accountability through the rule of law, and civilian control of the military. Although analyses of democratization typically acknowledge that these are all necessary criteria, most examine only electoral competition. This study, however, develops a framework for explaining progress toward another necessary condition for democratization respect for associational autonomy, which allows citizens to organize in defense of their own interests and identities without fear of external intervention or punishment.

State power and social forces : domination and transformation in the Third World

Abstract: Preface List of contributors Introduction: developing a state-in-society perspective Part I. Theoretical and Methodological Considerations: 1. The state in society: an approach to struggles for domination Joel S. Migdal Part II. States: Embedded in Society: 2. Traditional politics against state transformation in Brazil Frances Hagopian 3. State power and social organization in China Vivienne Shue 4. Centralization and powerlessness: India's democracy in a comparative perspective Atul Kohli 5. States and ruling classes in postcolonial Africa: the enduring contradictions of power Catherine Boone Part III. Social Forces: Engaged with State Power: 6. Labor divided: sources of state formation in modern China Elizabeth J. Perry 7. Business conflict, collaboration and privilege in interwar Egypt Robert Vitalis 8. A time and a place for the non-state: social change in the Ottoman empire during the 'long nineteenth century' Resat Kasaba 9. Peasant-state relations in postcolonial Africa: patterns of engagement and disengagement Michael Bratton 10. Engaging the state: associational life in sub-Saharan Africa Naomi Chazan Part IV. Conclusion: 11. State power and social forces: on political contention and accommodation in the Third World Atul Kohli and Vivienne Shue Index.

A Democratic Dilemma: System Effectiveness versus Citizen Participation

Abstract: The unexpected rise in opposition to the Maastricht Treaty in 1992 reflected in part an abrupt heightening of awareness about possible trade-offs that the designers and supporters of the treaty had largely ignored. The treaty was intended to create in due time a common currency among the twelve members of the European Union (EU), common policies on defense and foreign affairs, and greater authority for the EU over many of the policies social, economic, and environmental of the member states. (Before Maastricht the EU had been called the European Community.) Increasing references to the democratic deficit in the political arrangements of the EU revealed a concern that whatever other benefits might result from the treaty, they could come at the cost of submerging a national democratic government into a larger and less democratic transnational system. Maastricht presented citizens and leaders (in a country like Denmark, for example) with a fundamental democratic dilemma: They could choose to preserve the authority of a smaller democratic political unit (Denmark) within which they could act more effectively to influence the conduct of their government, even though some important matters

Empirical Linkages Between Democracy and Economic Growth

Abstract: Using cross-sectional and pooled data for up to 125 countries over the period from 1960 to 1985, this article evaluates the two-way linkages between democracy and economic growth. The effects of income on democracy are found to be robust and positive. The effects of several measures of democracy and personal freedoms on growth are assessed in a comparative growth framework in which growth of GDP per adult depends negatively on initial income levels, as implied by the convergence hypothesis, and positively on rates of investment in physical and human capital. Adjusting for the simultaneous determination of income and democracy makes the estimated partial effect of democracy on subsequent economic growth negative but insignificant. This nonsignificant negative effect is in any case counterbalanced by the positive indirect effect that democracy exerts on growth via education and investment. The general result of the growth analysis is that it is still not possible to identify any systematic net effects of democracy on subsequent economic growth.

Death by Government

Abstract: This is R. J. Rummel's fourth book in a series devoted to genocide and government mass murder, or what he calls democide. He presents the primary results, in tables and figures, as well as a historical sketch of the major cases of democide, those in which one million or more people were killed by a regime. In Death by Government, Rummel does not aim to describe democide itself, but to determine its nature and scope in order to test the theory that democracies are inherently nonviolent. Rummel discusses genocide in China, Nazi Germany, Japan, Cambodia, Turkey, Yugoslavia, Poland, the Soviet Union, and Pakistan. He also writes about areas of suspected genocide: North Korea, Mexico, and feudal Russia. His results clearly and decisively show that democracies commit less democide than other regimes. The underlying principle is that the less freedom people have, the greater the violence; the more freedom, the less the violence. Thus, as Rummel says, -The problem is power. The solution is democracy. The course of action is to foster freedom.- Death by Government is a compelling look at the horrors that occur in modern societies. It depicts how democide has been very much a part of human history. Among other examples, the book includes the massacre of Europeans during the Thirty Years' War, the relatively unknown genocide of the French Revolution, and the slaughtering of American Indians by colonists in the New World. This riveting account is an essential tool for historians, political scientists, and scholars interested in the study of genocide.

Congruence between Citizens and Policymakers in Two Visions of Liberal Democracy

Abstract: This paper explores two quite different visions of the democratic processes that can create congruence between citizen preferences and public policies. In the Majority Control vision, electoral competition and citizen choices result in the direct election of governments committed to policies corresponding to the preferences of the median voter. In the Proportionate Influence vision, election outcomes result in legislatures that reflect the preferences of all citizens; legislative bargaining results in policies linked to the position of the median voter. The authors give more explicit theoretical form to those visions and link them empirically to specific types of modern democracies. They then attempt to test the success of each vision in bringing about congruence between citizen self-placements and the estimated positions of governments and policymaker coalitions on the left-right scale in twelve nations in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Although the analysis reveals weaknesses in each approach, it suggests a consistent advantage for the Proportionate Influence vision.

Civic Culture and Democracy: The Question of Causal Relationships.

Abstract: A causal model of relationships between structural properties of states, civic culture attitudes of the general public, and change in level of democracy is tested with cross-national data. The model permits inferences about the possibility of unidirectional or reciprocal causation between civic culture attitudes and democracy, controlling for macrosocietal variables such as economic development, income inequality, and subcultural pluralism. Most civic culture attitudes do not have any significant impact on change in democracy. One of them, interpersonal trust, appears clearly to be an effect rather than a cause of democracy. The exception is the percentage of the general public that prefers gradual reform of society instead of revolutionary change or intransigent defense of the status quo. Support for gradual reform has a positive impact on change in democracy, and it is unrelated to a country's years of continuous democracy—findings that support the hypothesis of a unidirectional civic culture effect on democracy.

Habermas and the public sphere

Abstract: The relationship between civil society and public life is in the forefront of contemporary discussion. No single scholarly voice informs this discussion more than that of Jurgen Habermas. His contributions have shaped the nature of debates over critical theory, feminism, cultural studies, and democratic politics. In this book, scholars from a wide range of disciplines respond to Habermas's most directly relevant work, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere. From political theory to cultural criticism, from ethics to gender studies, from history to media studies, these essays challenge, refine, and extend our understanding of the social foundations and changing character of democracy and public discourse.

Cultural Citizenship and Educational Democracy

Abstract: The term cultural citizenship is a deliberate oxymoron, a pair of words that do not go together comfortably. Cultural citizenship refers to the right to be different and to belong in a participatory democratic sense. It claims that, in a democracy, social justice calls for equity among all citizens, even when such differences as race, religion, class, gender, or sexual orientation potentially could be used to make certain people less equal or inferior to others. The notion of belonging means full membership in a group and the ability to influence one's destiny by having a significant voice in basic decisions. The term citizenship includes the legal definition where one either is or is not a citizen and where all citizens should receive equal treatment and enjoy equal opportunity. Yet the term moves a step further to embrace a notion that is at once more subtle and more familiar. People often speak of citizenship, not as an either/or matter, but along a continuum from full citizenship to second-class citizenship. Most people in the United States probably would agree that democracies aspire to achieve full citizenship for all their members. Nobody should have to settle for second-class citizenship. The term culture introduces vernacular ideas about first-class citizenship. If you want to know about first-class citizenship, don't run to a dictionary. Go instead and ask the person concerned. In low-income neighborhoods, the people concerned will speak of goods and services, jobs and wages, health care and housing, education and income-segregated neighborhoods. Without the material conditions that give people reasonable life chances, other questions of vernacular citizenship may recede into the background. In more favorable material circumstances, people will speak about well-being, thriving, dignity, and respect. Or, by contrast, they may speak about feeling unsafe, violated, humiliated, and invisible. The process of learning vernacular definitions of full to second-class citizenship involves the art of listening attentively to how concerned parties conceive, say, equity and well-being. For example, a man must listen attentively,

Swiss Democracy: Possible Solutions to Conflict in Multicultural Societies

Abstract: List of Tables - List of Figures - Information Boxes - Foreword - Introduction - PART 1: BUILDING A MULTICULTURAL SOCIETY BY POLITICAL INTEGRATION - Introduction - The Origins of Modern Switzerland - Turning Poor Odds to Good, or: Factors which Made Swiss Nation-Building a Success - Religious and Ethnic Minorities: From Coexistence to Pluralism - The Challenges of Socioeconomic Inequality - Proportional Representation: A Universal Key to Power Sharing - Limits of Swiss Pluralism: New Challenges for Integration - Conclusion - PART 2: FEDERALISM - Institutions - Federalist Elements in the Decision-Making Process - Federalism at Work - The Limits of Swiss Federalism -Challenges - PART 3: DIRECT DEMOCRACY AND POWER SHARING - Introduction: The Vote on 'Switzerland Without Army' - Institutions and the Historical Meaning of Direct Democracy - Participation in Direct Democracy - A Closer Look at the Referendum and the Initiative - Understanding the People's Vote - Power Sharing by Direct Democracy, or: How the Referendum has Changed the Political System - Conclusions - PART 4: COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVES - On Direct Democracy -On Federalism - On Power Sharing and Consociational Democracy - Epilogue: Switzerland's Future After the Popular Vote on the European Economic Area - Selected Bibliography - Index

Voting for reform : democracy, political liberalization, and economic adjustment

Abstract: The widespread movement toward political liberalization and democratization is one of the most dramatic historical changes of the past two decades But can a developing country balance a stable democracy with a well-functioning market economy? This book addresses this question by showing how political reforms influence the efforts of government to initiate and sustain economic reform It illustrates the crucial link between political and economic reforms with case studies of eight countires at varying stages of political liberalization: Chile, Mexico, Nigeria, Poland, Senegal, Spain, Thailand, and Turkey The studies focus on two clusters of policies: monetary and fiscal controls, and trade and exchange rate mechanisms In contrast to many analyses, the studies consider these policies not only as functions of their intended economic effects but also as outcomes of interactions among politicians, bureaucrats, and interest groups The studies also examine the evolving institutional context in each country The authors discuss the effects of various political arrangements on economic adjustment efforts, although they recognized the intrinsic value of stable democratic government The book explains how conflicts between pluralist politics and growth promoting economic policies can be resolved, and it shows why adjustment is not complete until the public has voted for reform It will be of great use to both policymakers and students

Women and Democratization Conceptualizing Gender Relations in Transition Politics

Abstract: This article examines the impact of gender relations on democratization. It considers a number of key questions: what role do women's movements play in the transition to democratic rule and what impact does a return to competitive electoral politics have on women and women's movements. The starting point is a critique of the existing literature on democratization. That literature cannot provide a satisfactory analysis of the role of women in transition politics because of the narrow definitions of democracy used and the top-down focus of much of it. The article then develops a gendered analysis through a comparison of the different processes of transition in Latin America and Central and Eastern Europe. It highlights the significance of the relationship between civil society and the state and the existence of “political space.”

Strong Parties and Lame Ducks: Presidential Partyarchy and Factionalism in Venezuela

Abstract: This bold and comprehensive reassessment of democracy in Venezuela explains why one of the oldest and most admired democracies in Latin America became fragile after more than three decades of apparent stability.

Defining and measuring democracy

Abstract: Introduction - David Beetham Democratic Theory and Indices of Democratization - Michael Saward Key Principles and Indices for a Democratic Audit - David Beetham More Participation, More Democracy? - Geraint Parry and George Moyser The Duration of Democracy - Axel Hadenius Institutional vs Socio-economic Factors Is the Degree of Electoral Democracy Measurable? - Jorgen Elklit Experiences from Bulgaria, Kenya, Latvia, Mongolia and Nepal Primary Control and Auxiliary Precautions - Stuart Weir A Comparative Study of Democratic Institutions in Six Nations The Experiential Approach to Auditing Democracy - Patrick Dunleavy and Helen Margetts The Idea of Democracy in the West and in the East - Nikolai Biryukov and Victor Sergeyev Cultural Diveristy and Liberal Democracy - Bhiku Parekh

Civil Society and the State in Africa

Abstract: The Idea of Civil Society, State Formation and the African Development Crisis, J.W. Harbeson. Part 1 Divergent Concepts of Civil Society: Civil Society, Democratization and State Decline, C. Young Civil Society and Political Transition in Africa, M. Bratton From Disengagement to Civil Society in Africa, V. Azarya. Part 2 The Development of Civil Society in Africa - Cases: Constructing a Civil Society - Farmers and Political Life in Cote d'Ivoire, J. Widener Nurturing Civil Society from Above - Decentralisation and Democratisation in Kenya, J. Barkan Gender and the Transformation of Civil Society in Tanzania, A.M. Tripp Western Uganda Dairy Farmers - Responses to the Withdrawal of State-Financed Services, N. Kasfir Civil Society in Nigeria - Spatial Dimensions, J. Guyer Associational Life and Democratic Prospects in Ghana, E. Gyimah-Boadi Civil Society in Zaire - the Role of Personal Connections, J. MacGaffrey. Part 3 Challenges to Civil Society: Civil Society, Economic Governance and Social Change in Africa, T. Callaghy Marketisation, Public Sphere and Civil Society in Africa - Historical Perspectives, A. Mbembe the Interaction Between State and Civil Society - From Deadlock to New Routines, D. Rothchild and L. Lawson. Part 4 Conclusion: The Dynamics of Civil Society in Africa, N. Chazan.