Showing papers on "Diplomacy published in 2005"

A World Of Regions: Asia And Europe In The American Imperium

Abstract: PrefaceChapter 1. American Power in World Politics America and Regions Globalization and Internationalization Porous Regional Orders Cases and PerspectivesChapter 2. Regional Orders Regional Politics, Present at the Creation Ethnic Capitalism in Asian Market Networks Law and Politics in a European PolityChapter 3. Regional Identities Regional Identities in Asia and Europe East and West Germany and JapanChapter 4. Regional Orders in Economy and Security Technology and Production Networks in Asia and Europe External and Internal Security in Europe and Asia Regional Orders in Asia and EuropeChapter 5. Porous Regions and Culture Cultural Diplomacy of Japan and Germany Popular Culture in Asia and Europe A Very Distant World-Closed Regions in the 1930sChapter 6. Linking Regions and Imperium Connecting to the Center-Germany and Japan in the American Imperium Connecting to the Periphery-Subregionalism in Europe and Asia Two-Way AmericanizationChapter 7. The American Imperium in a World of Regions American Imperium Porous Regions in Europe and Asia The Americas Extending the Argument to South Asia, Africa, and the Middle East Predicaments and Possibilities of ImperiumBibliography Index

China Engages Asia: Reshaping the Regional Order

Abstract: pinnings of international relations in Asia are undergoing profound change, and the rise of China is a principal cause. Other causes include the relative decline of U.S. inouence and authority in Asia, the expanding normative inouence of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the growth of regional multilateral institutions, increased technological and economic interdependence throughout the region, and the amelioration of several formerly antagonistic bilateral relationships. As a result of these processes, the structure of power and the nature of the regional system are being fundamentally altered. China’s growing economic and military power, expanding political inouence, distinctive diplomatic voice, and increasing involvement in regional multilateral institutions are key developments in Asian affairs. China’s new proactive regional posture is reoected in virtually all policy spheres— economic, diplomatic, and military—and this parallels China’s increased activism on the global stage.1 Bilaterally and multilaterally, Beijing’s diplomacy has been remarkably adept and nuanced, earning praise around the region. As a result, most nations in the region now see China as a good neighbor, a constructive partner, a careful listener, and a nonthreatening regional power. This regional perspective is striking, given that just a few years ago, many of China’s neighbors voiced growing concerns about the possibility of China becoming a domineering regional hegemon and powerful military threat. Today these views are muted. China’s new conadence is also reoected in how it perceives itself, as it gradually sheds its dual identity of historical victim and object of great power manipulation. These phenomena have begun to attract

The new public diplomacy: soft power in international relations

Abstract: Notes on Contributors Acknowledgements Introduction J.Melissen PART I: THE NEW ENVIRONMENT The New Public Diplomacy: Between Theory and Practice J.Melissen Rethinking the 'New' Public Diplomacy B.Hocking PART II: SHIFTING PERSPECTIVES Power, Public Diplomacy and the Pax Americana P.van Ham Niche Diplomacy in the World Public Arena: The Global 'Corners' of Canada and Norway A.K.Henrikson Public Diplomacy in the People's Republic of China I.d'Hooghe Revolutionary States, Outlaw Regimes and the Techniques of Public Diplomacy P.Sharp The EU as a Soft Power: The Force of Persuasion A.Michalski PART III: IMPROVING PRACTICE Culture Communicates: US Diplomacy that Works C.P.Schneider Making a National Brand W.Olins Dialogue-Based Public Diplomacy: A New Foreign Policy Paradigm? S.Riordan Training for Public Diplomacy: An Evolutionary Perspective J.Hemery Index

The New Public Diplomacy: Between Theory and Practice

Abstract: It is tempting to see public diplomacy as old wine in new bottles Official communication aimed at foreign publics is after all no new phenomenon in international relations Image cultivation, propaganda and activities that we would now label as public diplomacy are nearly as old as diplomacy itself Even in ancient times, prestige-conscious princes and their representatives never completely ignored the potential and pitfalls of public opinion in foreign lands References to the nation and its image go as far back as the Bible, and international relations in ancient Greece and Rome, Byzantium and the Italian Renaissance were familiar with diplomatic activity aimed at foreign publics

The Global Resurgence of Religion and the Transformation of International Relations

Abstract: The current global resurgence of religion is more wide ranging than a clash of civilizations driven by religious extremism, terrorism, or fundamentalism. This global cultural and religious shift is challenging our interpretation of the modern world - what it means to be modern - as a variety of social and religious groups struggle to find alternative paths to modernity. This book examines what this means for the key concepts and theories of international relations - international conflict and cooperation, diplomacy, the promotion of civil society, democracy, nation-building, and economic development-and how it is transforming them. The book serves as a guide for what it means to take cultural and religious pluralism seriously in the twenty-first century.

The New Diplomacy of the South: South Africa, Brazil, India and trilateralism

Abstract: In the aftermath of 9/11 surely of great significance is the reassertion of the South – North divide as a defining axis of the international system. In this context the emergence of a coterie of Southern countries actively challenging the position and assumptions of the leading states of the North is an especially significant event. The activism on the part of three middle-income developing countries in particular—South Africa, Brazil and India—has resulted in the creation of a ‘trilateralist’ diplomatic partnership, itself a reflection of broader transformations across the developing world in the wake of globalisation. This article will examine the rise of the co-operative strategy known as ‘trilateralism’ by regional leaders within the South. Specifically it will look at the relationship between emerging regional powers in the context of multilateralism, as well as at the formulation and implementation of trilateralism. As with previous co-operative efforts in the developing world, the prospect...

China's New Nationalism: Pride, Politics, and Diplomacy

Abstract: China's New Nationalism: Pride, Politics, and Diplomacy. By Peter Hays Gries. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004. 224p. $24.95.Arguments in the West over the existence of a “China threat” frequently atomize and even demonize China, as the author of the book points out at the beginning. Is Chinese nationalism benign or malign? The rise of Chinese nationalism in recent times has become an issue of great interest and importance to the world because of concerns over China's intentions as economic growth propels the country's ascendance onto the world stage. This timely account analyzes the sources and dimensions of the new nationalism, from what Peter Hays Gries calls the “rarely told Chinese side of the story” (p. 4). It is premised on a refreshing perspective that “to understand Chinese nationalism, we must listen to the Chinese” (p. 4). Gries's attempt to introduce Western scholars to the views of these new nationalists is an important contribution in itself, as so often mainstream views of Chinese nationalism in the West construe it as a tool to legitimize Communist Party rule. This book gets it right by taking Chinese nationalism seriously and treats it as a matter of genuine popular base and emotional content.

The First Resort of Kings: American Cultural Diplomacy in the Twentieth Century

Abstract: During the last five decades, U.S. cultural diplomacy programs have withered because of politics and accidents of history that have subordinated cultural diplomacy to public relations campaigning, now called "public diplomacy." With anti-Americanism on the rise worldwide, cultural diplomacy should become an immediate priority, but politicians continue to ignore this relatively inexpensive, age-old tool for promoting understanding among nations. Richard Arndt probes the history of American cultural diplomacy to demonstrate its valuable past contributions and to make a plea for reviving it for the future. Cultural relations occur naturally between people in different nations as a result of trade, tourism, student exchanges, entertainment, communications, migration, intermarriage-millions of cross-cultural encounters. But cultural diplomacy only happens when a government decides to channel and to support cultural exchange through planned programs to promote broad national interests. The First Resort of Kings examines the first eight decades of formal U.S. cultural diplomacy, from its tentative beginnings in World War I through the 1990s. Arndt also compares America's efforts with those of other nations and enriches his narrative by detailing the professional experiences of the men and women who have represented American democracy, education, intellect, art, and literature to the rest of the world. His work shows that this dialogue of American culture and education with the rest of the world is neither a frill nor a domestic political concern but is the deepest cornerstone of a positive, forward-looking U.S. foreign policy. Arndt argues that, particularly in the wake of the Iraq War, America must revive its cultural diplomacy programs as a long-term investment in international goodwill and understanding.

PRESIDENTIAL DIPLOMACY AND THE INSTITUTIONAL UNDERPINNINGS OF MERCOSUR: An Empirical Examination*

Abstract: The relative success of the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) is a puzzle for most theories of regional integration. This is due to its having achieved remarkable progress in spite of lacking features such as significant levels of previous interdependence (demand factor) or major regional institutions (sup- ply factor). To account for this puzzle, it has been claimed that the operation of MERCOSUR rests on presidential diplomacy. Such a mechanism is understood as the resort to direct negotiations between the national presidents whenever a crucial decision has to be made or a critical conflict solved. This article argues that presidential diplomacy—understood as political, summit diplomacy as op- posed to institutionalized, professional diplomacy—is insufficient to account for the performance of MERCOSUR. Through the empirical analysis of three critical episodes, the article shows how institutional structures, shaped by the system of government of the member countries, have sustained presidential intervention and, hence, the process of regional integration.

The lights that failed: European international history, 1919-1933

Abstract: PART I: THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE, 1918-1929 1. The Hall of Mirrors: Peacemaking in the West 2. Distant Frontiers: Peacemaking in the East 3. Revolution from the Left: The Soviet Union and the Post-War Settlement 4. The Primacy of Economics: Reconstruction in Western Europe, 1919-1924 5. The Primacy of Nationalism: Reconstruction in Eastern and Central Europe 6. Revolution from the Right: Italy, 1919-25 7. The Geneva Dream: The League of Nations and Post-War Internationalism 8. New Dawn? Stabilisation in Western Europe after Locarno 9. Faltering Reconstruction: Cracks in the Locarno Facade 10. Troubled Waters: Uncertainties in Italy, Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union 11. Faltering Internationalism: Disarmament and Security after Locarno Conclusion: Europe Reconstructed? PART II: THE HINGE YEARS, 1930-1933 12. The Diplomacy of the Depression: Economics and Foreign Policy 13. Beyond Europe: The Manchurian Crisis 14. The Poisoned Chalice: The Pursuit of Disarmament Conclusion: The Hinge Years Appendices Select Bibliography

Rethinking the ‘New’ Public Diplomacy

Abstract: Events since 11 September 2001 have encouraged renewed debate on a dimension of diplomacy that, in varying forms, has a considerable pedigree. But, as with earlier debates concerning what is ‘old’ and ‘new’ in the practice of diplomacy, there is a danger here in failing to set the key issues within the framework of broader changes in world politics. More precisely, in the context of the theme of this book, current preoccupations with implementing public diplomacy strategies and developing new mechanisms within foreign ministries for overseeing them lead to the danger of misunderstanding the significance of public diplomacy and confusing its role as a mode of exercising power with the changing environments in which power is projected.

Power Politics, Diplomacy and Role Playing: Simulating the UN Security Council’s Response to Terrorism

Abstract: In the International Organizations classroom, students learn a lot about the nuts and bolts of international organizations in theory, but do not always have the opportunity to understand how international organizations work in practice. Understanding negotiations, diplomacy and interstate relations is essential in understanding the strengths of weaknesses of international organizations. To this end, the use of in-class simulations, where each student represents a different country, can be an effective tool in teaching students about international organizations and global governance. This article describes a simulation run in an International Organizations class in the Fall 2002 semester. It involved a fictitious serious terrorist attack in Singapore during a performance of “Kiddush for Naomi” performed by the Israel Habima Theatre Company. The article describes the goals of the simulation, the preparation the students undertook throughout the semester, the implementation of the simulation itself, and the post-simulation debriefing and assessment of the students and lessons learned for future in-class simulations.

Culture Communicates: US Diplomacy That Works

Abstract: From the earliest days of the American republic, diplomats have recognized the value of cultural diplomacy. In a letter to James Madison penned from Paris, Thomas Jefferson described its goals in words that still apply today: ‘You see I am an enthusiast on the subject of the arts. But it is an enthusiasm of which I am not ashamed, as its object is to improve the taste of my countrymen, to increase their reputation, to reconcile to them the respect of the world and procure them its praise’.2 Cultural diplomacy, ‘the exchange of ideas, information, art and other aspects of culture among nations and their peoples to foster mutual understanding’,3 forms an important component of the broader endeavour of public diplomacy, which basically comprises all that a nation does to explain itself to the world. Since much of cultural diplomacy consists of nations sharing forms of their creative expression, it is inherently enjoyable, and can therefore be one of the most effective tools in any diplomatic toolbox. Cultural diplomacy is a prime example of ‘soft power’, or the ability to persuade through culture, values and ideas, as opposed to ‘hard power’, which conquers or coerces through military might.4

Does the European Union transform the institution of diplomacy

Abstract: Diplomacy as a framework of principles, rules and organized patterns of behaviour regulating interstate relations in the Westphalian system of states is challenged by the process of European integration. This article conceptualizes diplomacy and its change using two new institutionalist perspectives that provide us with complementary insights into the nature of diplomacy as an institution. These are then applied to the study of diplomacy in the EU. The process of European integration is shown as challenging the institution of diplomacy at three levels: (a) the intra-European bilateral relations; (b) the multilateral setting of the Council; and (c) the emerging capacity of the EU to conduct external diplomatic relations with third states. The article assesses change in and of diplomacy at these levels.

Shifting dynamics in international trade unionism: agitation, organisation, bureaucracy, diplomacy

Abstract: This article compares and contrasts international trade unionism in its formative stages with patterns today. It identifies a continuing tension between an ‘agitator’ model (internationalism from below) and a bureaucratic model (internationalism from above). With the construction of an architecture of international institutions, notably the International Labour Organisation, another variant emerged: the labour diplomat. It is argued that none of these models on its own is adequate: the future of effective internationalism requires a synthesis of these often contradictory elements.

China's New Nationalism: Pride, Politics, and Diplomacy

Abstract: China's New Nationalism: Pride, Politics, and Diplomacy, by Peter Hayes Gries. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004. x + 215 pp. US$24.95/£15.95 (hardcover). The aim of this book, as stated in the Introduction, is to present a balanced view of "China's new nationalism", "one that acknowledges its legitimate grievances and recognizes its potential dangers" (p. 12). It argues from a social psychological point of view that Chinese identity "evolves in dynamic relationship with other nations and the past" and "involves both the Chinese people and other passions" (p. 19). These interrelated arguments are intended not only to challenge what the author calls "the dominant Western interpretation of Chinese nationalism" and the "West's state-centric view of Chinese nationalism" but also to draw attention to the dangers of China-bashing in the US and America-bashing in China. "Nationalism" in this book refers to "any behavior designed to restore, maintain, or advance public images" of a national community (p. 9). What seems to make "China's new nationalism" new is its "genuine popularity" and "independent existence". This conclusion is based on the evidence that Chinese nationalism increasingly challenges the Party-state; that the Chinese, like all peoples, have deep-seated emotional attachments to their national identity; and that Chinese public opinion now plays a role in national politics. Another new feature of today's Chinese nationalism is the way in which it constructs narratives of a "century of humiliation". The national narrative of heroism and victory that served the requirements of Communist revolutionaries and nation-building goals under Mao are now superseded by a new and popular victimization narrative that blames the West, including Japan, for China's suffering. It is not immediately clear in the book why long-suppressed memories of past suffering resurfaced in the 1990s, but this seems to have much to do with a psychological need to return continually to unresolved traumas in the hope of mastering them. These themes are developed through an examination of nationalist writings-mostly by Chinese intellectuals-and the official and popular responses to a number of well-known events in the 1990s and more recently. Chapter 1 looks at the protests in 1999 in the wake of the bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade. Chapter 2 discusses the ways that Chinese national identity is shaped in a dialogic process of comparison with and distinction from the US and Japan. Chapter 3 turns to the effect of Chinese visions of the "century of humiliation" on their self-image, as well as the impact of changes to their national identity on Chinese views of the century. Chapters 4 and 5 revisit Chinese views of the US and Japan, although this time the focus shifts to writings about past and future Sino-American and Sino-Japanese relations. In Chapter 6-probably the most substantive and interesting chapter-Gries explores the motivation of Chinese nationalists, focusing on China's apology diplomacy. Chapters 7 and 8 can be thought of as a conclusion in two parts, in that they pull together and highlight once again some of the book's main themes. The book does an admirable job in demonstrating that the way US policymakers and commentators talk about China dangerously distorts US interpretations of, and responses to, Chinese policies and actions, and influences Chinese understandings of the US. It also shows convincingly that anti-American and anti-Chinese polemics easily spiral into mutual dehumanization and demonization and thus lay the foundations for violent conflict. A no less significant contribution the book makes is its perspective on Chinese nationalism. Central to Gries' perception is the concept of face-so much so that he has consistently italicized the word in the book. What he means by face is not simply the figurative self shown to others but also a prerequisite for maintaining authority and the ability to pursue instrumental goals. …

Multilateralism in China's ASEAN Policy: Its Evolution, Characteristics, and Aspiration

Abstract: Introduction The end of the Cold War and the settlement of the Cambodian conflict opened a new chapter in the development of ASEAN-China relations. Four key characteristics distinguish ASEAN-China ties in the post-Cold War era from that of the preceding period. The first feature is the disappearance of the ideological barriers that eventually paved the way for the restoration or establishment of diplomatic ties between China and all ASEAN states by 1991. The second characteristic is the importance of economic links that have created both convergent and divergent interests for the two sides. The third feature is the salience of the Spratly territorial disputes in shaping the ASEAN-China interactions. The final--equally important but less noted feature--is the gradual emergence of multilateralism as a mode of diplomatic interaction between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the ASEAN countries. Throughout the Cold War period, China's interactions with ASEAN states were conducted solely on a bilateral basis. No institutionalized linkage was formally forged between China and the regional organization. Viewed in this light, the attendance by the then Chinese Foreign Minister Qian Qichen at the opening session of the 24th ASEAN Ministerial Meeting on July 1991 as a guest of Malaysia was an important event for Sino-ASEAN relations. This was followed by China's presence in the ASEAN meeting in its capacity as the group's consultative partner in 1992, as well as its attendance at the inaugural meeting of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) in 1994. Together, these events marked the beginning of the multilateral process between China and the ASEAN states. (1) It must be noted that Beijing's move to involve itself in ASEAN activities since the early 1990s was part of the country's "good-neighbourliness" policy [mulin zhengce] that aimed at strengthening its ties with the neighbouring countries in the wake of the Tiananmen Incident in 1989, rather than a flesh orientation in the conduct of Chinese foreign policy. Bilateralism remained the principal thrust of China's policy towards Southeast Asian countries. However, as a range of multi-level and multi-sector cooperation mechanisms developed one after another largely by ASEAN's initiative throughout the 1990s-notably but not exhaustively, the creations of ARF in 1994, the China-ASEAN senior official political consultation in 1995, as well as the ASEAN-China and ASEAN Plus Three (APT, i.e. ASEAN plus China, Japan and Korea) Summits in 1997--China's increasingly active involvement in these multilateral forums has considerably shaped the dynamics of its ASEAN policy. At the turn of the new century, multilateral diplomacy has become an important component of China's ASEAN policy in the eyes of many analysts (Thayer 2001; Roy 2002). While China's involvement in these regional multilateral institutions has not been an overlooked phenomenon, it is nonetheless an understudied field of inquiry. To date, there is no major scholarly work that attempts to examine the dynamics of China's participation in these regional multilateral institutions in a systematic manner. Although there are a number of important writings on China's involvement in the ARF (Foot 1998; Johnston 1999 and 2003; Pan 1999), studies on China's participation in the APT and the ASEAN-China cooperation (also known as the ASEAN-China dialogue, hereafter ACC) remain sparse in the literature. (2) This is surprising, considering that China's ASEAN policy is not only implemented through and affected by its participation in the ARF, but also involves other regional institutions particularly ACC and APT. Moreover, the fact that from the mid-1990s until early 2003 China's policy towards these three institutions had been managed by the same division within the Chinese Foreign Ministry's apparatus (namely the Division for Regional Cooperation of the Asian Department), strongly reflects the intertwined nature of these institutions for Chinese policymakers. …

The Diplomacy of Non-State Actors

Abstract: I wish to acknowledge the assistance of Jonathan Bach and James Muldron; and to express thanks for the support given by the Carnegie Corporation of New York to the study of diplomacy and non-state actors.

China's quest for oil security: oil (wars) in the pipeline?

Abstract: China's rapidly expanding demand for crude oil in the 1990s has brought about debates about the potential impact of the energy challenges facing China. Within the country, energy as a security issue has seized the attention of its leaders. Outside China, international strategic thinkers have been arguing among themselves over how China's thirst for oil would impact on regional peace and stability. This paper sets out to examine the following questions: How and why has the basic need for crude oil been perceived as a security question in China? How does China enhance its oil security? Is the option to engage Russia and Central Asia viable and why? What are the possible impacts of China's oil diplomacy on regional security and stability? It concludes that the oil diplomacy with Kazakhstan and Russia is far from promising. In the short run, China has to rely on the oil in the Middle East and to exploit the resource in its offshore areas in the medium to long term. This may lead to festering relations with Russia, the US, Japan, India and the Southeast Asian nations. The growing presence of China in the Persian Gulf and East and South China Sea gives cause for concern to the US, Japan, India and the Southeast Asian states.

Who “Won” Libya? The Force-Diplomacy Debate and Its Implications for Theory and Policy

Abstract: The debate over credit for Libya's shift away from “rogue state” policies, most especially by settling the Pan Am 103 Lockerbie terrorism case and abandoning its weapons of mass destruction (WMD) programs, is lively politically and challenging analytically. It has important implications for theories of force and diplomacy, particularly coercive diplomacy, and policy debates including such cases as Iran and North Korea. U.S. coercive diplomacy against Libya can be divided into three phases: the Reagan strategy of unilateral sanctions and military force, which largely failed; the mixed results from the more multilateral strategy of the George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton administrations; and the substantial success achieved through the secret direct negotiations initiated along with Britain in the latter Clinton years and furthered under George W. Bush, which culminated in Libya closing down its WMD programs. These differences in success and failure are principally explained by (1) the extent of “balance” in ...

Buffalo Bill in Bologna: The Americanization of the World, 1869-1922

Abstract: "Buffalo Bill in Bologna" reveals that the globalization of American mass culture that seems unstoppable today began as early as the mid-nineteenth century. In fact, by the end of World War I, the United States already boasted an advanced network of culture industries that served to promote American values. Robert W. Rydell and Rob Kroes narrate how the circuses, amusement parks, vaudeville, mail-order catalogs, dime novels, and movies that developed after the Civil War - tools central to hastening the reconstruction of the country - actually doubled as agents of American cultural diplomacy abroad. As symbols of America's version of the "good life," cultural products became a primary means for people around the world, especially in Europe, to reimagine both America and themselves in the context of America's growing global sphere of influence. Paying special attention to the role of the World's Fairs, the exporting of Buffalo Bill's "Wild West" show to Europe, the release of "The Birth of a Nation", and Woodrow Wilson's creation of the Committee on Public Information, Rydell and Kroes offer an absorbing tour through America's cultural expansion at the turn of the century. "Buffalo Bill in Bologna" is thus a tour de force that recasts what has been popularly understood about this period of American and global history.

Politique étrangère francaise en mer Baltique (1871-1914) : De l'exclusion à l'affirmation

Abstract: This thesis is a contribution to the study of French foreign policy in the time of “old diplomacy” in Northern Europe. Aiming to fill a gap, the object of investigation is French foreign policy in the Baltic area between 1871 and 1914 (from the French defeat during the Franco-Prussian War to the outbreak of the First World War). Particular attention is directed at the assets of the French diplomacy at work in the Baltic Sea: naval military planning, financial loans and culture. Since the period was dominated by the diplomatic isolation that Bismarck had placed France with the aim to prevent her from creating any kind of alliance to embark in a war of revenge against Germany, France carried out a policy of making ententes and alliances in order to break out from this isolation. However, in her attempt to emerge, France was challenged by Germany especially in relations with Denmark and Sweden. Although French foreign policy was able to use the loan as an instrument to secure a success with Russia by establishing a military treaty in 1892, but France did not succeed to attract and influence Sweden in the same way because of the risk of her turning to Germany. Also strongly challenged by Germany in Denmark, French foreign policy could not stop the willingness of Denmark to adopt a policy of neutrality. But, because of her intervention between Russia and Great Britain in the Dogger Bank incident in 1904, French diplomacy succeeded to gain the support of the British fleet in the case of a naval war in the Baltic Sea for operations against the German coast. Bringing together Russia and Great Britain for a naval cooperation in the case of a war in the Baltic Sea was, without any doubt, not only the most audacious and difficult task for French foreign policy, but also a sign of its strong revival. However, this Russo-British naval cooperation could not be converted into practice because of the geographical specificities of the Baltic Sea and the difficulties of naval military planning. Adressing this aspect, this thesis reveals the fundamental mistakes of the naval theoreticians who were defending naval theories based on land military theories and experiences.

China's Rise in Southeast Asia: implications for the United States

Abstract: During the past few decades, China's economic success has permitted it to pursue a greater role on the international stage. China is recognized both as a regional and aspiring global power. Nowhere is this more evident than within Southeast Asia, where China's more active diplomacy is reflected in growing trade relations, proposals for stronger security ties, and the signing of numerous cooperative agreements on issues as varied as environmental protection, drug trafficking, and public health. As a whole, the region has received China's activism with both enthusiasm and trepidation. China has expended significant effort to assuage the fears of its neighbors by adopting a foreign policy approach that is active, non-threatening, and generally aligned with the economic and security interests of the region. This positive diplomacy has clearly yielded some success, most notably in the trade realm, where China is rapidly emerging as an engine of regional economic growth and integration that may well challenge J...

Edmund burke's changing justification for intervention

Abstract: Burke's justification for intervention in French internal affairs in the name of the international community has formed a powerful strand of thought in both diplomacy and international relations theory. However, the strength and openness of Burke's advocacy, traced here, changed according to his target audience, the domestic, and the international political context. Crucially, when he came to justify the case openly, the arguments changed completely. Beginning with a Grotian argument drawn from Vattel and premised on states as isolated rights-holders in a pre-social ‘state of nature’, Burke always struggled to draw a justification for intervention in the case, allowed by Vattel, of irrevocable political disunion. This conflicted both with Burke's general conception of states as corporate wholes and his linked policy aspiration to restore the totality of French ancient institutions. Ultimately abandoning this, his final argument, fully set out only in the Letters on a regicide peace, is completely new. It is premised not on modern international law but on remedies to be found in Roman domestic law, invocation of which he justifies by claiming Europe to be a single juridical enclave, drawing on an eighteenth-century discourse of shared manners, law, and culture as constitutive of political identity and community.

Betwixt balance and community: America, ASEAN, and the security of Southeast Asia

Abstract: Realist scholars have long claimed, not incorrectly, that a US-led balance of power is fundamental to the security and prosperity of Southeast Asia. Yet the Southeast Asian experience has also been one where multilateral security dialogue and regional community formation figure prominently. In contrast to viewswhich exaggerate the importance of US preponderance in Southeast Asia whilst dismissing regional multilateral efforts, we offer seven arguments against any undue overstatement of the US contribution to regional peace and stability. If anything, a historically ambivalent US presence contributed to ASEAN’s emergence as a mechanism of regional diplomacy. Such ambivalence is no longer feasible since 9/11. However, Washington’s current engagement in Southeast Asia should focus on revitalizing regional multilateralism. Our claim is not that the region’s security is due to ASEAN regionalism rather than US strategic dominance. We argue instead that absent the region’s fluency with ‘soft’ multilateralism, Southeast Asia’s security would probably have been far worse. Southeast Asians are more acutely aware of the uncertainties of U.S. policies than other regions of the world. They remember the American retrenchment in the 1970s followed by a decade of self-doubt. Hence ASEAN countries drew towards each other to seek greater strength in self-reliance. They found that together in ASEAN, they could better International Relations of the Asia Pacific Vol. 6 No. 1 Oxford University Press and the Japan Association of International Relations 2005, all rights reserved at W aeda U nirsity (P U LC ) on D ecem er 0, 2010 irap.oxjournals.org D ow nladed fom overcome their problems; but they still need the United States to balance the strength of the Soviet ships and aircraft. The renewal of self-confidence in America has reassured us that America will help maintain the peace and stability of the region. It is this balance of power which has enabled the free market economies to thrive.

China and the Great War: China's Pursuit of a New National Identity and Internationalization

Abstract: Introduction Part I. The Stage Is Set: 1. China's preparation for entry into the international system 2. The rise of Chinese internationalism and the new diplomacy Part II. China Attempts to Join the War: 3. China responses to the outbreak of war 4. 'Using laborers as soldiers' - an alternative strategy 5. China's formal entry into the war Part III. The Great War in Chinese Domestic Politics and Foreign Relations: 6. The war within 7. The 1919 Paris Peace Conference and China's search for a new world order Conclusion.