Showing papers on "Economic interdependence published in 2019"

Constructing One Another: Philodemus and Paul on Interdependence in Moral Formation

Abstract: In this thesis, I argue that one gains fresh perspective on Paul’s understanding of believers’ interdependence in ‘constructing’ each other in 1 Corinthians by comparison with Philodemus’ vision for interdependence in reciprocal ‘therapy’. Pauline construction and Philodemean therapy are analogous instances of interdependent moral formation, both in concept and practice. Beyond previous comparisons, however, such a pairing is only fruitful if it is methodologically reoriented to both similarities and differences. This reorientation requires expanding the comparison to include additional dimensions of both figures’ perspectives, namely, their socio-economic locations (including their views of economic interdependence) and their theologies. In the first half (chs. two to four), I examine Philodemus’ socio-economic location and theology in the course of describing interdependence in reciprocal moral therapy via frank criticism among friends (drawing from his treatise On Frank Criticism). In the second half (chs. five to seven), I examine Paul’s socio-economic location and theology in the course of describing interdependence in reciprocal construction among believers in 1 Cor 8n10 and 12n14. In the final chapter (ch. 8), I bring Paul and Philodemus into comparative perspective. I argue that, alongside their similarities (esp. in the practices of reciprocal formation), the two have qualitatively different understandings of moral formation and moral interdependence among community members. For Philodemus, one grows out of one’s need to receive formation from others into moral self-sufficiency. This trajectory correlates with the assumed economic self-sufficiency of Epicurean friends, and the moral self-sufficiency of the gods, which Epicureans can reach by means of perfected human character. For Paul, however, believers constantly depend on one another for moral formation, as they also do for economic support in their poverty. Paul cannot champion Philodemus’ moral self-sufficiency, because the moral life of a believer is one of interactive relationship with God, who continually reveals himself through other believers for their formation, yet always transcends all human moral character.

Politics, markets, and rare commodities: responses to Chinese rare earth policy

Abstract: This paper examines economic statecraft in the case of rare-earth elements, of which China controls over 90% of the world's current supply, and famously cut off exports to Japan during a territorial dispute in 2010. The rare-earth sanctions provide an opportunity to investigate claims of economic statecraft, power and interdependence, and the political implications of near-monopoly control of a resource critical for high-tech military, consumer, medical, and environmental industries. A vector error correction model statistically disentangles the effects of China's economic statecraft from their rare-earth quota and pricing policies. Prior to the sanctions, there was little international supply diversification. China's purported use of rare-earth elements was an economically costly diplomatic signal that demonstrated their potential leverage, but also had unintended consequences, as Japan moved to diversify rare-earth supplies and in doing so deepened diplomatic ties with China's neighbors. Economic statecraft served to heighten regional tensions and undermine the China's own end goals.

Introduction: Brexit and European Capitalism - A parting of the Waves?

Abstract: In the early 1990s it was de rigueur to argue that the challenge of competitiveness in an age of ever greater economic interdependence was likely to put pay to the institutional diversity of capitalism itself, certainly in the western world. Globalisation, in other words, was an agent of convergence like no other—driving down taxation, regulation and welfare spending.

In the Shadow of the Thucydides Trap: International Relations Theory and the Prospects for Peace in U.S.-China Relations

Abstract: Rising powers and the consequent shifts in the balance of power have long been identified as critical challenges to the international order. What is the likelihood that China and the United States will fall into the Thucydides Trap, meaning that the two countries will fight a major war during a potential power transition? This article creates a framework of seven variables, derived from dominant international relations theories and Graham Allison’s “twelve clues for peace,” that predict the likelihood of major conflict between a rising and an established power: degree of economic interdependence, degree of institutional constraints, domestic political system, nature of relevant alliances, nature of nuclear weapons programs, the sustainability of the rising power’s growth, and its level of dissatisfaction. It then evaluates the values of these variables in the context of the U.S.-China relationship to determine whether pessimism about the prospects of peace is warranted. This analysis leads to more mixed conclusions about the prospects of peace than liberal international relations theory and Allison’s twelve clues would suggest. This research further operationalizes power transition theory and has practical implications for U.S. policy toward China.

Saving Potential of Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP): Implication for China and Japan

Abstract: ASEAN community and six ASEAN FTA partners' leaders have engaged in strengthening economic development within the region by establishing RCEP. ASEAN had signed trade agreements with all the other six FTA partners. The other six ASEAN trading partners within RCEP have no free trade agreements yet among them. Therefore, the RCEP is involved in tough negotiation among the six non-ASEAN member countries. RCEP commitment is established through ASEAN as a catalyst. This study will examine the total saving potential of free trade agreement by using ex-ante FTA analysis and the political implication of RCEP for non-ASEAN member countries, especially Japan and China. The impact of RCEP will be insignificant without China and Japan existence. These two countries are essential to be maintained in the RCEP initiatives. The six non-ASEAN members in RCEP are finding ways to exploit the balance benefit among them. China-Japan relations will be embedded in the RCEP association if RCEP is concluded. From an economic perspective, Japan and China seem to have strong economic interdependence. From a political perspective, both countries have long history relations, distrust, and mistrust. Therefore, economic interdependence could be the way forward for both countries to have a harmonious relationship. Japan and China need ASEAN and other RCEP members to tighten the economic and political relations among them.

The impact of economic interdependence on the probability of conflict between states: The case of “American–Chinese relationship on Taiwan since 1995”

Abstract: Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore to what extent the economic interdependence can affect the likelihood of conflict between States. Specially, over the past few decades, there has been a huge interest in the relationship between economic interdependence and political conflict. Liberals argue that economic interdependence lowers the possibility of war by increasing the weight of trading over the alternative of aggression; interdependent states would rather trade than invade; realists dismiss the liberal argument, arguing that high interdependence increases rather than decreases the probability of war. In anarchy, states must constantly worry about their security. Design/methodology/approach This paper highlights the content and level of economic interdependence between China and the USA since the beginning of China’s economic reform in 1979 and examines the impact of economic interdependence between them on their relationship toward Taiwan since 1995 and the probability of conflict. Findings Economic interdependence is proved to significantly decrease the onset of conflict between the two parties. This can be shown by comparing the number of armed conflicts during the pre-interdependence period to the number of armed conflicts after the economic interdependence there was an overage of 0.79 militarized interstate disputes (MIDs)/year, compared to 0.26 MIDs/year following China’s economic reforms; also, the length of the hostilities was longer during the pre-interdependence period (with an average of 11.13 months versus 5.33 months). Originality/Value This means that economic interdependence does not completely prevent the outbreak of international conflicts, but it also plays a major role in influencing the conflict in terms of the conflict’s intensity, the use of armed force and the number of conflicts that occur between the economic interdependence states.

The Spatial Evolution of Geoeconomic Pattern among China and Neighboring Countries since the Reform and Opening-Up

Abstract: The rise of China has had a profound impact on the world and regional political and economic pattern since the reform and opening-up. This paper studies the impact of China’s development on the evolution of the surrounding geo-pattern from the perspective of geoeconomics. Based on the sensitivity and vulnerability of asymmetric interdependence, trade and investment indicators are selected to construct a quantitative model to measure the relative economic dependence between China and neighboring countries. This paper analyzes the degree, types and trends of relative economic dependence and the relationship between economic interdependence and political relations, and investigates the surrounding geoeconomic cooperation. The results are shown as follows: (1) Since 2010, all neighboring countries have had relative economic dependence on China. China’s geoeconomic position in the surrounding area has radically transformed. (2) Since the reform and opening-up, the relative economic dependence of neighboring countries on China has been rising, from negative to positive and from low to high. After 2003, the types of relative economic dependence have gradually shifted from dual low and trade-compensative dependence to dual high and trade-oriented dependence. (3) Trade was the dominant factor in the relative economic dependence of most neighboring countries on China, and it was also the main factor contributing to China’s economic advantages over great powers in the neighborhood. The majority of neighboring countries’ investment dependence on China increased faster than their trade dependence, and the growth of their relative economic dependence will gradually turn to investment in the future. (4) The improvement of political relations between China and neighboring countries provides a foundation for the development of economic relations, and economic relations have the “inertia” of resisting political risks. The deepening of economic ties is conducive to friendly and stable political relations. (5) China’s peripheral geoeconomic strategy focuses on cooperation rather than competition. One of the goals of geoeconomics is the pursuit of joint economic benefits.

Integrating Realist and Neoliberal Theories of War

Abstract: The requirements for global security and international stability vary according to the perspective brought to bear on the subject. Indeed, the structural realist and neoliberal paradigms present markedly different views on the sources of war and prescriptions for peace. Structural realism focuses on system-level capability distributions, alliances, and dyadic power balances as factors associated with the onset of war. Neoliberalism emphasizes the importance of international institutions, democracy, and economic interdependence in maintaining global security. This study develops an integrated model of war and peace based on system-level factors drawn from both paradigms and utilizes a new database reflecting the level of major power policy coordination. The findings for the period of 1816–2007 indicate that interaction effects of these realist and neoliberal variables complement their relationships with global patterns of interstate conflict. The basic conclusion to be drawn is that both concentrated power and managerial cooperation at the apex of the international system are required to produce a more peaceful world.

A New Cold War? Causes and Future of the Emerging US-China Rivalry

Abstract: The Trump Administration declared China a strategic competitor and a revisionist power. It escalated a trade war to a fullfrontal clash with China. Some experts qualified it as a new Cold War between the US and China. Both countries are undergoing dramatic transformation. Their destinations will determine the course and outcome of the emerging US-China rivalry. This article argues that while engagement is now defined by competitive interests, the profound interdependence continues underpinning the bilateral relationship. Although there is no precedent to guide economic and geostrategic competition between the two largest and deeply intertwined economies and heavily militarized superpowers, the US and China must find some balance of interests with each other and avoid violent confrontation that serves neither’s interest. This level of engagement requires vision and flexibility. With strong economic interdependence, the existence of an international institutional order, limited ideological confrontation, and nuclear second-strike capability, leaders of two countries have no choice but find ways to manage their competition and continue futher engagement with each other. Authors conclude that the stronger China grows, the harder it gets for Washington to force it back down. Driving PRC into a corner is the way to make China even tougher. So it could cause more severe consequences for both countries.

Interpreting US-China Trade War Background, Negotiations and Consequences

Abstract: Since March 2018, the US–China trade conflict has escalated from a tariff war to a technology war and the strategic competition between the two giants, and the direction of the trade war and China–US relations will reshape the world order of the future. The questions the paper attempts to explore include what major goals does the US have in the trade war against China? How should one evaluate the influence of the domestic structural changes of the two countries upon the trade conflict? Will a possible deal stop the spiraling of the strategic competition between the two major powers? By answering these questions, the paper gives analysis of the political and economic driving forces behind the US–China trade war and the factors affecting the consequences of the negotiations. The major arguments include that the trade frictions have deep roots in the restructuring of domestic politics taking place in the two countries; while extreme thoughts define the US–China relationship from the perspectives of ideology and strategic rivalry, economic interdependence and shared stakes set the ground for negotiation and possible compromise between the two countries; and rebuilding political trust will be the key to dealing with strategic rivalry and avoiding the new cold war between China and the US.

Opening the Black Box of Finance: North–South Investment, Political Risk, and US Military Intervention:

Abstract: In this article, we examine the foreign policy implications of different types of investment flows. North–South investment is more sensitive to political risks (expropriation, default, civil war) than North–North investment. We argue that North–South investment flows create a constituency within the US financial sector that is likely to support stabilising intervention – military intervention aimed at reducing political risk abroad. Examining political action committee donations from Fortune 500 financial firms with a cross-sectional Tobit model, we find that US financial firms with greater exposure to the Global South are likely to favour congressional candidates with a record of voting for intervention in developing countries. This study contributes to the literature on economic interdependence and peace, proposes an original method for capturing the revealed preferences of political actors, and enhances our understanding of the sectoral underpinnings of foreign policy-making.

Inequality in Economics: The Concept, Perception, Types, and Driving Forces

Abstract: Purpose: The aim of the paper is to overview the research on inequalities in economics. The paper is based on mainstream and heterodox economic theories and approaches addressing inequality and its economic interdependence.

Transformation of External Conditions for the National Security of Russia

Abstract: This article discusses the main external economic and military and political factors for the national security of Russia. The existing and potential trends are analyzed in the development of the system of international relations, which are associated with the continuing growth of financial and economic interdependence and the increasing competition between nations. The nations that are former and new leaders on the global arena play new roles and face contradictions in these processes. Special attention is paid to the processes related to the disintegration of the arms control system and the related deterioration of the global and regional military and political situation, especially in Europe and the Asia–Pacific region. The main sources of risks for the national security of Russia are identified in the context of these changes.

Risk Management Strategies of Japanese Companies in China: Political Crisis and Multinational Firms

Abstract: In the context of political tensions and rising economic interdependence between Japan and China, this book studies how Japanese multinational companies try to minimize damages and manage their own fear and uncertainty to sustain their business interests. Using a qualitative approach, including over 150 interviews with Japanese and Chinese business and industry leaders, combined with statistical analysis of unique firm-level data, this book brings a ‘firm-level view’ to this crucial case of political conflict amid economic interdependence. It argues that there is wide variation in the degree of material damages Japanese multinationals sustain in the aftermath of political disputes, and how threatening they perceive the risks of political conflict to be. This book then goes on to evaluate the different responses to risk, from promoting Japan's culture through privately funded tactics and building common cause with the government, to diversifying a portion of assets abroad and even leaving China entirely. Presenting a new angle on economic globalization in the Asia Pacific region, Risk Management Strategies of Japanese Companies in China will be useful to students and scholars of Asian politics, business, and economics as well as international political economy.

The economic geography of foreign direct investment and human capital in Mexican regions

Abstract: Economies around the globe are increasingly interconnected. Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) has become one of the main drivers of economic interdependence among regions across the world. FDI as a flow of capital across international boundaries is bound to have distinctive effects on the human capital accumulation process in both home and host economies, with important consequences for economic development. The aim of this thesis is to improve our understanding on the geography of two interrelated economic phenomena for Mexican subnational regions: FDI and Human Capital. Mexico has been an important recipient of inward FDI, but in the last two decades the services sector has been gaining importance over manufacturing, while the country has been increasingly sending flows of outward FDI to the rest of the world. Concurrently, wage inequalities persist, educational outcomes are lagging behind, and demand for skilled workers is decreasing. These changing trends and shifting balance have important implications for wages and the incentives to develop human capital at the local and regional scale in Mexico. Moreover, the aforementioned changes in FDI patterns, wages and human capital have occurred in a country where territorial disparities are still commonplace. Against this background, these papers explore several relationships between FDI and three dimensions of human capital accumulation, namely; wages, educational attainment, and skills. The first paper examines the effect of inward FDI on the wage gap between skilled and unskilled workers. Departing from these findings, the second paper analyses the effect of higher wages offered by multinationals on youth educational choices. The third paper explores the regional determinants of the recent internationalisation of Mexican firms, with particular attention to skills, productivity and innovation. Finally, the fourth paper explores the effects of outward FDI on the relative demand for skilled and unskilled workers. In order to empirically investigate the aforementioned relationships, I deploy a wide array of econometric techniques that allow me to provide quantitative estimates of the associations at hand. Particular attention is placed on endogeneity concerns that may lead to statistical biases on the evidence provided. By adopting a regional- and industry-level perspective, the present thesis hopes to shed some light on the effects of bidirectional FDI on various Human Capital dimensions. Policy implications drawn from the findings herein, are of paramount importance. Mexico has taken significant strides towards development; however, it still has a sizeable untapped economic potential. This and other empirical evidence should be duly considered if Mexico is to escape the middle-income trap.

From Global Governance to Global Disorder? Implications for Russia and China

Abstract: The format and process that China and Russia engage in the existing global governing mechanism have been largely shaped by their historical departure from their respective communist legacies. China’s gradualist reform and rebuilding process helped it join the capitalist world trading system. The rapid change in the former Soviet Union left considerable frictions and contradictions in Russia and its “near-abroad” areas, orienting the post-Soviet space more toward geopolitical frictions than economic interdependence. Although both countries increasingly face a less friendly West in the new millennium, they have so far resisted the temptation to form a formal alliance due to their historical learning experience from their volatile interactions during the Cold War and their extensive ties with the Western liberal international order thereafter.

Economic Patriotism, the Politics of Market-Making, and the Role of the State in Twenty-First-Century Capitalism

Abstract: This chapter demonstrates the worth of economic patriotism (EP), and its particular way of understanding the politics of market-making and the role of the state, for understanding the limits of control. EP reflects profound if not self-evident contradictions between international market integration and spatially limited political mandates. This is the root of a profound disjuncture between what kinds of promises these politicians articulate to their citizens about ‘control’ over economy and the much more complex realities of achieving economic governance under twenty-first-century complex economic interdependence. Contemporary politicians have a very naive (mis-)conception of state/market interactions. They presume, or pretend, to their electorates that they can pull all the necessary levers of economic policy to exert control over the national economic future.

"Conservative 1920s" and Conservative 2010s? Austerity Politics in Interwar Austria and Present-day Greece

Abstract: The paper compares the League of Nations’ program of “Financial Reconstruction of Austria” (1922) and the austerity program for Greece since 2010 (“Memorandum of Understanding”) by drawing on Polanyi’s analysis on interwar Austria. Sect. 1 and 2 look at the similarities between the two economic programs. Similarities are found in the policies implemented (austerity, liberalization, public sector shrinking), the outcomes (economic deterioration, unemployment, weakening of social services) and the political methods (foreign interventions combined with law and order politics internally). Sect. 3 discusses the differences in the two cases. While Austria had stepped out of the Habsburg Empire’s common currency zone in the period concerned, Greece still remains into the Eurozone. In the case of the Greek bailout program, there was no urgent geopolitical expediency, as in the case of the League of Nations’ intervention (to prevent an Anschluss with Germany). Despite these differences and the fact that economic interdependence is deeper today, what makes the two cases comparable, is the “authoritarian interventionism” of the liberal actors involved. It is argued that Polanyi’s concept of “authoritarian interventionism” and his related analysis on fascism have a particularly “Austrian” background (i. e. one relating to the Austrian program), but they are also crucial for the analysis of the Greek austerity politics and the crisis management in the Eurozone.

Extremal Economic (Inter)Dependence Studies: A Case of the Eastern European Countries

Abstract: This paper considers the application of copula models to study the shifts in extremaleconomic dependence of the Eastern European countries, i.e., Ukraine and its neigh-bouring countries, from 1969 to 2014. Extremal economic dependence is analysed interms of poverty and affluence and with regard to growth rate. This paper contributes tothe previous literature by applying the copula approaches to derive the measurementsof the economic interdependence in terms of poverty and affluence. The receivedresults depict the pattern of the (inter)dependence and its evolution across the anal-ysed countries. Dependence on other countries in the extreme values can potentiallybe useful in adjustments of the economic policy of a country to minimize poverty andprevent high inequality.

Post-Cold War Order in the Asia-Pacific: Equilibrium and Its Challenges

Abstract: This chapter analyzes three broad pillars of the Asia-Pacific regional order during the Cold War and its immediate aftermath. The first pillar involves the long-term absence of state-to-state military conflicts since 1979. The second is the increase in intra-regional economic interdependence through the combination of expanded foreign direct investment, trade, and regional production networks. The third pillar relates to the expansion of formal government arrangements that institutionalize multilateral cooperation. For nearly four decades, these three have generated a positive spiral of cooperation, however wary, among the major regional powers. The current question is whether that positive interaction can continue, particularly as China’s regional influence increases and the administration of Donald Trump systematically reduces that of the US.

Incorporating Cyber Resilience into Computable General Equilibrium Models

Abstract: Most countries are becoming increasingly dependent on cyber inputs for business, government, and private pursuits. Disruptions of the cyber system can therefore have extensive economic consequences. Resilience is a major way to reduce consequences such as business interruption after the disaster strikes by promoting business continuity and recovery. One approach to analyzing and measuring its effectiveness is to incorporate resilience into economic consequence analysis models of various types, such as Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) models. These models have several attractive properties that make them especially valuable, including being based on behavioral responses of individual producers and consumers, having a role for prices and markets, having the ` to trace economic interdependence, and being based on a non-linear structure that can reflect flexibility of various components. Cyber resilience is a case of economic resilience, pertaining to preventing: (1) supply-side reduction of cyber product and service disruptions to direct and indirect down-stream customers, which also reduces disruptions to the cyber sectors’ own direct and indirect up-stream suppliers; and (2) demand-side reduction by customers of their losses from cyber disruptions, which also reduces further upstream and downstream losses. We summarize established and new methodological advances in explicitly incorporating cyber resilience into CGE models. Several types of resilience are inherent, or already naturally included, in CGE models in relation to their core focus (e.g., substitution of inputs in relation to the input scarcity and the allocative mechanism of price signals). Other types of resilience are adaptive in terms of ad hoc reactions after the disaster strikes (e.g., business relocation and lining up new suppliers from within or outside the affected area). Our framework for incorporating various cyber resilience tactics into CGE models is based on economic production theory in relation to decisions regarding inputs and outputs. We explain the methodological refinements needed and provide real world examples of cyber resilience tactics.

Extremal Economic (Inter)Dependence Studies: A Case of the Eastern European Countries

Abstract: This paper considers the application of copula models to study the shifts in extremal economic dependence of the Eastern European countries, i.e., Ukraine and its neighbouring countries, from 1969 to 2014. Extremal economic dependence is analysed in terms of poverty and affluence and with regard to growth rate. This paper contributes to the previous literature by applying the copula approaches to derive the measurements of the economic interdependence in terms of poverty and affluence. The received results depict the pattern of the (inter)dependence and its evolution across the analysed countries. Dependence on other countries in the extreme values can potentially be useful in adjustments of the economic policy of a country to minimize poverty and prevent high inequality.

WTO Crisis as Manifestation of Globalization Crisis

Abstract: The present crisis of globalization, which has found one of its manifestations in the crisis of the multilateral trading system, is a growth crisis that arose during the restructuring of the international economic regime. The need for such restructuring is due to the development of transnational production, the deepening of economic interdependence and the weakening of the US as the leader of the world economy. The international economic regime is understood as a system of rules for international economic interaction, including both these rules themselves and the mechanisms that ensure their establishment and implementation. The theory of hegemonic stability, which explained the development of the international economic regime in the past century, in the present century gives way to the theory of interdependence, especially complex interdependence. China will not replace the United States as a guarantor of the stability of the international economic system, not because it is not ready or not capable, but because the new economy needs a new regime that meets the needs of the global market. The US is withdrawing from the role of the guarantor of stability not only because they feel weak relative to their competitors but also because no country is able to play this role in the conditions of growing globalization. As interdependence deepens the stability of the international economic regime will increasingly rely on a system of global governance. The main elements of this system that emerged at the previous stage will undergo changes which are already partly occurring in the IMF, the World Bank and the global financial architecture as a whole. The WTO also needs to be reformed. The most obvious steps of WTO transformation include abandoning the consensus and single undertaking principles in decision-making, enhancing the role of plurilateral agreements, revising the special and differential treatment provisions, expanding the scope of issues beyond traditional trade, harmonizing between the WTO legal system and new norms introduced by mega-regional agreements. The growing complexity of interdependence increases the need for coordination not only between countries, but also between major interest groups, as well as elements of the system of global governance. It seems appropriate to ensure a coherent and coordinated process of transformation of the WTO, the IMF and other parts of the system of global governance. There is a demand for transparent mechanisms that allow to represent interests of transnational businesses, wage earners, consumers and representatives of other participants of the social contract that is to be transformed with the growth of globalization.

Towards a “Reset” of EU-Swiss Relations?

Abstract: Switzerland is a non-member state without membership aspirations. In fact, less than one in five Swiss have been in favour of EU membership in recent years. Switzerland’s stake in the future of the European project is thus generally limited to managing and developing “bilateralism” – its unique relationship with the EU. At the same time, the politics of EU-Swiss relations are typical of the difficulties of non-members (and the exiting UK) in finding a viable relationship with the EU within the constraints of domestic Euroscepticism and international economic interdependence.

Liberalism: Does Economics Drive EI?

Abstract: Liberal intergovernmentalism was invented in order to deal with the phenomena of rising interdependencies since the 1970s. It argues that international organizations (such as the EU) are created by national governments in order to manage economic interdependence. In this chapter, it is argued that within the European common market, and especially within the euro area, the concept of economic interdependence does not hold any more. It has to be substituted by the concept of economic externalities that need to be governed.

Deep changes in external environment affecting Russia’s national security

Abstract: The article is focused on international economic, political, and military factors and how they affect Russian national security. The analysis deals with the present and emerging ambivalence in global trends like growing economic interdependence and escalating interstate competitiveness. The key issue lies in how these trends are expressed in relations among traditional and emerging powers that are taking on new roles in the global order. Special attention is paid to processes related to the disintegration of the arms-control system and the related deterioration of the global and regional military-political situation, particularly in Europe and the Asia-Pacific region. The main risks to the national security of Russia associated with these changes are identified.

Geoeconomic strategies in the modern global economic space

Abstract: In today's context, it is considered that with the reduction of the risk of military intervention, military security has come to the forefront and economic security has become a priority for the national interests of the country. As regional forces seek to expand markets, provide access to finance and the latest technologies, economic security has become a necessary component of regional forces' ability to spread their influence. The article is devoted to the study of national security and its relation to the functioning and formation of the geo-economic strategy in the conditions of globalization of the world, taking into account the national interests of countries. Each stage of the realization of the national interests of the country has its own assessment of its geopolitical, geostrategic and geoeconomic status, security threats and main carriers of these threats, mechanism of realization of national interests, resources, used for the purposes of such realization. Each of the stages provide its own assessment of the main definitions and categories of security, the main directions of geo-economic policy. The complex of current global mechanisms, aimed at ensuring the economic security of states from external threats, is investigated. The importance of forming the protective instruments of Ukraine's foreign economic policy is considered. The emphasis is placed on economic security, which is the foundation and material foundation of national security. The special place of economic security in the structure of national security is due to the fact that almost no type of security can be sufficiently implemented without economic security.

Comparative Analysis of the Historical Development of the Legal Regulation of the Preliminary Contract in the Russian Federation and Some CIS Countries

Abstract: At present, the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) consists of nine former Soviet republics, including the Republic of Belarus, the Republic of Kazakhstan, the Russian Federation and Ukraine (although Ukraine has a controversial status in the CIS, the CIS governing bodies continue to consider Ukraine a member state of the Commonwealth). These countries that constitute the Commonwealth of Independent States are among the largest foreign trade partners of the Russian Federation. The legislative system of these countries also has a common historical origin. Based on this, it is very important to analyze the international legal norms and the norms of national legislation governing and ensuring the sustainable development of foreign economic cooperation. In the context of close economic integration, commercial relations generate economic interdependence of countries. Trade and economic relations between organizations, associations and firms of different states are carried out through the conclusion of cross-border agreements. The most appropriate legal form of planning and fixing the intention of the parties to make a deal in the future is a preliminary contract and similar protocols of intentions. In this regard, the authors pay considerable attention to the analysis of legal regulation of pre-contractual interaction of the parties and liability for violations preceding the conclusion of the principal contract. The article deals with the wording of pre-contractual transactions and types of liability in the civil law of the Russian Federation and some countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). Choosing the legal framework as an object of comparison is due to the objective similarity of cultural and historical grounds and the current socio-economic situation in these countries. These countries: 1) belong to the same type of culture; 2) have experienced a powerful impact of communist ideology; 3) solve similar socio-economic problems at the present stage of development. The article discusses the need to form an independent institution of pre-contractual liability in the civil law of the Russian Federation as one of the guarantees of compliance with contractual discipline. In this connection, it is useful to study the experience of foreign countries with a similar legislative system in this area.

British Foreign Policy in the Context of Brexit: Realism or Irrationality?

Abstract: Among the changes and uncertainties of the post-post Cold War period in Europe, the British vote to leave the European Union on 23 June 2016 (or Brexit) probably stands out as one of the most unexpected and potentially far-reaching developments for the future of the continent. At first sight, this looks like a return to a traditional nationalist, power-based realist foreign policy, at least in the rethoric of Brexiters, who want to turn their backs on over 40 years of multilateral rules-based cooperation in Europe in favour of global agreements reminiscent of the UK’s glorious imperial past. Whether this is consistent with globalisation and economic interdependence is debatable, which raises the question of whether this renewed “realism” is actually realistic.