Showing papers on "Ingroups and outgroups published in 1988"

Individualism and Collectivism: Cross-Cultural Perspectives on Self-Ingroup Relationships

Abstract: The individualism and collectivism constructs are theoretically analyzed and linked to certain hypothesized consequences (social behaviors, health indices). Study 1 explores the meaning of these constructs within culture (in the United States), identifying the individual-differences variable, idiocentrism versus allocentrism, that corresponds to the constructs. Factor analyses of responses to items related to the constructs suggest that UrS. individualism is reflected in (a) Self-Reliance With Competition, (b) Low Concern for Ingroups, and (c) Distance from Ingroups. A higher order factor analysis suggests that Subordination oflngroup Goals to Personal Goals may be the most important aspect of U.S. individualism. Study 2 probes the limits of the constructs with data from two collectivist samples (Japan and Puerto Rico) and one individualist sample (Illinois) of students. It is shown that responses depend on who the other is (i.e., which ingroup), the context, and the kind of social behavior (e.g., feel similar to other, attentive to the views of others). Study 3 replicates previous work in Puerto Rico indicating that allocentric persons perceive that they receive more and a better quality of social support than do idiocentric persons, while the latter report being more lonely than the former. Several themes, such as self-reliance, achievement, and competition, have different meanings in the two kinds of societies, and detailed examinations of the factor patterns show how such themes vary across cultures.

The “Black Sheep Effect”: Extremity of judgments towards ingroup members as a function of group identification

Abstract: The present study proposes an extension to the phenomenon of ingroup favouritism, based on the hypothesis that judgments about ingroup members may be more positive or more negative than judgments about similar outgroup members. It contrasts predictions issued from the complexity-extremity hypothesis (Linville, 1982; Linville and Jones, 1980), from the ingroup favouritism hypothesis (Tajfel, 1982) and from Tesser's (1978; Millar and Tesser, 1986) attitude polarization model. Our main prediction, based on Social Identity Theory, is that judgments about both likeable and unlikeable ingroup members are more extreme than judgments about outgroup members. This phenomenon, coined the Black Sheep Effect, is viewed as due to the relevance that ingroup members'behaviour, as compared to that of outgroup members, has for the subjects' social identity. Three experiments supported our predictions. Experiment I additionally showed that inter-trait correlations were stronger for the ingroup than for the outgroup. Experiment 2 showed that the black sheep effect occurs only when the judgmental cues are relevant for the subjects' social identity, and Experiment 3 showed that levels of information about the target of the judgment were ineffective in generating judgmental extremity. Results are discussed in light of a cognitive-motivational alternative explanation to a purely cognitive interpretation of outgroup homogeneity.

Social identification and permeability of group boundaries

Abstract: Two experiments were conducted to investigate some of the factors affecting social identification. In Experiment 1 ingroup identification was measured for subjects who were members of high or low status groups with either permeable or impermeable boundaries, and who received high, average or low ability feedback. The main results are that (1) members of high status groups show more ingroup identification than members of low status groups (2) members of low status groups with permeable boundaries identify less with their group than members of low status groups with impermeable boundaries and (3) in low status groups ingroup identification decreases as group members have higher individual ability. In Experiment 2, in addition to manipulating group status and individual ability, permeability was further differentiated into separate possibilities for upward and downward mobility. The most important results of Experiment 2 are that (1) members of high status groups show more ingroup identification than members of low status groups and (2) group members with high individual ability identify less with their group when upward mobility is possible than when upward mobility is not possible. These results are discussed in relation to social identity theory.

The black sheep effect: Judgmental extremity towards ingroup members in inter‐and intra‐group situations

Abstract: Two experiments yielded further evidence for the black sheep effect (Marques, Yzerbyt and by ens, 1988). In the first experiment, 66 subjects were presented with two good or two poor speeches, one supposedly made by an ingroup member and the other supposedly made by an outgroup member. In the second experiment, 37 subjects were presented with one good and one poor speech supposedly made either by two ingroup members or by two outgroup members. The black sheep effect was predicted and found in both experiments: subjects over-evaluated likeable ingroup members and under-evaluated unlikeable ingroup members as compared to equally likeable and unlikeable outgroup members. Collapsing the data of the two experiments suggests that social comparison may be performed, in purely symbolic terms, against a cognitive standard of positivity rather than an outgroup present in the judgmental situation. The emergence of the predicted effect when strongly individualized information was presented in inter- as well as in intra-group situations supports the robustness of the black sheep effect.

The role of social categorization and perceived source credibility in minority influence

Abstract: This study was conducted in order to compare the influence of ingroup and outgroup minorities and to assess the role of perceived source credibility in minority influence. The subjects were exposed to the simultaneous majority/minority influence paradigm. Ingroup minorities were more influential than outgroup minorities. Subjects moved toward the minority position in private and toward the majority position in public when the minority was represented by members of the ingroup. On private responses subjects were not affected by outgroup minorities who argued for abortion, and they became more positive toward abortion when outgroup minorities opposed abortion. Final &, ingroup minorities were perceived as more credible than outgroup minorities and greater credibility of minority source was associated with greater attitude change toward the minority position. The superior influence of ingroup minorities held when controlling for source credibility. Overall, the results were highly supportive of social identity theory.

In-group-out-group differences in the perceived efficacy of coercion and conciliation in resolving social conflict.

Abstract: In-group and out-group members were predicted to differ in the judged efficacy of coercion and conciliation as social influence strategies, with coercion perceived as relatively more effective than conciliation by outgroup rather than ingroup members. In Experiment 1, all subjects read a description of a conflict between two hypothetical nations, with half of the subjects taking the perspective of the defense minister of one nation and half the perspective of the other. Each nation was developing weapons that increased rather than decreased the likelihood of war. Each subject was asked to consider the effectiveness of an array of social influence strategies, varying in degree of coercive or conciliatory tone, that could modify the actions of either their own or the other country. The prediction was confirmed, both by indexes of rated effectiveness and by a ranking of effectiveness. In Experiment 2, the perspective-taking manipulation was weakened by merely asking subjects to imagine that they were citizens of one country or the other. Experiment 2 replicated the basic findings of Experiment 1. The implications of these results for international conflict, with particular reference to the arms race, are discussed.

Social categorization in minority influence: The case of homosexuality

Abstract: Three experiments were conducted in order to compare the influence of ingroup and outgroup minorities and to assess the role of Zeitgeist perception in minority influence. The results confirmed that ingroup minorities are more influential than outgroup minorities. This overall finding was observed in two different experimental paradigms, using either a small group setting in which subjects interacted with the minority or the simultaneous social influence paradigm in which both influence sources impinge simultaneously (via written information) upon the subjects. These results were supportive of Tajfel's social identity theory while contradicting Kelley's augmenting/discounting principle. Finally, subjects' perception of the Zeitgeist was unrelated to the magnitude of minority influence.

Integrating the Study of Race, Gender, and Class: Some Preliminary Observations.

Abstract: The value of examining the ways in which race, class, and gender intersect in the construction of reality has not always been obvious. For some the fear was that comparisons would be used to invalidate or subordinate the oppres sion of one or more groups to some single and absolute paradigm of op pression or exploitation. For others there was the well intentioned in sistence that they were leaving out race or class or gender in their study of one of the other two, not because it wasn't important but simply because it wasn't "relevant" at that moment. It has taken us a long time, but we find ourselves in a period when people are open to integrating the study of race, class, and gender. This is no accident. Where the 70s were charac terized by separation and suspicion and spawned autonomous movements for racial and gender liberation, the 80s appear to be a period for collaborations and connections.2 At one time it seemed as if our ability to obtain resources for our particular struggle had an inverse ratio to the same ability on the part of others. There was a lot to go around, but each group wanted exclusive rights to the pie. Now in a period of relative scarcity many of us involved in progressive struggles have come to believe that our survival may well depend upon a combined struggle to oppose cuts and cutbacks. And our approach to theory now reflects the connections we have begun to forge in practice. Many of us have come to understand that talking about gender without talking about race and class or talking about race without bringing in class and gender is imply another way of obscuring reality instead of coming to terms with it. Many of us have come to believe that using race, class, and gender simultaneously as categories for analyzing reality provides us, at least at this historical moment, with the most adequate and comprehensive under standing of why things occur and whose interests they serve. During the past six years I have been engaged in several teaching projects designed to integrate this perspective into the curriculum. Drawing on the insights gained from each of them and focusing on my experience teaching an introductory required course called "Racism and Sexism in a Changing America," I will examine some of the problems that arise from teaching about the intersection of race, class, and gender.3 In particular, I will talk about why it is often so difficult to persuade students that racism and sexism continue to be fundamental forces in our society?forces which, along with class, play a primary role in shaping the kinds of lives people live. I speak from the perspective of a middle class, white woman who tries to guard against the danger of equating her reality with the reality but who never theless will more than likely do just that at least several times in the course of the discussion which follows. For that reason it is probably best to set aside the persona of universal theo retician and begin speaking in my own voice.4 Adopting this voice is essential for talking with students and others about racism and sexism. They are le gitimately hostile when confronted with abstract lecture-sermons from re mote authorities who claim some spe cial ability to recognize and then cri ticize racist or sexist behavior. If we expect others to talk openly about deeply felt beliefs and experiences we must make clear our own willingness to do the same. I grew up in a white, upper middle class, urban, orthodox jewish family. From the start, I knew I was a girl. The distinction between males and females in orthodox Judaism is clear and in escapable. Fortunately for me, I was an only child for the first six years of my life, and my place as first-born and only child compensated somewhat for the limitations on opportunity that would otherwise have been imposed unre lentingly by my gender. The first people of color I ever knew were large, loving Black women who came to take care of me, or clean our apartment, or wash our clothes. Later, as our family became more successful, they were replaced by slender young women from the West Indies and later still by young white "girls" from Ire land, France and Canada. Each of them treated my mother with varying de grees of respect or tolerance, but all of them treated my father with absolute regard. My parents were liberal Re publicans with Democratic tendencies. They taught my brother and me the standard liberal rhetoric about equality and justice at the same time that their conversation reflected stereotypical views of people of color and working people. They called Black people "Chvartsas" and meant no disrespect. Towards the end of her life my mother still spoke on the phone regularly with V., a middle class Black woman who came to work for us part-time after my

Sorting Out the Effects of Primary Divisiveness in Congressional and Senatorial Elections.

Abstract: IN LAMENTING the use of the direct primary as a nominating device, V.O. Key (1946: 169) warned of unforeseen consequences flowing from a system that ". . . placed a premium on individualistic politics rather than on the collaborative politics of party." Clearly, one of the unexpected consequences is the divisive primary. Individualistic camp4igns that highlight intraparty factionalism are a natural byproduct of the direct primary. If supporters of losing candidates fail to rally behind the nominee, then this suggests a direct relationship between primary divisiveness and general election outcomes. The theoretical rationale of the divisive primary hypothesis has two foundations. Although the foundations are conceptually distinct they are not mutually exclusive. On the one hand, researchers have reasoned that followers of losing candidates develop a psychological attachment to their candidates. The psychological framework rests firmly on the notion that individuals develop a positive affect toward a candidate during the primary season and that their attachment is reinforced throughout the primary battle. Sullivan (1977-78: 637) assumes a psychological attachment and contends that the primary season ". .. can only serve to increase the psychological investment" toward candidates. Kenney and Rice (1987) in step with Sullivan (1978) contend that individuals' attachments to candidates are similar to the loyalties social-psychologists have observed among members of small groups engaged in conflict over scarce resources. Individuals develop intense loyalties to their group, the ingroup (i.e., their candidate) and foster hostilities toward the out-group (i.e., the other candidate). The psychological perspective stands in contrast to the notion of "sour grapes" or what Southwell (1986) calls "disgruntlement." Individuals may simply become angry at the winning candidate and find it impossible to support the nominee in the general election, even though they may not be psychologically attached to another candidate. The source of the displeasure may be as sophisticated as policy differences or as simple as concerns over style or personality.

The Evolution of Caring and Nonaggressive Persons and Societies

Abstract: This article explores ways to shape individual personalities, societies, and the relations among them, with the ultimate aim of diminishing inter group hostility and war. The evolution described in the article requires committed individuals and groups to work for change. Certain human proclivities, such as us-them differentiation, the devaluation of outgroups, and stereotyping are sources of intergroup hostility. Socialization practices by parents and schools that promote positive connection to and caring about people are described, as well as ways to bring about their use. Parent training and family system diagnoses can impart awareness and skills and influence parental attitudes. On a societal level, institutions and culture can be shaped by creating systems of positive reciprocity among groups, by cross-cutting relations among members of different groups, and by other steps along the continuum of benevolence.

Ingroup and outgroup minorities:differential impact upon public and private responses

Abstract: The experiment which is presented in this paper was designed to overcome some of the problems associated with previous research investigating the effects of social categorization and minority influence. Sixty-eight fourteen-year-old British Secondary School pupils indicated their attitudes towards a 'grant for pupils' before and after reading a text which advocated a minority position. The text was attributed as being the work of either pupils from their own school (ingroup minority) or from a school they discriminated against (outgroup minority). Responses were either made in ‘public’ (by telling subjects that other pupils would see their responses) or in ‘private’ (by subjects putting their responses into a ‘ballot box’). The results showed that on public responses ingroup minorities had more influence than outgroup minorities while there was no difference on private responses. Also, greater change occurred when responses were made in private than in public. These results are compatible with the intergroup analysis of minority influence.

Attributional Bases of Intergroup Conflict

Abstract: Although many definitions of intergroup conflict include an emphasis on incompatible goals and limited resources (e.g., Coser, 1956; Deutsch, 1973; Sherif, 1966), there is no need to see this aspect of conflict as fundamental (see Condor Brown, this volume). This chapter adopts a broad definition of intergroup conflict (see Hewstone & Giles, 1984), embracing studies on both social competition (achieved by defining the ingroup positively with respect to outgroups) and realistic competition over scarce resources (such as power, prestige, and wealth). While such a definition is not precise, the clarification of conflict becomes very complex when one begins to consider such factors as antecedent conditions of conflict, affective and cognitive states of the individuals involved, and stages of conflict itself (e.g., from latent to manifest; see Plon, 1975). However, this definition includes a wide range of phenomena and thus allows for a detailed examination of the present question of interest — the role of attributions, or causal explanations, in intergroup conflict.

Psychological Processes in Intergroup Conflict

Abstract: The existence of conflictual relations between social groups is a pervasive feature of human society. Whereas some forms of intergroup rivalry are socially condoned and even encouraged on the basis that they promote ingroup loyalty (team sports) and protect the democratic process (party politics), other manifestations of social conflict are regarded as highly pernicious. Indeed, it is notable that social psychologists have shown particular interest in intergroup conflict in those historical periods when this has been defined as a social problem (e.g., the persecution of the Jews, the Second World War, the intranational conflicts of the 1960s and 70s).

Cross-Cultural Studies of Person Perception Effects of Ingroup/Outgroup Membership and Ethnic Schemata

Abstract: Two approaches to the study of intergroup/interpersonal relations, in/outgroup categorization (motivational) and schema-confirmation (cognitive), are introduced. These two concepts are integrated into a two-dimensional taxonomy, so that a stimulus person can appear as a schema-consistent or -inconsistent member of an in- or outgroup. It is hypothesized that the phenomena of ingroup favoritism/outgroup discrimination should be limited to schema-consistent actors. As the model includes a nonfamiliar outgroup level of analysis, it allows questions to be addressed pertaining to universality versus cultural specificity of person-perception phenomena. Two studies were conducted with Nigerian (Hausa and Ibo) and Canadian undergraduates participating as observers of videotaped Hausa and Ibo actors, cast in their ethnic schema-consistent (typical) roles and in schema-inconsistent (atypical) roles. Results from the Nigerian study gave modest support for the proposed model. As predicted, schema-consistent ingroup ac...

Dimensions of adolescent identity

Abstract: It has been argued that the self-concept is divided into two sub-systems, one relating to personal and the other to social identities. The salience of these identities will depend upon the particular situation. How can the relationship between the individual's personal and social identities by conceptualized? To answer this question, Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher and Wetherell (1987) proposed a hierarchical system of self-categorization. At one level, social identities are determined though comparisons between groups, and at another level, personal identities are determined through comparisons between the self and other members of the ingroup. In the present study, adolescents described a number of self and others' identities in relevant social situations. Multidimensional scaling revealed three dimensions which subjects used to differentiate amongst the various identities. The first dimension separated peer group identities from ascribed social identities. The second dimension separated ingroups from outgroups and the third dimension differentiated personal identity from all other social stimuli. The latter dimensions therefore supported Turner et al's self-categorization model.

Minority influence and social categorization: A replication

Abstract: The effects of ingroup and outgroup minorities upon public and private levels of influence was examined. The results show that whilst ingroup minorities have greater influence in public, outgroup minorities can have as much, if not more influence than ingroup minorities when responses are made in private. These results are consistent with previous research and support the social identijkation model of social influence.

The role of reasons in the ingroup bias phenomenon

Abstract: Using a ‘near minimal ’ group paradigm (see Taifel et al., 1971), this research tested whether the reasons people think about following group categorization can account for the magnitude of ingroup bias. College students were randomly assigned to four conditions. These conditions instructed subjects either to think about reasons for ingroup choice (‘ingroup’ condition), outgroup choice (‘outgroup’), to think about anything they wanted (‘basic’), or to think about distracting activities (‘distraction’). The hypothesized ordering of ingroup bias and polarized attitudes was: ingroup > basic > distraction > outgroup. The results support both hypotheses. The meaning of these results are discussed in relation to social identity theory and Billig's (1985) rhetorical approach to prejudice.

Intergroup fairness biases: Is ours the fairer sex?

Abstract: These studies were designed to assess ethnocentrism and stereotypes as possible mediators of intergroup fairness biases. In Study 1, subjects wrote fair and unfair behaviors about their own sex (the ingroup) and the opposite sex (the outgroup). More fair and fewer unfair behaviors were written about the ingroup than about the outgroup, supporting the ethnocentric hypothesis. In Study 2, subjects rated the fairness and frequency of random samples of each item type. Half the subjects rated these items as they were originally written, and half rated them with the gender of the actor reversed. Ethnocentrism was evident in ratings of ingroup actors as more fair than outgroup actors when both performed fair behaviors, but this bias was reversed in favor of outgroup actors for ratings of unfair behaviors. In addition, the items written about women were rated more fair than those written about men, and men rated the reversed gender items less fair and less frequent than did women, supporting the influence of gender stereotypes in intergroup fairness biases.

Ingroup and outgroup evaluation by disabled individuals.

Abstract: The purpose of the study was to examine the evaluations of two rehabilitation-client groups toward their respective ingroups and outgroups at different stages of the rehabilitation process. The subjects (N = 240; 120 visibly disabled, 120 emotionally disabled) were all actively involved in the rehabilitation process. They were randomly divided into five subgroups, equally distributed between subjects with a physical or emotional disability. Each of the subgroups viewed one of five videotapes of an interview with a person acting in varying roles: (a) a person with a disability in a wheelchair in the process of rehabilitation; (b) a person with a disability in a wheelchair after successful completion of the rehabilitation process; (c) a person with a diagnosed emotional disability in the process of rehabilitation; (d) a person with a diagnosed emotional disability after successful completion of the rehabilitation process; and (e) a person without a physical or emotional disability. After the viewin...

Personal involvement and the evaluation of group products

Abstract: This research examined favouritism in group product evaluations as a function of personal involvement. After being divided into groups on an arbitrary basis, subjects worked at a group brainstorming task. Some subjects then assessed the merits of their own group's product relative to that of an outgroup's product, whereas other subjects assessed the merits of an ingroup's product relative to that of an outgroup's product. In both conditions, a significant bias was observed such that owngroup and ingroup products were rated as superior to outgroup products. Moreover, this bias was equally strong regardless of whether subjects were appraising a product they had personally helped create. The implications of the findings for understanding the antecedents of group bias are considered.

Minority Influence and ‘Trivial’ Social Categorization

Abstract: This experiment examines ingroup and outgroup minority influence when group membership was determined by a trivial categorization. The results show that ingroup minorities had more public influence than outgroup minorities when the categorization was trivial and when subjects also believed that they were similar to their ingroup. However, no differences were found when group membership was not associated with similarity. These results are interpreted as supporting the social identification model of social influence.

Culture and Consciousness in the Chicano Community: An Empowerment Perspective.

Abstract: Theories of empowerment propose how individuals can increase their personal, interpersonal, and political power in order to take action to improve their lives. Empowerment requires development of a new self-concept composed of three mutually reinforcing cognitive components: (1) group identification; (2) stratum consciousness; and (3) selfand collective efficacy. This study investigates the initial development of empowerment in the Chicano community, which is composed of new immigrants and descendants of natives, English and Spanish speakers, and includes heritageand honheritage-oriented individuals. The empowerment process may be difficult to implement among Chicanos because of this heterogeneity. Ethnic identity is multidimensional and has two major dimensions, cultural and political. Factor and multiple classification analyses were conducted on data from the "Mexican Origin People in the United States: The 1979 Chicano Study" which drew a sample of 991 persons of Mexican descent living in the Southwest and in Chicago, Illinois. The purpose of the survey was to test three hypotheses: (1) social identity in Chicanos will take one of two forms, cultural or political; (2) cultural identity will be associated with immigrant status, Spanish dominance, lower education, and high ingroup/low outgroup contact; and (3) political identity will be associated with native born status, English dominance, higher education, and high ingroup/high outgroup contact. The first two hypotheses were supported by analyses of the data. Results of the study suggest that immigrant Chicanos may develop a sense of ethnic identity more readily and engage in the process of empowerment more easily than native born Chicanos. This paper contains 4 tables and 21 references. (ALL) *********************************************************************** * Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made * from the original document. * **************************************.******************************** Culture and ConsciouSness in the Chicano Community: An Empowerment Perspective Lorraine Gutierrez Department of Psychology/School of Social Work University of Michigan Ann Arbor, MI 48109 American Psychological Association 96th Annual Conference Atlanta, GA August 1988 U S DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION Office of Educational Research and improvement EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES INFORMATION CENTER (ERICI je This document has been reproduced as received from the pets Pn or organization originating it O Minor co ianges have been made to improve reProductron quality Points of view or opinions stated in IMSdocu ment do not necessary represent official CIERI positron or policy "PERMISSION TO REPRODUCE THIS MATERIAL HAS BEEN GRANTED BY Lo ra;kt u+kierrez TO THE EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES INFORMATION CENTER (ERIC)." 2 BEST COPY AVAILABLE Gutierrez Culture and Consciousness Abstract: The literature on empowerment assumes that a sense of group identity and consciousness are necessary for individuals to engage in efforts to change their situations. This paper explores this connection in respect to the Chicano community: to what degree do cultural conceptions of group identity enhance, or detract from, the development of a more political consciousness concerning group status? What are the implications for practitioners seeking to mobilize Chicano communities and improve community conditions? Data from the 1979 National Chicano Survey are used to explore these issues, The literature on empowerment assumes that a sense of group identity and consciousness are necessary for individuals to engage in efforts to change their situations. This paper explores this connection in respect to the Chicano community: to what degree do cultural conceptions of group identity enhance, or detract from, the development of a more political consciousness concerning group status? What are the implications for practitioners seeking to mobilize Chicano communities and improve community conditions? Data from the 1979 National Chicano Survey are used to explore these issues,

Effects of Social Categorization (Religious and National) Among Guinean Workers in France

Abstract: Samples of graphic designs supposedly done by African elementary school children, Guinean or Cameroon, Catholic or Moslem, were presented to 240 Guineans of Catholic or Moslem religion working in Paris, France. Each subject was asked to evaluate the quality of the designs. In reference to social categorization (Tajfel, 1981), in an asymmetrical social situation (Doise, 1979; Turner, 1975), and with respect to the different religious situations in these two countries (Guinea: weak presence of Catholicism and strong presence of Islam; the Cameroon: the reverse situation), the present hypothesis was that the strategies used to evaluate the designs were not simply overevaluation of the ingroup and underevaluation of the outgroup. The results, collected according to a 2 × 2 × 2 factorial design and analyzed by an analysis of variance, confirmed this hypothesis.

Minority influence and social categorization

Abstract: The aim of this thesis is to examine the effects of ingroup and outgroup membership upon minority influence and in doing so address a number of unresolved issues resulting from previous research. Research in this area is not only intended to resolve theoretical issues but relates to factors salient to minority influence in the "real world". For while there exist ingroup minorities (such as, environmentalists) there are also outgroup minorities (such as, black power). A model of minority and majority influence is proposed which is a synthesis of Moscovici"s (1980) Conversion Theory and Tajfel"s (1984) Social Identity Theory. This new model proposes that when individuals are influenced they not only adopt the source's advocated position but also recategorize themselves as part of the source's group. As a consequence of this recategorization, individuals self-attribute the typical characteristics perceived to arise from the source's group membership. Therefore, on public responses, influence will be related to the degree of change to individuals' social identity from self-attributing the source"s characteristics. The more undesirable the characteristics of the source, the less likely public influence will occur (since individuals avoid publicly joining an undesirable group). However, the more undesirable the source's characteristics, the more distinctive they are (in terms of attitude and identification) and the more likely they are to cause 'conversion' and have influence on the private (latent) level. A number of hypotheses from this model are tested with experiments that examine the influencing abilities of ingroup and outgroup minorities. The findings support the proposed model. The major findings are: (i) on public responses, ingroup minorities tend to have more influence than outgroup minorities. (ii) on private responses, the reverse pattern emerges, outgroup minorities tend to have as much, if not more, influence than do ingroup minorities. (iii) the superior influence of ingroup minorities over out group minorities on public responses can occur when the categorization process is based on a relatively trivial dimension but only when there is a basis to self-attribute desirable characteristics. When there is no basis to self-attribute desirable characteristics then there is no difference between ingroup and outgroup minority influence.