Showing papers on "Grandparent published in 1997"
TL;DR: Multivariate logistic analysis indicates that three groups--women, recently bereaved parents, and African Americans--have approximately twice the odds of becoming caregiving grandparents.
Abstract: A much-discussed finding of the 1990 Census was the dramatic 44% increase over the preceding decade in the number of children living with grandparents or other relatives. Five percent of all American children were living with grandparents or other relatives by 1990, and in an estimated one third of these homes, neither parent was present (Saluter, 1992), often making the grandparent the sole or primary caregiver. Substance abuse, teen pregnancy, AIDS, incarceration, emotional problems, and parental death are among the factors that have been found to contribute to this phenomenon (Burton, 1992; Dressel & Barnhill, 1994; Feig, 1990; Jendrek, 1994; Joslin &
395 citations
TL;DR: The authors found that the schooling, occupational status, and income of grandparents have few significant effects on the educational attainment or occupational status of their grand-children when parents' characteristics are controlled, even when both maternal and paternal grandparents were considered.
Abstract: While two-generation studies provide important insights into how social and economic advantages and disadvantages are passed from one generation to the next, much less attention has been paid to stratification over three or more generations. In a regression analysis of several thousand parents who graduated from Wisconsin high schools in 1957, the authors found that the schooling, occupational status, and income of grandparents have few significant effects on the educational attainment or occupational status of their grand-children when parents' characteristics are controlled. Even when the authors consider both maternal and paternal grandparents and account for errors in variables, the data are not consistent with the hypothesis that grandparents' schooling, occupational statuses or incomes directly affect grandchildren's educational or occupational attainments
223 citations
TL;DR: Undertaking the primary care of a grandchild is associated with an increase in levels of depression, and special attention should be paid to the most at-risk subsets of grandparent caregivers: those who are new caregivers, those in poor health, those who is younger, and women.
Abstract: OBJECTIVES To assess the effect of undertaking custodial care of a grandchild on grandparents' depression levels and to determine what characteristics are associated with higher depression levels among caregiving grandparents. DESIGN A longitudinal national probability panel study: the National Survey of Families and Households. The first wave of data (n= 13 008) was collected in 1987 and 1988, and the second wave of data (n=10008) was collected from 1992 through 1994. SETTING The survey was conducted in respondents' households in the coterminous United States. PARTICIPANTS The subsample for this study was composed of 3111 respondents who reported being grandparents during the 1992-1994 interviews and for whom complete depression information was available. Of these grandparents, 158 were the primary caregivers for their grandchildren in the 1990s. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES Depression was measured using a modified version of the Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale. RESULTS Those who provide primary care for a grandchild are almost twice as likely to have levels of depressive symptoms above the traditional Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale cut point of 16 (25.1% vs 14.5%). Even when controlling for baseline depression and demographic variables known to affect depressive symptoms, undertaking the care of a grandchild was associated significantly with higher depression levels in a multivariate prospective analysis (P<.01). Among caregiving grandparents, those who recently assumed caregiving responsibilities (P<.05) and women (P<.10) were more depressed and older respondents (P<.10) and those in good health (P<.001) were less depressed. CONCLUSIONS Undertaking the primary care of a grandchild is associated with an increase in levels of depression. Particularly in light of the recent dramatic increase in the prevalence of grandparent caregiving in the United States, physicians need to explore familial role changes with midlife and older patients who have symptoms of depression. Special attention should be paid to the most at-risk subsets of grandparent caregivers: those who are new caregivers, those in poor health, those who are younger, and women.
223 citations
TL;DR: Caregiving appears to add new burdens to otherwise normal lives for spouse and adult-child caregivers, while being yet another aspect of a difficult life course for grandparent caregivers.
Abstract: This study compares the health of 42 grandparent, 44 spouse, and 130 adult-child caregivers with 1,669 noncaregivers in 1994 and 1974. In 1994, all three caregiver groups had poorer mental health than the noncaregivers; grandparent caregivers also had poorer physical health and greater activity limitations. Spouse and adult-child caregivers had not differed from the noncaregivers 20 years prior, but grandparent caregivers had experienced poorer health than the noncaregivers and more stressful life events than the other caregivers. Caregiving appears to add new burdens to otherwise normal lives for spouse and adult-child caregivers, while being yet another aspect of a difficult life course for grandparent caregivers.
202 citations
Journal Article•
TL;DR: This study presents findings from interviews with 27 child- and 16 adolescent-headed households in Manicaland Zimbabwe on the factors associated with the formation of these households, reflecting new coping approaches to AIDS.
Abstract: This study presents findings from interviews with 27 child- and 16 adolescent-headed households in Manicaland Zimbabwe on the factors associated with the formation of these households. In these 43 households there were 15 adults aged over 24 years 23 adolescents aged 18-24 years and 146 children aged under 18 years. The median age of respondents was 16 years. 27 households consisted of children or adolescents caring for younger children. 13 households had adult members of which 7 were grandparents who were very ill or handicapped. One household had a mentally retarded mother. Two households had aunts who were unable to care for the children. Only 1 household was in an urban area. 95% were orphans who had lost a parent. Both parents had died in 30 orphan households. 84% of maternal deaths and 74% of paternal deaths occurred during 1993-96. 25 households had female heads and 18 had male heads. 25 female heads were older sisters. 14 male heads were older brothers. Heads were as young as 9-11 years old. 75% of households were established during 1995-96. Most households were established in the same year as the parents death. 21 children or adolescents became heads during or following the death of a parent. One child assumed the headship after a mother deserted. In 14 households children or adolescents became heads after the death of grandparents aunts or unrelated household heads. The young age of heads is reported as being due to a lack of known relatives to care for the family relatives disinterest in caring for orphans and a lack of means to care for the children. 17 children left 13 households during the study to live with other relatives. 16 households received regular visits from relatives. 14 households received material support from relatives. 10 households with known relatives did not receive any support. The households reflect new coping approaches to AIDS.
166 citations
TL;DR: The author offers recommendations for assessing and building on existing strengths and addressing the service needs of grandparent caregivers and their families through direct practice and public policy.
Abstract: Increasingly, middle-aged and older adults are parenting grandchildren and other young kin in ‘skipped generation’ families. Changes in the multigenerational family structure, devastating social problems in our inner cities, notably the substance-abuse and HIV/AIDS epidemics of the 1980s, and public policy and ethnocultural norms that govern kin care are discussed as contributing factors to this phenomenon. Recent studies focusing on grandparent caregivers of color, as well as policy and programmatic responses to the rapid growth of this family configuration, are discussed. The author offers recommendations for assessing and building on existing strengths and addressing the service needs of grandparent caregivers and their families through direct practice and public policy.
124 citations
TL;DR: Elder et al. as discussed by the authors found that the degree to which grandparents are involved in playing their role and the type of involvement they have with grandchildren are significantly influenced by having known their own grandparents and learned about them through multiple aspects of their intergenerational history.
Abstract: VALARIE KING The Pennsylvania State University GLEN H. ELDER, JR. University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill* Childhood experiences with grandparents are an important factor in the current involvement of men and women with their own grandchildren. We test this proposition with data from two related longitudinal studies of rural families, the Iowa Youth and Families Project and the Iowa Single Parent Project. Consistent with the premise that family roles are learned through the culture and the interactions of family life, results show that the degree to which grandparents are involved in playing their role and the type of involvement they have with grandchildren are significantly influenced by having known their own grandparents and learned about them through multiple aspects of their intergenerational history. In contrast, sharing a household with a grandparent made little difference in their contemporary involvement with grandchildren. My grandmother was the radiant angel of my childhood, and, you know, now my grandchildren are just the same. They are the part of my life that is most joyous, that gives me most pleasure. Grandfather (Kivnick, 1982, p. 107) Key Words: grandchildren, grandparents, intergenerational relationships, intergenerational transmission. With increasing longevity and good health, grandparents have emerged as potentially significant figures in the lives of Americans at all life stages. This is particularly true in the wake of current trends and changes in family patterns, including teenage childbearing, single parenting, and divorce. For example, some of these changes have thrust ever larger numbers of grandparents into active caregiving roles (Robertson, 1995). However, little is known about how the life course experiences of these men and women affect their role as a grandparent. Individuals bring to the role of grandparent a unique set of historical and experiential events that shape the ways that this role is enacted (Hagestad, 1985). Yet most research is centered on current relationships and circumstances (Cherlin & Furstenberg, 1986; Peterson, 1989; Tinsley & Parke, 1984). We address this limitation by testing the proposition that the extent and nature of childhood experiences with grandparents are an important factor in the current social involvement of men and women with their own grandchildren. The impact of past childhood experiences with grandparents on the current involvement of individuals with their own grandchildren is largely unknown and a matter of speculation (Peterson, 1989). According to the role-theoretical tradition of life course theory, children learn grandparenting behaviors by observing their own grandparents in the role of grandparent (Cottrell, 1969). Particularly when grandparents become significant figures in the lives of young grandchildren, they establish a conducive environment for the reproduction of this role some years hence. This learned role pattern is activated when individuals become grandparents, themselves. When individuals experience new roles or transitions, they bring a life history of personal experiences and dispositions to bear on how they interpret their new circumstances and adapt to their new roles (Elder, 1997). If this is correct, orientations toward grandparenthood are likely to be different for individuals who grow up surrounded by grandparents who play a meaningful role in their lives than for people who lack such experiences. We hypothesize that early involvement with grandparents influences an individual's subsequent enactment of their own grandparental role, whether distant or close, engaged or not. However, a number of factors may define the nature of the enactment of the grandparent role. On the one hand, findings from several studies underscore the enduring relevance of past experiences with grandparents. On the other hand, compelling arguments can be made for why past experiences with grandparents might not matter very much. …
110 citations
TL;DR: Examining intra- and intergenerational associations of leisure time physical activity among family members in three generations found physical activity patterns do not appear to be transmitted from one generation to the next, it is probable that by constant training and education the authors can obtain the benefits of physical activity.
Abstract: Studies of parental influence on children's physical activity have had different results. Parental effect on physical activity during adolescence is less studied, and three generation studies have not been carried out. The purpose of our study was to examine intra- and intergenerational associations of leisure time physical activity among family members in three generations. Due to the major changes in society during this time, we also took into consideration the socioeconomic status of the adult subjects. The material consisted of 3254 twins at the age of 16, their parents and grandparents. Twins and their parents received a questionnaire in 1991-1993, which included questions about the health and lifestyle, socioeconomic status and leisure time physical activity. The parents' questionnaire also included questions about their own parents' leisure time physical activity and socioeconomic status. Based on these questions adolescents, parents and grandparents were classified into physical activity classes. The socioeconomic classification of parents and grandparents was based on their occupation. Intragenerational physical activity patterns were significantly associated with each other. Among adolescents the strongest correlation were between monozygotic boys (0.720) and monozygotic girls (0.638). Physical activity patterns were not associated between generations, but there was a significant difference between very active and inactive mothers concerning their daughters' physical activity. Farmers had the lowest proportion of very active subjects only among the parental generation. Because physical activity patterns do not appear to be transmitted from one generation to the next, it is probable that by constant training and education we can obtain the benefits of physical activity.
107 citations
TL;DR: A review of existing research on the role and experiences of grandparents in relation to their grandchild with disabilities can be found in this article, where the implications of the review for research on grandparents are also discussed.
Abstract: Grandparents are important sources of support to children with disabilities and their families. However, there has been very little published research concerned with grandparents' roles and experiences in relation to their grandchild with disabilities. Existing research is reviewed in the present paper. Although both parents and grandparents themselves report a wide range of supportive activities and increased involvement with the child with disabilities, grandparents may also be an additional burden to families. In particular, parents may find it difficult to deal with grandparents' immediate and longer term emotional responses to their grandchild's disability. Clinical, educational, and other professionals have an important role to play working with grandparents and facilitating their role as a resource for families of children with disabilities. The implications of the review for research on grandparents are also discussed.
61 citations
Journal Article•
TL;DR: In-depth interviews with caseworkers serving children in kinship foster care revealed the complex nature of practice in this area and identified potential obstacles to permanency for these children, and practice principles that may facilitate permanency are suggested.
Abstract: Dramatic growth in the number of children in state custody has been accompanied by an increasing use of kinship foster care-the placement of children in state custody with their relatives. Research on kinship foster care has not kept pace with the use of this placement option, although work to date suggests that children in kinship foster care remain in state custody longer and are less likely to be returned home or adopted than children in the care of nonrelatives. In-depth interviews with caseworkers serving children in kinship foster care revealed the complex nature of practice in this area and identified potential obstacles to permanency for these children. Results suggest practice principles that may facilitate permanency for these children. Dramatic growth in the number of abused, neglected, and dependent children placed with their relatives by the child welfare system has caught the attention of child welfare administrators, policymakers, and the general public. These "placements" are increasingly funded and regulated as a type of family foster care and referred to as relative foster care, kinship care, or kinship foster care [Berrick et al.1994; Child Welfare League of America 1994; Gleeson & Craig 1994; Kusserow 1992a,1992b; National Commission on Family Foster Care 1991]. The child welfare field has been caught off guard by the sharp increase in the use of kinship foster care since 1985, particularly in Illinois, New York, and California, where the number of children in kinship foster care exceeds or approximates the number of children placed with nonrelative licensed foster parents [Goerge et al. 1995; Kusserow 1992a]. Historically, many African American children have been successfully reared by extended family members [Hill 1977; Martin & Martin 1978; Stack 1974]. Many Latino and Asian families involve grandparents, godparents, and others in the care of children and in decision making and planning in behalf of these children [Lum 1986]. These informal kinship care relationships have generally operated without the oversight or support of the publicly funded child welfare system. It is not yet clear what happens when a formal child welfare service is superimposed over the informal practice of kinship care or whether public child welfare policies that guide family foster care are relevant to this new formal child welfare service [Gleeson & Craig 1994]. These policies stress achievement of permanent homes for children through rapid reunification of children with their parents, or adoption of children by their foster parent or some other suitable adult. Prevailing family foster care practice models were developed in the 1970s to facilitate permanency through a child's return home or adoption [Emlen et al. 1978; Pike et al. 1977; Stein et al. 1978; Stein & Gambrill 1985]. It is not known whether these practice models are relevant to kinship foster care or even whether permanency can be best defined by a child's return home or adoption when a child is living in kinship foster care. Research in kinship foster care is only in its beginning phase and has not kept pace with the dramatic growth in this service [Barth 1994; Berrick & Barth 1994; Dubowitz 1994]. We do know that kinship placements have been concentrated in large urban centers and have been used predominantly with economically disadvantaged children of color and their families [Berrick et al.1994; Kusserow 1992a; Testa 1992, 1993; Wulczyn & Goerge 1992]. Placements with relatives have been less likely to disrupt and tend to last longer than nonrelative placements [Goerge 1990; Testa 1992; 1993; Wulczyn & Goerge 1992]. These placements have also resulted in lower rates of reunification and adoption [Barth et al. 1994; Thornton 1991]. One study, however, suggests that reentry rates are lower for children who return home to their families of origin after placement in kinship foster care [Barth et al. 1994]. Several studies have reported that children in kinship foster care have significant physical, mental health, behavioral, and educational problems, but receive fewer services than children placed in nonrelative family foster care [Berrick et al. …
58 citations
TL;DR: Describing factors that influence parents' decisions to expose children to major hazards on family farms revealed that attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived control accounted for up to three-fourths of the variance in fathers' behavioral intentions.
Abstract: On family farms, parents are usually knowledgeable of high-risk activities, yet they allow their children to be active participants in (or bystanders to) hazardous work for reasons not well-documented. A two-phase descriptive study, based on the theory of planned behavior and using mail survey research methods, was carried out to understand factors that influence parents' decisions to expose children to major hazards on family farms. A representative sample of 1,255 Wisconsin dairy farm fathers provided data about factors that influence their decisions to expose children younger than 14 years to risks of injury. Multivariate analyses revealed that attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived control accounted for up to three-fourths of the variance in fathers' behavioral intentions. Fathers' attitudes were stronger predictors of behavioral intentions than subjective norms (i.e., perceived social pressure) or perceived control. Grandparents and mothers exerted a limited influence. Other groups, such as health care providers, 4-H, Future Farmers of America, and insurers, exerted only a modest influence on fathers' feelings of social pressure. Few demographic characteristics of the family or farm were predictive of fathers' intentions to expose children to hazards.
TL;DR: This paper examined age differences in attitudes toward public support for the elderly, and whether contact with grandparents during childhood moderates these differences, finding that older adults are least supportive of elderly entitlement benefits and most concerned that the elderly are not paying their fair share of the cost of their benefits.
Abstract: This study examines age differences in attitudes toward public support for the elderly, and whether contact with grandparents during childhood moderates these differences. Data collected in 1990 from a nationally representative sample were used to address these issues. Attitudes toward the fairness of public policy are characterized by two dimensions, one signifying support for entitlement of the elderly to benefits and a second dimension signifying support for the contributory schemes that fund old-age benefits. Multiple regression analyses reveal that young adults (18-24) are the age group least supportive of elderly entitlement benefits and most concerned that the elderly are not paying their fair share of the cost of their benefits. However, greater childhood contact with grandparents reduced the generally greater opposition of young adults to current contributory policy, thereby moderating age-group tensions around this issue. Results are discussed in the context of the "interdependence of generation...
TL;DR: The authors explored factors and characteristics found to be related to the extent to which support is a component of parent-grandparent relationships in families of children with disabilities and found that the positive attributes of supportive grandparents have not comprehensively been explored.
Abstract: "We're Just That Sort of Family" Intergenerational Relationships in Families Including Children With Disabilities* Brigit Mirfin-Veitch**, Anne Bray, and Marilyn Watson Little research attention has been paid to identifying factors, unrelated to a child's disability, which may influence grandparent provision of support to parents of children with disabilities. This paper explores factors and characteristics found to be related to the extent to which support is a component of parent-grandparent relationships in families of children with disabilities. Twelve parent-grandparent pairs participated in in-depth, unstructured interviews. A qualitative analysis of the interviews resulted in the emergence of two major themes. Both themes related to the type of intergenerational relationship existing between parents and grandparents, rather than to the child's disability. Literature Review The increased use of family systems models to investigate the effect of a child with a disability on the family unit (Meyer, 1993; Seligman & Darling, 1989; Turnbull & Turnbull, 1990) has resulted in grandparents being identified as potentially vital sources of support (Fewell, 1986; MirfinVeitch, Bray, & Watson, 1996; Turnbull & Turnbull, 1990). However, a significant amount of research investigating the role of grandparents in families of children with disabilities has emphasized the stresses and burdens that grandparents can engender for parents upon learning of their grandchild's disability (George, 1988; Meyer & Vadasy, 1986; Seligman & Darling, 1989; Simons, 1985; Turnbull & Turnbull, 1990). Vadasy (1987) suggested that grandparents see grandchildren as securing their family's future and that when a child is diagnosed as having a disability some grandparents may feel the predictability of their family's future has been put at risk. Other authors have contended that the unexpected occurrence of a child's disability can produce strong feelings of anger, grief, or denial for some grandparents (Gabel & Kotsch, 1981; Meyer, 1993) and may therefore threaten the grandparents' ability to provide support to parents at a time when they may require it most (Gabel & Kotsch, 1981; Meyer, 1993; Meyer & Vadasy, 1986). This interpretation of grandparent failure to provide support has led to the proliferation of literature detailing workshops and other similar presentations designed to create effective grandparent supporters (Gabel & Kotsch, 1981; George, 1988; Meyer & Vadasy, 1986). Providing grandparents with education, information, and the opportunity to discuss with peers their feelings and concerns regarding their grandchild are some of the intended functions of such workshops (Gabel & Kotsch, 1981; George, 1988; Meyer & Vadasy, 1986). Workshops of this kind are reported to have had significant success in helping grandparents come to terms with their grandchild's disability and as a result, become less of a burden and more of a support to the child's parents (Gabel & Kotsch, 1981; George, 1988; Meyer & Vadasy, 1986; Turnbull & Turnbull, 1990). The negative effects on parents of grandparents struggling to accept the fact of a grandchild's disability have been well documented (Gabel & Kotsch, 1981; George, 1988; Meyer & Vadasy, 1986; Seligman & Darling, 1989; Simons, 1985; Turnbull & Turnbull, 1990). The positive attributes of supportive grandparents, however, have not comprehensively been explored. Some studies have documented the valued and vital support roles that grandparents fulfil, in some families (Beresford, 1994; Sonnek, 1986; Vadasy and Fewell, 1986) but these studies have failed to provide information regarding the specific factors and characteristics that lead to grandparents providing support in a manner that is acceptable to parents. Correspondingly, lack of grandparent support to the parents of children with disabilities has been explored almost entirely with reference to grandparents' acceptance or non-acceptance of their grandchild's disability. …
TL;DR: The AIDS pandemic has wrought havoc on family structures in Zimbabwe, leaving numerous children orphaned in its wake, and the critical question of who will look after the old people in their time of need is not appreciated.
Abstract: The AIDS pandemic has wrought havoc on family structures in Zimbabwe, leaving numerous children orphaned in its wake. Older people, grandparents in particular, play a critical role in looking after these children. However, what is not appreciated is the critical question of who will look after the old people in their time of need.
TL;DR: This paper explored the complex problems grandparents have when raising their grandchildren, such as relationships with adult children, becoming surrogate parents and legal issues as major areas of stress, and found that the older generation is often called upon to raise their grandchildren.
Abstract: Summary As the middle generation attempts to deal with the challenges of unemployment, increasing divorce rates and substance abuse, it is becoming increasingly common for the older generation to be called upon to raise grandchildren. The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore the complex problems grandparents have when raising their grandchildren. Grandparents reported their relationships with adult children, becoming surrogate parents and legal issues as major areas of stress.
TL;DR: An increased incidence in child abuse and neglect has resulted in a dramatic rise in the number of grandparents raising grandchildren and great-grandchildren, and grandchildren raised by grandparents often suffer from emotional and behavioral problems due to prior abuse, neglect, and abandonment.
Abstract: An increased incidence in child abuse and neglect has resulted in a dramatic rise in the number of grandparents raising grandchildren and great-grandchildren. Grandchildren raised by grandparents often suffer from emotional and behavioral problems due to prior abuse, neglect, and abandonment. Grandparent caregivers experience increased health problems, psychological distress, and social isolation related to their roles as primary caregivers of children. Grandparents who become caregivers of grandchildren face increased financial responsibilities at a time in their lives, close to or at retirement, when income is dramatically decreased.
TL;DR: For example, Steinberg et al. as mentioned in this paper examined the effectiveness of parent education newsletters among 726 White parents of 9th to 12th graders, finding that parents who read all of the newsletters reported closer monitoring, higher responsiveness, and more parent/teen discussions.
Abstract: A mail survey examines the effectiveness of parent education newsletters among 726 White parents of 9th to 12th graders. Comparing the control with the treatment groups, parent education newsletters resulted in closer parental monitoring. Comparing the control group with readers, parents who read all of the newsletters reported closer monitoring, higher responsiveness, and more parent/teen discussions. The newsletters were as effective or more effective for parents who faced single or multiple risks than for those who faced no risk factors. Implications are given for theory, methodology, and practice. Delivering Parent Education to Low and High Risk Parents of Adolescents via Age-paced Newsletters* Karen Bogenschneider** and Margaret Stone Both mothers and fathers have overwhelmingly reported that adolescence, specifically ages 14 to 18, is the most difficult stage of parenting (Gecas & Seff, 1990; Hoffman & Manis, 1978; Olson, McCubbin, Barnes, Larson, Muxen, & Wilson, 1983; Pasley & Gecas, 1984; Small & Eastman, 1991; Small, Eastman, & Cornelius, 1988; Steinberg, 1990). Parents of adolescents felt less adequate than when their children were younger (Steinberg, 1990) and more anxious about issues such as their children's growing independence and desire for more freedom than parents think appropriate (Small et al., 1988), the influence of negative peer pressure (Pasley & Gecas, 1984), and their children's involvement in deviant behaviors that might jeopardize their safety (Pasley & Gecas, 1984). Parents have reported heightened levels of bickering and squabbling with adolescents, compared with younger children (Steinberg, 1990). Albeit temporary, this perturbation in the parent/child relationship may take a toll on parents' psychological well-being (Steinberg, 1990) and may be responsible, in part, for the propensity of parents of adolescents to seek out sources of parenting information more often than do parents of elementary school children (Harman & Brim (1980), as cited in Wandersman, 1987). Researchers recognize the primary influence of the family on children, even children as old as adolescents (Bronfenbrenner, 1986), and can describe with some precision the major realignments that occur in the parent/adolescent relationship, transforming it from a relationship based on unilateral authority to one of interdependence and cooperative negotiation (Cooper & Cooper, 1992; Steinberg, 1990; Youniss & Smollar, 1985). Yet our understanding of effective formats for translating this research into pragmatic advice for parents is hampered by the paucity of studies evaluating methods of parent education (Wandersman, 1987), a void especially notable in programs aimed at adolescents (Small, 1990). Whereas most evaluations have focused on child outcomes (Powell, 1986; Weiss, 1988), parent education programs have demonstrated improvements in parental feelings of competence, increased knowledge of child development, and such parenting behaviors as establishing clear expectations for child behavior, closer monitoring, and more elaborate verbal exchanges (Patterson, 1986; Powell, 1986; Wandersman, 1987; Weiss, 1988). Yet even those studies documenting the effectiveness of particular methods of parent education have been "scattershot" (Weiss, 1988, p. 12), making it difficult to generalize about which strategies are effective, for what outcomes, and for whom (Powell, 1986; Small, 1990). This issue is of increasing relevance in light of the well-documented changes in the conditions of contemporary family life, which may heighten the need for effective parent education and the difficulty of reaching diverse families (Weiss, 1988). For example, increasing rates of maternal employment, frequent family relocation, and the prevalence of single parent and divorced families may make it more difficult for parents to access formal sources of parent education and to develop close ties to such informal sources of support as grandparents, other relatives, and neighbors (Clarke-Stewart, 1978; National Commission on Children, 1991; Powell, 1986; Weissbourd, 1987). …
TL;DR: A theory of grandparent development is described that includes the formulation of assumptions, goals for guiding instruction, curriculum design, and a measurement tool to assess learning needs and evaluate the effects of educational intervention.
Abstract: A theory of grandparent development is described that includes the formulation of assumptions, goals for guiding instruction, curriculum design, and a measurement tool to assess learning needs and evaluate the effects of educational intervention Cultural considerations are illustrated by a three generational study of African-American (n = 777), Caucasian (n = 1086), and Hispanic (n = 672) subjects who were administered the Grandparent Strengths and Needs Inventory Perceptions of each generation about the attitudes and behaviors of grandparents were examined with multivariate analysis of variance and post-hoc comparisons to analyze the scores, confirm results, and facilitate interpretation of findings Results showed significant differences between generations and within cultures Each generation identified elements of grandparent success as well as issues that deserve consideration in building educational programs
Journal Article•
Journal Article•
TL;DR: The results show that the working women spend on an average 1.7 hours less than the non-working women on child care, and the duration of breastfeeding also is shorter among the workingWomen, while the morbidity rates were higher for the children of working women than for the Children of nonworking women.
Abstract: This paper seeks to examine the linkage between mothers’ work and child health. The data are from a survey of 75 working and 75 non-working women in a village in Tamil Nadu, India. The results show that the working women spend on an average 1.7 hours less than the non-working women on child care. The duration of breastfeeding also is shorter among the working women. The morbidity rates were higher for the children of working women than for the children of nonworking women. Logistic regression analysis showed that the children of working women are at a significantly greater risk of morbidity even when socio-economic factors are controlled. The results, however, do not show a significant variation in morbidity by sex. Traditionally a woman's place has been at home and a generation ago, her employment outside the home was looked down upon by the society. This situation has now changed and women have started seeking employment outside their homes through gross economic necessity followed by the desire to raise economic status, to have an independent income, to make use of education, to pursue a career etc. In rural areas, however, poor women may go to work mainly out of sheer economic necessity. In the demographic literature, the discussion of the relationship between women's work and child mortality has almost always focused on paid employment outside the home. At low skills and in less developed economies, working women's additional income may be quite small. The mother's employment is seen as affecting the family through changes in care received by children. If the woman is working, she is likely to spend less time on feeding children, cleaning them, and playing with them. In the past, older siblings or grandparents were usually available to take care of young infants while the mother was employed; but because of social change and modernization, the extended family has become less common. All these factors may contribute to poor child health. On the basis of a review of literature, Ware (1984) observed that women's economic activities will have an adverse effect on child care only where the activity is incompatible with child rearing or where the mother lacks access to another person able to care for the child. There is a possibility of child neglect and malnutrition due to an early abandonment of breastfeeding. Very few studies in India have specifically investigated the effect of mothers’ work on child health. However, a few analyses of child mortality have examined mothers’ work
TL;DR: There has been an enormous increase in foster care placements, especially with grandparents and other extended family members, since 1985, primarily attributable to problems associated with parental drug use, principally of crack cocaine.
Abstract: Summary There has been an enormous increase in foster care placements, especially with grandparents and other extended family members, since 1985. This is primarily attributable to problems associated with parental drug use, principally of crack cocaine. Drug. related problems that lead to kinship foster placement include prenatal drug exposure, child maltreatment, incarceration, and early death by violence or AIDS or other illness. Grandparents caring for their children's children have a variety of social, mental health, and medical needs because of this stressful role. Following a literature review, a comprehensive social service and medical program developed through the partnership of a large urban teaching hospital, a foundation involved in funding programs for older adults, and an inner city school district is described.
TL;DR: One hundred and fifty-two grandparents who had experienced the death of a grandchild in the preceding three years or so served as subjects for two separate but related studies investigating the mul...
Abstract: One hundred and fifty-two grandparents who had experienced the death of a grandchild in the preceding three years or so served as subjects for two separate but related studies investigating the mul...
Book•
05 Dec 1997
TL;DR: In this paper, a case study of intergenerational relations through dance with Profoundly Deaf individuals is presented, as well as an Innovative School-Based Intergenerational Model to Serve Grandparent Caregivers.
Abstract: Contents Preface * Introduction * Section I. Defining the Intergenerational Field * Intergenerational Studies: A Multidisciplinary Field * Intergenerational Studies Growing Pains: The Quest for Identity amd implications for Practice * Section II. Grandparent Caregiving * Becoming Parents Again: Grandparents Raising Grandchildren * An Innovative School-Based Intergenerational Model to Serve Grandparent Caregivers * Grandparent Caregivers: Legal and Economic Issues * Section III. Intergenerational Education * Generations Learning Together * Learning by Sharing: An Intergenerational College Course * The Integration of Pro-Active Aging Education into Existing Educational Curricula * Section IV. Intergenerational Program Models * A Case Study of Intergenerational Relations Through Dance with Profoundly Deaf Individuals * Intergenerational Mentoring: A Viable Strategy of Meeting the Needs of Vulnerable Youth * Rememberers and Remembrances: Fostering Connections with Intergenerational Interviewing * Sore Tongues and Stiff Necks--Problem Solving Through a Grandparent Discussion/Support Group * Why a Geriatric Center? * Section V. Approaches to Evaluation * Intergenerational Program Evaluation for the 1990s and Beyond * Observational Research in Intergenerational Programming: Need and Opportunity * Section VI. Community Building * Intergenerational Programming: A Vehicle for Promoting Intra- and Cross-Cultural Understanding * The Benefits of Intergenerational Community Service Projects: Implications for Promoting Intergenerational Unity, Community Activism, and Cultural Continuity * Forming Intergenerational Program Networks * Section VII. The Road Ahead * Towards Civic Renewal: How Senior Citizens Could Save Civil Society * Index
TL;DR: Examining how young mothers who gave birth during adolescence extended and developed caregiving practices within the context of family relationships, caregiving traditions, and life events found life-course and parenting experiences are not private and located in the self, but are developed in interaction with others.
Abstract: Purpose: To examine how young mothers who gave birth during adolescence extended and developed caregiving practices within the context of family relationships, caregiving traditions, and life events.
Design: Longitudinal, interpretive-phenomenological. A community-based sample in 1993 consisted of 13 of the 16 young mothers and 11 of the 18 grandparents who had participated in a 1988 study. Three male partners of the young mothers also participated in this 1993 study. Families resided in a Western metropolitan area in the United States.
Methods: Life history accounts of the intervening years, stories of family routines, and recent coping episodes of parenting were elicited through in-depth interviews with the young mothers and their male partners; one interview was conducted with grandparents. Data were analyzed using the interpretive approach.
Findings: Adversarial caregiving practices develop or change in the context of transformed family relationships.
Conclusions: Life-course and parenting experiences of young mothers are not private and located in the self, but are developed in interaction with others. Family-centered interventions are needed that support the efforts of young mothers and grandparents to become responsive caregivers.
TL;DR: All of the generations agreed that grandparents under the age of sixty-one experienced more frustration than their older counterparts, and those who spent more than five hours a month with their grandchildren were more effective in their role.
Abstract: Hispanics are facing a number of problems, such as poverty, hunger, and a high dropout rate at school. Health-care reform and changes in Medicaid and Medicare are bound to further challenge the resiliency of minority families. To strengthen families from within, relevant programming should be implemented. Information regarding the strengths and needs of Mexican-American grandparents was obtained in order to adapt existing grandparenting programs for this population. Mexican-American grandparents (n = 181), parents (n = 148), and grandchildren (n = 173) provided information on grandparent satisfaction, success, teaching, difficulty, frustration, and information needs. Multivariate analyses of variance found differences for English and Spanish speaking grandparents. Spanish speaking grandparents reported a greater need for information than English speaking grandparents, and more frustration when dealing with adolescents than with younger children. For the English speaking grandparents, all of the generations agreed that grandparents under the age of sixty-one experienced more frustration than their older counterparts, and those who spent more than five hours a month with their grandchildren were more effective in their role. Possible factors that account for the findings are discussed and recommendations for establishing a grandparent program are presented.
TL;DR: This article explored whether childhood living arrangements (living with single or remarried parents, exposure to extended households) impact attitudes toward and implementation of parental coresidence, and found that positive attitudes toward parental coreidence are less common among those raised by single fathers and more common among women exposed to traditional extended households.
Abstract: This article explores whether childhood living arrangements (living with single or remarried parents, exposure to extended households) impact attitudes toward and implementation of parental coresidence. The results indicate that positive attitudes toward parental coresidence are less common among those raised by single fathers and more common among women exposed to traditional extended households. Parental coresidence is more prevalent among men and women raised by single or remarried mothers, as well as men living with single fathers, and less common among individuals living with remarried fathers. Key Words: childhood living arrangements, coresidence, extended family, grandparents, intergenerational solidarity. Little is known about whether and how early childhood living arrangements affect adult children's propensity to take aging parents into their homes. Past research on caregiving has focused on the characteristics of current family structure such as sibling composition, the marital status of parent or child, or competing roles (Coward & Dwyer, 1990; Matthews, 1987; Soldo, Wolf, & Agree, 1990; Stoller & Pugliesi, 1989). Studies devoted to parent-adult child coresidence often do not differentiate between arrangements where adult children coreside with parents and arangements where the parent or parents coreside with the adult child. Consequently, they confound factors related to adult children's dependency on their parents with variables associated with children's willingness to care for their parents. Most of these investigations also fail to include detailed indicators of childhood living arrangements as predictors of coresidence (Aquilino, 1990; Brody, Litvin, Hoffman, & Kleban, 1995; Crimmins & Ingegneri, 1990; Ward & Spitze, 1994; Ward, Logan, & Spitze, 1992). In contrast, research dealing with the effects of childhood living arrangements has focused on outcomes such as personal adjustment, socioeconomic attainment, and interactions and supports between the parent and the adult child (Amato, 1991; Amato & Keith, 1991; Aquilino, 1994a, 1994b; Rossi & Rossi, 1990; Whitbeck, Hoyt, & Huck, 1994; Whitbeck, Simons, & Conger, 1991). These latter studies provide considerable evidence of the long-range effects of childhood living arrangements on later kin relationships, but they do not address how such living arrangements may influence children's propensity to take older parents into their homes. This study expands earlier research on parentadult child coresidence by exploring whether childhood living arrangements influence adult children's attitudes toward taking a parent into their home and whether adult children ever did have a parent live with them. MODELS OF INTERGENERATIONAL SOLIDARITY Taking parents into one's home and attitudes about parental coresidence constitute dimensions of intergenerational solidarity (Bengtson & Roberts, 1991). Parental coresidence is a special case of functional solidarity (exchange of supports or resources), and attitudes about parental coresidence represent an example of normative solidarity ("strength of commitment to performance of family roles and to meeting familial obligations," Bengtson & Roberts, 1991, p. 857). Several authors have proposed theoretical models of intergenerational solidarity. Bengtson and his colleagues (Bengtson & Roberts, 1991; Silverstein, Parrott, & Bengtson, 1995) view functional solidarity foremost as an outcome of normative and affectional solidarity ("positive sentiments about family members"; Bengtson & Roberts, 1991, p. 857) and of opportunity structures. Relying on exchange theory as well as Tonnies' concept of Gemeinschaft, these authors argue that exchanges of supports between generations reflect, on the one hand, feelings of obligation about the provision of specific supports and, on the other hand, affection between parents and (adult) children. …
TL;DR: The historical basis of child custody and the various judicial presumptions that have guided courts, as well as the differences between performing child custody evaluation and engaging in traditional clinical practice, are reviewed in the complete document.
Abstract: This summary is presented as a guide for clinicians evaluating the often delicate and complex issues surrounding a child custody dispute. The historical basis of child custody and the various judicial presumptions that have guided courts, as well as the differences between performing child custody evaluation and engaging in traditional clinical practice, are reviewed in the complete document. Issues that are common to all child custody disputes are presented, including continuity and quality of attachments, preference, parental alienation, special needs of children, education, gender issues, sibling relationships, parents' physical and mental health, parents' work schedules, parents' finances, styles of parenting and discipline, conflict resolution, social support systems, cultural and ethnic issues, ethics and values, and religion. In addition, special issues that complicate custody evaluations are presented, including infants in custody disputes, homosexual parents, grandparents' rights, parental kidnapping, relocation problems, allegations of sexual abuse, and advances in reproductive technology, such as frozen embryos, oocyte donation, and artificial insemination.
TL;DR: The authors found that each family member's perception of the child correlated significantly with those of the other respondents, but the father's ratings of a child significantly differed from those of their paternal grandparents.
Abstract: The grandparent-parent relationship may play a potent role in families with a child with autism. In these families, the parents' need for social and practical support may be greater than in other families. Parents and grandparents of children with autism between the ages of 36 months and 78 months evaluated the child's adaptive functioning using the Minnesota Child Development Inventory (Ireton & Thwing, 1972). Results indicate that each family member's perception of the child correlated significantly with those of the other respondents, but the father's ratings of the child significantly differed from those of the paternal grandparents.
TL;DR: There are highly significant cross-cultural differences in the descriptions of grandparents: the Poles describe them in more abstract terms even after controlling for age and gender, and Polish adolescents make more mention of their feelings, their personality, and their skills as well as of emotional/intellectual input from them.
Abstract: Partial results from a larger Finnish-Polish study on the relations between grandchildren, parents, and grandparents are presented here. The results are based on a content analysis of essays written by 731 Finnish and Polish adolescents between eleven and twenty-one. Older children used more abstract descriptions, girls mentioned more personality features and feelings than boys, and grandmothers, especially maternal grandmothers were described in the most positive terms. The central new finding was that there are highly significant cross-cultural differences in the descriptions of grandparents; the Poles describe them in more abstract terms even after controlling for age and gender. Polish adolescents make more mention of their feelings, their personality, and their skills as well as of emotional/intellectual input from them; they use more positive terms than do the Finns, but make less mention of activities and appearance. These differences between the two cultures are mediated by contact frequency, which through its working on the proximal level enables co-construction of the relationship and the transmission of interactional styles.