Showing papers on "Elitism published in 2008"

Meritocracy and Elitism in a Global City: Ideological Shifts in Singapore

Abstract: The concept of meritocracy is unstable as its constituent ideas are potentially contradictory. The egalitarian aspects of meritocracy, for example, can come into conflict with its focus on talent allocation, competition, and reward. In practice, meritocracy is often transformed into an ideology of inequality and elitism. In Singapore, meritocracy has been the main ideological resource for justifying authoritarian government and its pro-capitalist orientations. Through competitive scholarships, stringent selection criteria for party candidacy, and high ministerial salaries, the ruling People's Action Party has been able to co-opt talent to form a “technocratic” government for an “administrative state.” However, as Singapore becomes more embedded in the processes of globalization, it will experience new forms of national crisis, alternative worldviews through global communications technology, and a widening income gap, all of which will force its ideology of meritocracy to unravel.

The Americanization of Social Science: Intellectuals and Public Responsibility in the Postwar United States

Abstract: Preface Acknowledgements 1. Introduction 2. The Postwar Campaign for Scientific Legitimacy 3. Quantitative Mathods and the Institutionalization of Exclusivity 4. Social Theory and the Romance of American Alienation 5. Theories of Mass Society and the Advent of a New Elitism 6. Fads, Foibles, and Autopsies: Unwelcome Publicity for Different Sociologists 7. Pseudoscience and Social Engineering: American Sociology's Public Image in the Fifties 8. The Perils of Popularity: Public Sociology and Its Antagonists 9. Conclusion: The Legacy of the Scientific Identity Bibliography Index

E-Learning and the Digital Divide: Perpetuating Cultural and Socio-Economic Elitism in Higher Education

Abstract: Education is often seen as a route to full participation in society, and widening participation in education and lifelong learning as a way of including those who are currently excluded from many of the benefits of society. The use of learning technology (e-learning) is perceived by national governments, the European Union (EU), and academic institutions as a means of widening participation in higher education by enabling participation by nontraditional students. E-learning is perceived as lowering barriers of time and place to enable nontraditional students to attend campus-based education while accessing resources at a time and place of their choosing. Yet, there is dissonance between the espoused belief of governments the EU and academic institutions, in e-learning as a means of widening participation, and the reality of e-learning implementation. The digital divide refers to the gap between those who have access to the information technology, and those who do not. This research finds that the digital divide is not adequately addressed by higher education institutions, with some students financially unable to afford technology and broadband access, others lack the skills to engage with learning technology, and some are culturally less able to benefit from technological enrichment. It also finds gender and generational differences disenfranchising some students. In order to address this situation it will be necessary to first acknowledge that the problem exists.

Education Reform in Hong Kong: The “Through-Road” Model and its Societal Consequences

Abstract: Although Hong Kong’s education system has long been criticized as lacking in creativity and over-emphasising rote learning, on the whole it has served Hong Kong well in the past years, breeding outstanding business, academic and political leaders who continue to maintain Hong Kong’s competitive edge. The traditional elite schools have played a crucial role in the process. The education reform, which is still on-going, aims to overhaul the entire system by introducing the “through-road” model. To accomplish this, some mechanisms need to be changed. J.P. Farrell’s concepts of equality and equity, C.W. Mills’ concept of elitism, and P. Bourdieu and J. Coleman’s concepts of cultural and social capital will be applied to analyse the consequences of the reform. The paper argues that the education reform may be well-intentioned in eliminating some elements of inequality and inequity in education, but that this comes at the expense of Hong Kong’s cultural and social capital and leads to the development of new forms of inequality.

From Marxism-Leninism to Ethnicity: The Sideslips of Ethiopian Elitism

Abstract: For many scholars, colonialism and neocolonial policies remain the root causes of Africa’s numerous impediments, ranging from the persistence of poverty to the ravages of ethnic conflicts. However, the number of scholars who prefer to ascribe these impediments essentially to the persistence of traditional views and methods and to the lack of reforms radical enough to trigger a sustained process of modernization is not negligible. My position contests this either-or debate and identifies the culprit as the rise of African elitism--a phenomenon implicating the specific effect of colonialism in conjunction with internal African contributions. I take the case of Ethiopia as a pertinent illustration of the precedence of elitism over other hindrances. The fact that Ethiopia, though not colonized, has followed the same declining course as other African countries underlines the derailing role of modern education whose embedded Eurocentric orientations were quick to uproot those sectors of Ethiopian society which were exposed to it. The outcome was elitism, which spearheaded the trend of deeper marginalization and incapacitation of the country. But first, let me give a concrete meaning to the concept of elitism.

The Future of Critical Management Studies: Populism and Elitism:

Abstract: The future of critical management studies (CMS) will be a refl ection of what we stand for. I think many of us who identify as CMS scholars aren’t clear what our shared priorities and allegiances are. We aren’t—and shouldn’t be—monolithic. Our fi eld and contributions are enriched by diversity in the subjects we study and the approaches we use. But globally we are foundering alarmingly. Pain and suffering are endemic and profound. Our individual capacity to make change can be multiplied by collective action but this requires some degree of consensus about our fundamental commitments. What will we work for and against? One way to focus attention on our shared commitments is to consider how populism and elitism are part of what we do and who we are. We shy away from dualisms but in their simplest form these are opposite ends of a continuum describing the sources of authority. Populism privileges the characteristics, interests, ideas and leadership of the majority while elitism reserves authority for those individuals and groups with special attributes, for that which is specifi cally not common. I assume a society dominated by elitism is fundamentally delusional and self-destructive. I’m convinced of the capacity of people of all levels of education, class and privilege to contribute to collective well-being. Furthermore, I don’t think meaningful change is possible unless guided by the common experience of the majority. Collectively CMS scholars are tangled up in populism and elitism. On the one hand the theory and practice of management is clearly (almost by defi nition) and increasingly (in terms of the intensity and scope of exploitation) elitist. As professors of management we associate, with varying degrees of compatibility, with business and social elites and thereby develop some familiarity with the pleasures of exclusive power.

Aristotle’s Theory of Partisanship

Abstract: This paper develops and defends a new interpretation of Aristotle’s conception of democratic and oligarchic identity. Rejecting interpretations that ground partisan identities in class, greed, or conceptions of justice, this interpretation posits that Aristotle thought of democrats and oligarchs as being defined by the confluence of four distinct traits: (1) having an incorrect conception of happiness, (2) having an incorrect conception of political desert, (3) suffering from an emotional defect, and (4) habitually inferring equality/inequality in all respects from one respect. The argument for this interpretation is that it best explains why Aristotle attributes a despotic attitude to partisans and it explains why democrats and oligarchs are depicted as being unstintingly hostile towards one another. The paper concludes by arguing that Aristotle chose these four traits in order to show that partisans are citizens who devote themselves to a life of discriminatory elitism.

The political and intellectual landscape of instrumental museum policy

Abstract: What are some of the wider current political and intellectual factors that might have a bearing on instrumental museum policy? This article discusses how power, democratic deficit, elitism, the media and interpretation, trust between governments and governed, decentralization, devolution and audit, inspection and scrutiny, expert knowledge, evidence based policy making and knowledge transfer, the professions and the complexity of social phenomena can influence policy making for museums.

The Relationship of Participatory Democracy to Participatory Law Formation

Abstract: While the traditional doctrinal formulation of customary international law has focused exclusively on state practice and opinio juris, in the modern age, it is undeniable that individuals and non-state collectives of individuals are increasingly becoming relevant to this process. It is thus useful to analyze individual participation based on the model of participatory democracy, and also in contrast to representative democracy. By doing so, the nuanced relationship between participatory law formation and democratic participation in law making is brought into relief. In light of larger modern trends within international law, the participation of individuals in law formation requires further examination and theorization to harness and maximize its democratic promise and minimize its potential tendencies toward elitism and secrecy.

Power elites, war and postwar reconstruction in Africa: Continuities, discontinuities and paradoxes

Abstract: This article interrogates the manner in which the composition, character, regeneration, and accumulation strategies of power elites and the organisation of their hegemony is being affected or unaffected by recent developments, most especially, civil wars and their corollary, postwar reconstruction, in Africa. By seeking to understand how conflicts and post-conflict reconstruction alter or transform the character, recruitment and role of power elites, and the operational context (the nature of the state) in Africa, this article draws attention to the prospects of transforming the nature of leadership in Africa. I contend that the capacity for violence and terror by individuals (especially young combatants who were previously marginalised) and armed groups has become a new marker of elitism and a leverage on peace agreements. Moreover, post-Cold War conflicts in Africa have accentuated the emergence of war-making power elites as ‘executors’ and ‘trustees’ of peace treaties, or ‘peace celebrities’ w...

Introduction: Student Activism, Structural Adjustment and the Democratic Transition in Africa

Abstract: University students in the period following independence were a transitory social group, who held well-founded expectations of rewarding and high-status employment after graduation. In the 1970s many of these assurances began to erode as countries that had attempted to implement state-led development faced international recession and internal corruption and decay. State funding of higher education by the late 1970s was being targeted for restructuring by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Student activism was affected: while students clung onto a self-conscious elitism, the reality of student poverty and the financial crises of African universities transformed their activism. As well as seeing their status as a privileged group collapse, there was an unprecedented ‘convergence of forces’ between students and the popular classes. This introduction surveys the role of students, the nature of their protest and their relationship with civil society in the processes that brought about a wave of multi-party elections and democratic struggles in Africa. The article critically intervenes in some of the most important debates on the role of student activism on the continent and introduces the contributions in this special issue devoted to student activism.

The Teacher as a Service Professional

Abstract: The belief that teachers are professionals has become so pervasive during the past one third century that it is increasingly viewed as a fact. This article reviews the 13 characteristics of a profession advanced by sociologists of occupations, and it provides evidence that teachers fall far short of achieving them. However, it is noteworthy that teachers in general are not concerned with professionalization; instead, their movement is being fueled primarily by National Council for the Accreditation of Teacher Education and deans of colleges of education. The article proposes that teachers abandon the push to achieve the traditional characteristics of professions because such characteristics are unattainable and, more important, inconsistent with the true motive of teachers, which is to serve their clients (i.e., to help their students). This article proposes a service professional model that would require changing the focus from the goals of professions—which are elitism, power, and autonomy—to w...

Examining the Effect of Elitism in Cellular Genetic Algorithms Using Two Neighborhood Structures

Abstract: Elitism has a large effect on the search ability of evolutionary algorithms. Many studies, however, did not discuss its different implementations in cellular algorithms. Usually a replacement policy called "replace-if-better" is applied to each cell in cellular algorithms as a kind of elitism. In this paper, we examine three implementations of elitism. One is global elitism where a prespecified number of the best individuals in the entire population are viewed as being the elite. The replace-if-better policy is applied only to the globally best individuals. Another scheme is local elitism where an individual is viewed as being the elite if it is the best among its neighbors. The replace-if-better policy is applied only to the locally best individuals. The other scheme is cell-wise elitism where the replace-if-better policy is applied to all individuals. Effects of elitism are examined through computational experiments using a cellular genetic algorithm with two neighborhood structures. One is for local competition among neighbors. This competition neighborhood is used in the local elitism to determine the locally best individuals. The other is for local selection of parents. This selection neighborhood is also called the mating neighborhood. Since we have the two neighborhood structures, we can specify the size of the competition neighborhood for the implementation of the local elitism independent of the selection neighborhood for mating. Experimental results show that the use of the replace-if-better policy at all cells is not always the best choice.

Where does Confucian Virtuous Leadership Stand

Abstract: For over a decade Daniel Bell has been a pioneer in the study of democracy and human rights in an East Asian context. His remarkable book Beyond Liberal Democracy: Political Thinking for an East Asian Context elevates his research to a new level. This new volume offers a critical examination of the "uniquely parochial" Western liberal democracy, which has been promoted in various parts of the world as universally valid regardless of local conditions. Based on his years of firsthand experience and personal knowledge of East Asian societies, Bell proposes a rather ambitious alternative model of democracy that would be suitable to a cultural setting where there is a long history of Confucian influence. Chapter 6, "Taking Elitism Seriously: Democracy with Confucian Characteristics/' is probably the most exciting and provocative part of the book. In it Bell argues for taking seriously not just one but two important values, namely democracy and political elitism. Confucian political elitism is defined as the "rule of the wise." It exemplifies the ideal that "the best and the brightest" should exert more influence in order to build a good society. On the one hand, this kind of political elitism may be particularly appropriate for today's "knowledge-based" societies; on the other, Bell argues, there is an equally profound need to institutionalize the democratic virtues of accountability, transparency, and equal political participation. Balancing these two considerations leads Bell to propose his version of "modern Confucian democracy." Specifically, this would involve the establishment of "a bicameral legislature, with a democratically elected lower house and a 'Confucian' upper house composed of representatives selected on the basis of competitive examinations" (pp. 1 65-166). The upper house would decide on policies by means of a majority vote following open and public deliberation. When the upper and lower houses disagree, Bell seems uncommitted as to which house should have the final word. Anticipating the obvious challenge, he proposes that deputies from the upper house be selected through an examination mechanism rooted in Chinese culture. Such an examination would be designed to single out the most desired traits in a candidate. This idea of a bicameral legislature is intriguing, to say the least. It is arguable that if the United States had such a system, Congress might not have given its approval to the disastrous war in Iraq. As Phil Donahue's recent film Body of War shows, when the call to war in Iraq was brought to a vote on the floor of Congress, the Bush administration timed the debate so that the vote would take place just prior to the November election (the vote in the U.S. Senate took place on October 11, 2002). Facing a very angry post-9/1 1 nation, both houses were under tremendous pressure to support the war. It can be argued that if members of Congress in one of the two chambers had been selected through a knowledge-based examination process rather than by popular vote, these members would have been less likely to

Fostering a Critical Conscious— a Wide Awakeness—in New Teachers through Student Teaching Abroad

Abstract: "To educate is simply to form," Freire (1998, 39) tells us. Who forms and who is being formed? And how do we prepare ethical, critically conscious educators who will, as Freire envisions, respect their students as whole human beings? How do we foster a critical consciousness in new teachers, teachers who themselves are part of a culture that is embedded with inequity and oppressive systems, schools being one of the most important systems to maintain and normalize social injustice. "Teachers are not simply curriculum dispensers, but rather are cultural workers committed to addressing the contextual issues facing our students, our schools, and our communities" (Kincheloe, et al., 2000, p. 5). To become cultural workers, a critical consciousness--a wide awakeness--is required. This article examines the fostering of critical consciousness in new teachers through student teaching abroad. The 21st Century School Context Paulo Freire's idea of conscientization, the raising of a critical consciousness in educators, remains one of the major challenges for those who prepare teachers for our nation's public schools during this era of technocratic, mechanistic testing, which is supported by No Child Left Behind legislation. Yet, this legislation is not unexpected for "how can one expect a government that makes its elitism and authoritarianism manifest ... in its politics [to be a proponent of] the autonomy of schools" (Freire, 1998b, p. 10)? The freedom that teachers once had to develop, design and teach curriculum has decreased and is now being replaced with prepackaged, one-size-fits-all, and scripted materials for the teacher. "Their autonomy and the autonomy of their schools are restrained from producing what the prepackaged practice promises: children who enjoy freedom, who are critical and creative" (Freire, 1998b, p. 9). Recent events have forecast what the future may be like for new teachers. Teachers who try to teach through challenging questions and active engagement are struggling at times with being reprimanded or even fired. In an article on the parental support for a teacher who was dismissed for not using scripted instruction, David Cutler describes the principal's charge that the teacher did not "teach the curriculum." Cutler goes on to quote the teacher, stating that he was fired for his teaching approach as he was following the district curriculum but "[i]nstead of direct teaching.. .he divides his students into groups, each dedicated to a different academic subject, [creating a] 'learning center' method [that] allows students to help each other, learn by themselves, and progress at their own pace, all under his guidance or assisted by parent volunteers" (Boston Globe, February 9, 2006). The conflation of curriculum with instruction reduces teaching to a mechanical activity, increasingly constricting the decision making and curriculum making of a teacher. Freire argued that for any reason "to transform the experience of education into a matter of simple technique is to impoverish what is fundamentally human in this experience: namely, its capacity to form the human person" (Freire 1998). What opportunities are there for teacher-candidates to see otherwise when they do fieldwork in classrooms, especially those who use direct or scripted or prepackaged instruction and materials? And how can teachers become cultural workers if they are critically unaware of their own culture? Cultural Identity of a Teacher An identity emerges out of one's cultural upbringing. That identity we carry with us throughout our living and relating to others. For a teacher, identity motivates and colors the social dynamics of teaching, as well as the pedagogical approaches used to teach. If a teacher does not reflect on the impact of culture upon his or her identity, the ramifications for students are immense. Freire argues that a teacher's cultural identity is the engine that moves whatever happens in the classroom (Freire, 1998). …

Reflections from the Middle: Making Sense of Elitism in Our Midst

Abstract: This article sketches a personal story of life at a teaching institution when jobs in sociology were scarce I examine the concept of elitism and situate it in conditions that shaped the discipline of sociology in the 1970s when a growing number of women entered the field Throughout my story, I raise the following points: (1) Defining elitism requires comprehending its relativity, (2) Understanding what stands as elitism necessitates examining local and national standards for professional performance, (3) Recognizing that unshared standards or lack of awareness of routine standards leads to charges of elitism, and (4) Acknowledging that the discipline’s class system hardens into a caste system when jobs are tight and thus fuels elitism I conclude by reflecting on the place of standards in local sociology departments and the larger discipline

The Relationship of Participatory Democracy to Participatory Law Formation

Abstract: While the traditional doctrinal formulation of customary international law (CIL) has focused exclusively on state practice and opinio juris, in the modern age, it is undeniable that individuals and non-state collectives of individuals are increasingly becoming relevant to this process. It is thus useful to analyze individual participation based on the model of participatory democracy, and also in contrast to representative democracy. By doing so, the nuanced relationship between participatory law formation and democratic participation in lawmaking is brought into relief. In light of larger modern trends within international law, the participation of individuals in law formation requires further examination and theorization to harness and maximize its democratic promise and minimize its potential tendencies toward elitism and secrecy.

Political Tolerance in Taiwan: Democratic Elitism in a Polity under Threat

Abstract: Objectives. This study employs the theory of threats to assess the claim of democratic elitism that elites are more tolerant, politically, than the general public. Methods. Utilizing survey data collected from social elites and the masses in Taiwan, a logit model with binary outcomes is employed. Results. The statistical results show that Taiwanese elites generally exhibit a higher level of political tolerance than the masses but that they become less tolerant when the stakes are perceived to be high. Conclusions. The empirical evidence confirms the theory of democratic elitism but with important qualifications. This finding suggests that ordinary voters in democratic polities need to continually exercise their power as the final arbitrators of state policies.

Changing Perceptions of Private Religious Schools: Public Money and Public Trust in the Education of Children

Abstract: I. INTRODUCTION Public perception of the private religious school affords the necessary subtext for the debate about emerging law and policy regarding parental choice in the education of children. Perception is the foundation of trust. An elementary or secondary school is more than a training ground for developing skills or assimilating the fundamentals of a prescribed secular curriculum. It is also a haven, a protected place where society's most important personal and common values can be seen and emulated. Parents must trust the school of their choice. Similarly, for a school to become a repository of major public expenditures and oversight, the public must vest more than a guarded confidence in its integrity. The intractable problem of racial segregation and white flight has left not only the inner cities, but also vast rural areas,1 with public schools so underfinanced, insecure, violent, and failing, that the need to support parents in their ability to educate their children has reached a point of desperation. Nothing else seems to work.2 The various voucher systems are tentative steps to provide support so that parents may make choices absolutely vital to their well-being, to say nothing of their rights as citizens to equal educational opportunities for their children. Fundamental to a viable system of educational choice even partially funded by tax-paid tuition and fee assistance is that the schools will provide all students an equal and genuine secular education. The schools must be untainted by improper financial motives, ideological bias or an exclusionary elitism. I leave the interpretation of the law and the Supreme Court's calculus of the risk to Professor Laycock.3 I will put into context a necessary perception of the schools themselves. Can religious elementary and secondary schools be trusted sufficiently by parents and the public to receive tuition vouchers in return for providing not only a "genuine" educational experience,4 but also for providing these educational opportunities to the poor without a religious bias? Indeed, can this great new undertaking be accomplished in cooperation with the public-school systems and not in competition with their indispensable role in our society? Since the Catholic schools systems are the largest faith-based private educational alternatives in most of the country I will concentrate there.5 A brief review of some Catholic educational programs shows that these institutions receive support from, and benefit, Catholic and non-Catholic students alike. Catholic educational initiatives being studied for their financing today in Washington, D.C.6 and New York7 to serve the mission to the poor, include also the concept of charter schools or even resurrecting the image of the 19th century French academy, the lycee, to gain surplus income to use for the support of the parish schools.8 Changing inner-city demographics have constrained Oakland, California, to close ten of eighteen parochial schools originally parish-supported.9 Four of the ten are now charter schools administered by the public school system. Of the remaining eight, some part of the educational cost is borne by parental payment of tuition and fees.10 In the inner-cities, a major part of the school population comes from non-Catholic families.11 The diocese contributes a large part to the cost of this education in the parochial schools. There is no question that schools receiving tax-funded vouchers will be open to the public, where possible, and will serve as many students as possible without regard to religious affiliation and free of the danger of proselytism. Does the public want to use these schools to meet the present educational crisis? In the words of Maurice Merleau-Ponty: "perception is everything, because there is not one of our ideas or one of our reflexions which does not carry a date, whose objective reality exhausts its formal reality, or which transcends time."12 The voucher system is a secular concept with secular roots. …

Putting the Subject back into Color: Accessibility in Goethe's Zur Farbenlehre

Abstract: This article discusses Goethe’s theory of color and his (at times vitriolic) diatribes against the Newtonians by situating his work within two contexts, one political and the other intellectual. The political context is Goethe’s dismay over the rise of obscurantism, typified by the Illuminati movement of the late eighteenth century, with secrecy and elitism as its hallmarks. The intellectual context is the tradition of German Idealism. He was fundamentally committed to understanding the relationship between the subject, or the investigator of nature (or Naturforscher), and the object, or nature itself. How can a Naturforscher, who is a part of nature, be able to depict it objectively?

Darwin por Manoel Bomfim

Abstract: Charles Darwin's notion of a 'struggle for existence' has been appropriated by several intellectual currents of opinion, and used for various political purposes. It has served to support free market capitalism, as an apologia of individualism, the market, the end of monopolies, and competition. Conservative conceptions have been based on it: the practice of eugenics, the justification of elitism, of the conquest and colonization of Asian and African peoples by the European, and of racism. On the other hand, the idea of a struggle for existence has been worked on by intellectuals who argued that it was related to solidarity and cooperation. Manoel Bomfim was influenced by Darwin and used his ideas to form arguments which have led his interpreters to see him as a 'radical' and original author.

Some Reflections on Aristotle and Elitism

Abstract: IT IS OFTEN SAID THAT ARISTOTLE, since he locates human happiness preeminently in the exercise of speculative intellect,--and not when it is in quest of truth about the divine, but when it can exercise that activity on truths already known in contemplation,--effectively rules out the mass of mankind from human happiness. That this is a misunderstanding of what is going on when Aristotle identifies happiness preeminently with the exercise of our highest faculty is easily shown. But since the showing of it brings into play other aspects of Aristotle's alleged elitism, the showing of it is not without interest. I What does Aristotle mean by 'man'? A preliminary question that must be raised is what the range of 'man' or 'human' is when Aristotle says things like "All men by nature desire to know" or that "Man is by nature a political animal" or speaks of 'human happiness.' Aristotle restricts what he has to say about politics to citizens and not all members of a community are citizens. Slaves are notably excluded, and so too are women. Thus, quite apart from the alleged elitism within Aristotle's moral and political discussions, there seems to be an elitism of exclusion before the discussion even begins. There are several ways in which this difficulty can be discussed. First, historically, and then there is unquestionably a restricted range to Aristotle's teaching. Second, theoretically, where the undeniable restraints of Aristotle's historic setting may be overcome by suggesting that there is no intrinsic reason in what he teaches for such restrictions. For centuries, at least, women have read--and interpreted--Aristotle's moral and political writings without fear that they do not fall within the range of what he has to say. This could only be the case if they are convinced, rightly, that the de facto restrictions are not de iure. One could raise similar questions about the Declaration of Independence and other constitutive documents of our republic. Many of the founders approved of slavery, and women were not initially accorded the franchise and thus full admission to the body politic. If we reject these views, this is not because we wish to impose latter day opinions on earlier opinions, but rather because we think that the founders wrote better than they knew. When, over time, former slaves and women were admitted to full citizenship, it was not necessary to amend the statements of the founders so much as to set aside contingent and mistaken restrictions that attached to their recognition of the truths they set down. When Jefferson wrote that all men are created equal and are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights, among them life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, it is doubtless historically true that he was not thinking of all men tout court. Nonetheless, what he said is true of all persons and it was only the range of his remark that had to be corrected. So too, I suggest, with Aristotle. That he personally did not acknowledge the full range of the moral and political doctrine he proposed is unfortunately true; but it is equally true that what he had to say, when true, is true of all human persons. (1) II. Can all humans be happy? But even when such liminal restraints on the possible range of Aristotle's moral doctrine are lifted, there remains the issue of how applicable his final identification of happiness is to all those he would have considered to be his addressees. If only the philosophical life, the life of contemplation of the divine, counts as happiness, this seems restrictive indeed. We may know of even professional philosophers who seem incapable of human happiness in this sense. We might in moments of candor wonder about ourselves. In quest of a proper understanding of contemplative happiness, let us put before us, in its broad outlines, the order of the discussion in the Nicomachean Ethics. a) That there is an Ultimate End. …

Reflections from the Middle: Making Sense of Elitism

Abstract: This article sketches a personal story of life at a teaching institution when jobs in sociology were scarce. I examine the concept of elitism and situate it in conditions that shaped the discipline of sociology in the 1970s when a growing number of women entered the field. Throughout my story, I raise the following points: (1) Defining elitism requires comprehending its relativity, (2) Understanding what stands as elitism necessitates examining local and national standards for professional performance, (3) Recognizing that unshared standards or lack of awareness of routine standards leads to charges of elitism, and (4) Acknowledging that the discipline's class system hardens into a caste system when jobs are tight and thus fuels elitism. I conclude by reflecting on the place of standards in local sociology departments and the larger discipline.

The social utility of art, 1870-1925: aestheticism and the reading public in the works of Amy Levy and Vernon Lee

Abstract: Traditionally, our idea of late-19th-century British Aestheticism has been understood as a socially-disengaged cultural movement. However, as Paul Tucker noted, Walter Pater suggests that aesthetic consumption can be ethically-engaged when informed by a 'scholarly conscience.' The following study is concerned with writers Amy Levy (1861-1889) and Vernon Lee (1856-1935), whose dissatisfaction with the social elitism of the Paterian critic and interest in the public sphere, prompted a re-theorisation of the relationship between art's aesthetic value and its social utility. Surveying the breadth of each writer's critical and fictional works, I argue that whilst Levy and Lee extend Aestheticism to a broader reading public, the term 'public' is something of a misnomer. Their oeuvres are not, in principle, open to anyone. Both well-educated writers, Lee and Levy do not forfeit their intellectual integrity and creative esteem; instead, both mediate between aesthetic perfectionism and social utility. Recently, Nicholas Shrimpton has asserted that: 'Art for Art's Sake is not a mark of triviality,' but instead 'the guarantee of [...] professional and intellectual integrity.' As figures on the outskirts of accepted notions of readership, securing professional and intellectual integrity is an important authorial strategy for both Levy and Lee. Overall, this study sheds a fresh light on what the term 'New Aestheticism' means: whilst it extends our more traditional definition of Aestheticism-- by enabling us to consider a broader range of socially-marginalised figures as actively participating within it-- this revised definition still regards Aestheticism as a movement that selects and excludes.