Showing papers on "Legitimacy published in 1979"
01 Jan 1979
TL;DR: Burton, a lecturer in sociology at the City University of London, spent the period of September 1 972-April 1 973 in a workingclass Belfast Roman Catholic community, to study the ideological basis of political violence within the context of Belfast as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Frank Burton, lecturer in sociology at the City University of London, spent the period of September 1 972-April 1 973 in a workingclass Belfast Roman Catholic community, to study the ideological basis of political violence within the context of Belfast. This book contains the report of his experiences and analyses. Burton defines ideology as "those representations of the objective structure of a society that dominate the consciousness of a class or social division" (p. 1). He distinguishes between the total and the partial ideology, the former being the dominant categories of the Roman Catholic population, and the latter being the active program of a political movement, in this case the IRA. Burton starts his analysis with a description of the Roman Catholic community, which he sees characterized by a strong sense of social solidarity. This solidarity is greatly promoted by the dichotomy between those whom he lumps as "Protestants" and the Roman Catholics. He seems to disclaim any particular urban model since, as he tells us, "Belfast, though an industrial city, remains a cluster of Protestant and Catholic urban villages, precisely because pockets of Protestants and pockets of Catholics stand in opposition to one another" (p. 3). He does not, however, tell us what, if any, significance or structural uniqueness "an urban village" has in relation to, say, an isolated village. The community within Belfast upon which Burton concentrates is Anro, a section whose political significance lies in its ability to withstand and absorb external assaults. The solidary of Anro is partially both an effect and a cause of the division that exists between Protestants and Roman Catholics. Apart from the social solidarity, the main ideological components in this already very old struggle are
123 citations
01 Dec 1979
TL;DR: The authors examines the bases of authority and legitimacy for American academic governance under two main themes and aseries of subthemes, and concludes that academic governance can be viewed as a form of government.
Abstract: This book examines the bases of authority and legitimacy for american academic governance under two main themes and aseries of subthemes.
102 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, an attempt has been made to delineate the background of the religious support for the Pakistan movement in the Punjab by looking in particular at the connections between the structure of religious leadership and the structural structure of Muslim politics in 20th century Punjab.
Abstract: In this paper an attempt has been made to delineate the background of the religious support for the Pakistan movement in the Punjab by looking in particular at the connections between the structure of religious leadership and the structure of Muslim politics in 20th century Punjab. Only the rough outlines of these connections have been provided, but nevertheless some important patterns have emerged. From the time of the conversion to Islam of much of the western Punjab at the hands of sufi saints, religious leadership in the rural areas was focused on the hereditary sajjada nashins of the shrines of these saints. The position of these hereditary religious leaders was tied closely into the political organization of the rural areas, and this produced a considerable unity of political and economic interests between the religious and the secular leaders of rural society. Such common interests were strengthened by the British, who, in molding a system of rural administration in the Punjab, recognized the sajjada nashins of these shrines as part of a single ruling class of hereditary rural leaders. When the Unionist Party emerged in the 1920s as a party of rural interests led by this class of rural leaders, the sajjada nashins as a group were strongly disposed, therefore, to support it and to oppose the religious attacks on the Unionists which emanated from primarily urban reformist leaders.As a result of a widespread revival of sufi. influence in western Punjab in the post-Mughal era, however, many of the sajjada nashins in twentieth- century Punjab had also developed very strong religious commitments to spreading a deeper awareness of Islam. This revival had spread initially through the Chishti order but was later widened by the development of the Ahl-e-Sunnat-o-Jamaat group of ulama who gave religious legitimacy to the continuing emphasis on the forms of religious influence centered on the shrines. The sajjada nashins who drew on this revival tradition were not satisfied with the secular basis of the political system developed by the Unionists, but due to their structural grounding as sajjada nashins in the rural political milieu, they did not generally give the Unionists active opposition. The Unionist Party was thus able, with tacit religious support in the rural areas, to build a strong system of political authority based on rural control, and this propelled the Party to its sweeping victory in the 1937 elections.With the emergence of the Muslim League, however, which transcended the political question of rural interests versus urban, the revivalist sajjada nashins saw the opportunity to put rural politics on a more solid religious foundation. The concept of Pakistan was seen by them in traditional terms as the establishment of a religious state, ruled by the traditional leaders of rural society but firmly based on the Shariat. In the elections of 1946 the revivalist sajjada nashins provided the vanguard of religious support for Pakistan and played an important role in carrying the Muslim League to triumph over the Unionist Party. The victory was a sweeping religious mandate for Pakistan and marked the most important step on the road to Pakistan's formation.The important role of the sajjada nashins in the Muslim League's election victory was also an important pointer to the nature of the Pakistan state which was to emerge. Structurally, the revivalist sajjada nashins were themselves deeply rooted in rural society and their support for the Muslim League in no way represented a repudiation of the class of landed leaders who had long wielded power in western Punjab under the Unionist banner. The victory for Pakistan represented only, a call for a new religious definition of the old rural order, not for a new alignment of political power such as the reformist ulama had called for. The further definition of this system, however, remained to be developed in the new Muslim state.
70 citations
Posted Content•
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors focus on the structural aspects of discretion and peacekeeping in police work, and on the emergence of the ideology of police-community relations and provide a critique of traditional police rationales and have demonstrated the complexity and contradictions inherent in the exercise of police power.
Abstract: Contemporary conceptions of the police and of the problems of policing in the United States have been shaped by the political upheavals and crisis of legitimacy that confronted all institutions of government in the 1960s. Recent research has focused attention on the structural aspects of discretion and peacekeeping in police work, and on the emergence of the ideology of police-community relations. Such studies have provided a critique of traditional police rationales and have demonstrated the complexity and contradictions inherent in the exercise of police power. Meanwhile, police reform in the 1970s has become an established enterprise, increasingly under the technical and administrative control of a class of professional change-makers. The present direction of technologically and legalistically determined reforms reflects an accelerated movement away from concerns of "substantive rationality" to those of "formal rationality" so that the reform process has become depoliticized and lacks policy direction. While helping to insulate the police from arbitrary political manipulation, this movement also attenuates the aims of substantive political justice, including those of police accountability, local community review, and control of police discretionary policy-making powers. Moreover, the prevailing forms of change-making in police organizations have not been substantively aimed toward creating the informed, skilled, and judicious police officer.
55 citations
TL;DR: Fellman et al. as discussed by the authors found that low confidence in the government is strongly associated with protest support among those groups whose interests were being actively promoted by visible protest movements, and these associations are significantly reduced when salient structural factors (e.g., race, unemployment, community involvement) are taken into account.
Abstract: It is generally assumed that widespread public confidence in the government is essential for political stability in the U.S. and other advanced capitalist democracies. This legitimacy-stability thesis implies that individuals with little confidence in the government would be particularly prone to support political protest. However, theoretical and empirical considerations suggest that this thesis must be revised to include a third, interacting factor-the preexistence of an organized protest movement: low confidence in the government is likely to translate into protest support only when such a movement is present. Using data from a 1972 national survey, only moderate associations are found between several indices of confidence in the government and support for political protest, and these associations are significantly reduced when salient structural factors (e.g., race, unemployment, community involvement) are taken into account. These results are not expected under the widely accepted, unrevised, legitimacy-stability thesis. However, consistent with a revised version of the thesis, it is found that low confidence in the government is strongly associated with protest support among those groups whose interests were being actively promoted by visible protest movements. State legitimacy, the widespread public belief that the society's governing institutions and political authorities are worthy of support, is commonly held to be a precondition for political stability in advanced capitalist democracies. In fact, Lipset (a) has argued that a regime's legitimacy may even be a more important determinant of political stability than how well the regime actually performs. The legitimacy-stability relationship has become a central tenet of most contemporary analyses of American society, including both structural-functionalist and neo-Marxist formulations. Talcott Parsons, for instance, contends that without citizen faith in the political system, the government is incapable of attaining the society's collectively *The authors' names are in arbitrary order, as this was a collaborative effort. The data used in this paper were made available by the Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research; the authors, however, take sole responsibility for the analysis and interpretation of these data. We are grateful to Gordon Fellman, Joseph Helfgot, Richard Wilsnack, Yoram Neumann, and two anonymous readers for valuable comments on an earlier draft.
41 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors focus on the structural aspects of discretion and peacekeeping in police work, and the emergence of the ideology of police-community relations, and provide a critique of traditional police rationales and demonstrate the complexity and contradictions inherent in the exercise of police power.
Abstract: Contemporary conceptions of the police and of the problems of policing in the United States have been shaped by the political upheavals and crisis of legitimacy that confronted all institutions of government in the 1960s. Recent research has focused attention on the structural aspects of discretion and peacekeeping in police work, and on the emergence of the ideology of police-community relations. Such studies have provided a critique of traditional police rationales and have demonstrated the complexity and contradictions inherent in the exercise of police power. Meanwhile. police reform in the 1970s has become an established enterprise, increasingly under the technical and administrative control of a class of professional change-makers. The present direction of technologically and legalistically determined reforms reflects an accelerated movement away from concerns of "substantive rationality" to those of "formal rationality" so that the reform process has become depoliticized and lacks policy direction....
41 citations
TL;DR: The value free moral relativism of structural analyses of modes of production is not only bad science but also bad political practice as discussed by the authors, since without a conception of historically specific struggles over moral development, we remain blind to the progressive achievements which capitalist states have implemented.
Abstract: ion which they are both good at regardless of whether one is a humanist and the other a scientist! If socialists do not make explicit broad, universalistic socialist principles then there is no way of evaluating how political action is either overthrowing repressive, unjust social practices, or reproducing these pre-capitalist and bourgeois relations despite the overthrow of private property. What is the point of analyzing the structures of different modes of production if one cannot see whether the social practices of these various pre-capitalist modes of production are compatible or incompatible with nonexploitative social relations. How can we pretend to be scientific and not evaluate the moral legitimacy of slavery or piece work? The value free moral relativism of structural analyses of modes of production is not only bad science but also bad political practice. For without a conception of historically specific struggles over moral development, we remain blind to the progressive achievements which capitalist states have implemented. Or are we to only see the bourgeois state in negative terms and ignore the protests of reactionary religious, political and economic forces who are desperately trying to limit state intervention against discriminatory social practices based on puritan bigotry, racist and sexist notions of superiority, plus dozens of other non-universalistic notions of human beings? For if one denies that socialism is a moral development over many This content downloaded from 157.55.39.255 on Mon, 01 Aug 2016 06:00:59 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
36 citations
TL;DR: In a series of experiments involving hundreds of subjects, he found a disturbing number of people willing to administer what they thought were very painful shocks to an innocent victim strapped in an electric chair.
Abstract: TANLEY MILGRAM, in a series of experiments in the early sixties, has sharply focused the experimental method in psychology on a question of considerable significance:' Why do men obey authority? In a series of experiments involving hundreds of subjects, he found a disturbing number of people willing to administer what they thought were very painful shocks to an innocent victim strapped in an electric chair. Milgram reasoned, and with some force, that if an experimental scientist, with no coercive threat lurking, could achieve this degree of compliance, just imagine the degree of control it implied in the hands of the state. The Nazi experience seemed now both more understandable and more disturbing. Milgram's studies of obedience have drawn considerable discussion which has tended to focus either on the ethics of the experiment (deception; nervous strain to the participants), or has attempted to offer an alternate account to Milgram's concerning why people complied with the experimenter's "orders."12 In this article we will continue, in part, the latter discussion, but shift it to a more deliberate analysis of the theoretical concepts he employs. The language of authority, obedience, legitimacy, and responsibility are central to any assessment of his work. We contend that a clarification of these concepts is crucial to an understanding of the findings.
36 citations
TL;DR: Ghana, the first sub-Saharan African country to achieve independence after World War II, has experienced several diverse forms of government, including a Westminster-style parliamentary democracy, a socialist single-party republic and two military regimes following coups d'etat in 1966 and 1972 as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Ghana, the first sub-Saharan African country to achieve independence after World War II, has experienced several diverse forms of government, including a Westminster-style parliamentary democracy, a socialist single-party republic, and two military regimes following coups d'etat in 1966 and 1972. Like most of the developing states of West Africa, Ghana has been plagued by post-independence political instability. In fact, the search for a permanent and viable solution to what appears almost as a persistent governmental crisis-a crisis of political legitimacy, of credibility, confidence and trust in existing political institutions-seems to be the dominant public preoccupation in most West African nations today. In a recent, perceptive review of three major works on contemporary Ghanaian politics, Paul Ladouceur concludes that "the 'political kingdom' has come to mean, not to govern, or to govern wisely, but rather to win by election or by a coup. Ghana has entered a period of political stagnation parallel to the economic stagnation of the last decade or two. Hopefully it will nonetheless find its way to a representative and a stable form of government, perhaps different from what it might be expected" (1977: 348) [emphasis added]. Toward the end of 1976 the ruling Supreme Military Council (SMC) headed by General I. K. Acheampong initiated an historic proposal for a Union Government, a plan designed to provide a real solution to Ghana's quest for a stable and representative government. The idea of a Union Government addresses the need for a constitutional "third way," for a representative democracy based neither on the Westminster-style twoparty system nor on military rule, but on the tradition, values, and indigenous political beliefs, ideals and practices of Ghanaians. It is almost a truism that a constitution ought to accord with the political culture in which it operates (see WolfPhillips, 1972). This proposal, insofar as it represents a novel constitutional experiment in that direction, demands close scrutiny by students of comparative politics, especially political and legal anthropologists. This paper proceeds along five paths. In the first section, some theoretical and substantive implications of the current public constitutional debate in Ghana-the debate on Union Government-are reviewed and critically analyzed. Basic to the
33 citations
TL;DR: A view of Florentine politics based on the idea of the sovereign, centralizing state, the embodiment of the res publica and the locus of all political life has been dominated by ideas and assumptions largely inherited from the civic humanists of the fifteenth century and in particular from Leonardo Bruni as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: THE FAMILIAR IMAGE OF REPUBLICAN FLORENCE as a political community has been dominated by ideas and assumptions largely inherited from the civic humanists of the fifteenth century, and in particular from Leonardo Bruni. This view of Florentine politics rests on two central notions: first, on the idea of the sovereign, centralizing state, the embodiment of the res publica and the locus of all political life; and, second, on the conviction that the operative components of this civil community were individual citizens to whom an equal degree of liberty was guaranteed by the state and from whom the exercise of active responsibility was expected within the state. For Bruni's contemporaries, these notions clarified and simplified the moral dimension of political life by focusing loyalty and responsibility in the abstract idea of a state that existed above parties and factions and that derived its legitimacy from the express or implied consensus of its politically active citizens.1 For modern historians-both the believers in and the debunkers of the ennobling myths of Florentine republicanism-the assumptions of the civic
TL;DR: The extension of the state's authority into the economic sphere in advanced capitalist formations has entailed not only the growth of the regular departmental apparatus but also the multiplication of independent boards and commissions whose legitimacy is seen to reside in their insulation from political pressure and their technical expertise as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The extension of the state's authority into the economic sphere in advanced capitalist formations has entailed not only the growth of the regular departmental apparatus but also the multiplication of independent boards and commissions whose legitimacy is seen to reside in their insulation from political pressure and their technical expertise. Critics of such agencies, however, have pointed to the ironic fact that rather than increasing the state's capacity to ensure that corporate decisions accord with the 'public interest' the proliferation of such institutions has rendered the state more vulnerable to corporate influence.
TL;DR: In the European Parliament, 110,968,000 citizens of the nine European Community countries voted to select representatives in the first directly elected supranational parliament in history.
Abstract: In June 1979, 110,968,000 citizens of the nine European Community countries voted to select representatives to the European Parliament - the fvst directlyelected supranational parliament in history. Representatives from nine nations sit together as members of transnational party federations that have, in varying degrees, worked out joint political programmes. As a democratically elected body, the new European Parliament possesses a political legitimacy that the former, appointed, Parliament never had. By itself, this does not automatically give it a more influential role in decision-making at the European level, but it certainly strengthens the Parliament's potential to do so.
TL;DR: Public administration is viewed here as facing a crisis of legitimacy which derives from the field's association with societal tendencies toward regulation and control and the failure of public administration as discussed by the authors, and it is viewed as being at risk of becoming an instrument of government control.
Abstract: Public administration is viewed here as facing a crisis of legitimacy which derives from (1) the field's association with societal tendencies toward regulation and control and (2) the failure ofpub...
TL;DR: Unlike churches in the rest of Latin America, those in Cuba did not embark at the outset of the 1960s on a period of liberalization and innovation in theology, pastoral forms, lay participation and political strategies as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Unlike churches in the rest of Latin America, those in Cuba did not embark at the outset of the 1960s on a period of liberalization and innovation in theology, pastoral forms, lay participation and political strategies. Rather, the coming to power in 1959 of a revolutionary government and the initiation of substantial societal restructuring reinforced conservatism within the churches. Strong challenges to the legitimacy of the government by the churches from 1959 through 1961 were not effective due largely to institutional limitations and their identification as bulwarks of prerevolutionary structures. Hence, in spite of a marked increase in participation and contributions, the churches' counterrevolutionary stance had limited impact. Contributing to this was the exodus of many religious activists to the United States and Spain, and a turning in upon themselves by the churches which came to serve as refuges from change.
TL;DR: In this article, a study of the doctrine of necessity is presented, where the authors consider the case of the United States and its relation to the concept of necessity. But they do not discuss its application in international law.
Abstract: (1979). Constitutional legitimacy: A study of the doctrine of necessity. Third World Quarterly: Vol. 1, No. 4, pp. 97-133.
TL;DR: In the early years of the 15th century, Martin Luther was concerned with providing a sound basis for the civil law and sword, so no one will doubt that it is in the world by God's will and ordinance.
Abstract: The works of Martin Luther and of other early Protestant writers are often completely neglected by students and scholars of political thought in this country. If his period is considered at all, Luther is generally dealt with cursorily, as a stepping-stone to Calvin and the Huguenots, essential to political and intellectual history but not very interesting in his own right. The impression frequently given is that Luther was a latter-day Augustine in his views of secular authority, endorsing its legitimacy for the Christian and counselling strict obedience to the powers-that-be. One reason for this conclusion, which I contend is a mistaken one, is that the writings translated, collected, and anthologized for academic use are those which Luther wrote during the early years of his clash with the Roman church and the associated notion of a universal Christendom represented by the Holy Roman Empire. Reading, for example, the 1523 work, Temporal Authority, the student finds that Luther was concerned to "provide a sound basis for the civil law and sword, so no one will doubt that it is in the world by God's will and ordinance."' The image of the political system which pervaded the work was of a hierarchical order of authorities established by God. Power flowed downwards, and those in inferior positions were obligated to obey those set above them in the hierarchy. The implications for the possibility of resistance in Germany were clear: although the use of force might be permissible against an equal or inferior authority, a prince could never justly wage war against his overlord, the emperor.2 It went without saying that a private subject might never actively resist the authorities set over him, but Luther nonetheless allowed for the possibility of refusal to obey in cases when the prince trespassed upon the jurisdiction belonging of right only to God. Under such circumstances the Christian's two duties, to God and to his prince, might come into conflict; and the proper response to such a dilemma was that which Saint Augustine had prescribed-passive resistance, that is, to disobey but submit to whatever punishment might be assigned for disobedience.3
TL;DR: In this process, religious notions of hierarchy, authority, and obedience reflected and reinforced the pattern of existing social and political arrangements to such an extent that the two orders often seemed indistinguishable.
Abstract: Religion and politics have depended on and influenced one another since the origins of what we know as Latin America. Their relation is both mutual and multifaceted; mutual because religion and politics have evolved together over the years, taking material and symbolic support from one another, and multifaceted because it embraces interinstitutional conflict and accommodation (e.g., the “church-state” relations which dominated earlier scholarship) as well as more subtle and elusive exchanges whereby religious and political orders gave legitimacy and moral authority to one another. In this process, religious notions of hierarchy, authority, and obedience reflected and reinforced the pattern of existing social and political arrangements to such an extent that the two orders often seemed indistinguishable.
TL;DR: In this paper, the effects of change on legitimacy of a political system and its major components in the eyes of a wide variety of Zambians have been studied in the context of political, economic, and social change.
Abstract: Zambia, like all African countries, is experiencing significant political, economic, and social change. The Zambian government and ruling party seek to control change and channel it in certain directions, but many aspects of change are not initiated by them and a substantial proportion of these are not to their liking. Politically initiated changes and government reactions to other changes have inevitably affected the legitimacy of the Zambian political system and its major components in the eyes of a wide variety of Zambians. In his contribution to the Social Science Research Council's volume on the crises of political development, Sidney Verba indicates that all such “crises of development” or problems associated with change “would seem always to involve problems of legitimacy as well as one of the other problem areas” (Verba, 1971: 306). Thus it is important to study the effects of change on legitimacy since they will be crucial in determining whether the Zambian government and ruling party will be successful in directing change into the paths they desire. Political legitimacy can be defined as a generalized appraisal of the political system as a whole, its various components, and the policy outputs they produce, which indicates that these objects are appropriate in terms of accepted values and norms. To define legitimacy as a generalized appraisal of appropriateness is to differentiate it from specific appraisals of political structures and policies made in terms of perceived interests. These two types of appraisals are empirically interdependent in the long run, but they can be independent of one another in the short run (Easton, 1965: 267-77). They tend, however, to be very closely related in most new political systems, where most diffuse bases of legitimacy have not had time to develop (Binder et. al., 1971: 90-91, 158, 194, 315-16). A complete description of legitimacy in a political system must indicate who grants what degree of legitimacy to what political objects on the basis of which values and norms.
01 Jan 1979
TL;DR: The SNP has been able to mobilise the nationalist aspirations and discontents of the Scottish electorate to a remarkable degree, through a party structure and ideology which has proved able to attract more new political activists and to campaign more effectively than any other major party in Scotland in recent times as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Increasing electoral support in recent years for the Scottish National Party (SNP) had created a major challenge, not only to the main UK parties operating in Scotland, but also to the legitimacy of the United Kingdom. Why, in an advanced industrial society, apparently with a long established and legitimated system of government, a nationalist party should emerge to threaten the established political order is a problem still awaiting a comprehensive answer. Whatever the reason, one thing is clear: the SNP has been able to mobilise the nationalist aspirations and discontents of the Scottish electorate to a remarkable degree, through a party structure and ideology which has proved able to attract more new political activists and to campaign more effectively than any other major party in Scotland in recent times.
TL;DR: Freedman as mentioned in this paper presents a carefully constructed framework for evaluating administrative performance, at a time when some administrative law scholars are questioning the existence of any unifying theory of administrative law.
Abstract: Dean Freedman has written an important and timely book. Crisis and Legitimacy 1 presents a carefully constructed framework for evaluating administrative performance, at a time when some administrative law scholars are questioning the existence of any unifying theory of administrative law.2 Freedman's book is the culmination of more than ten years of writing in the field. Its organizing principle-the alternating currents of crisis and legitimacy in the administrative process-enables the author to show how the traditional components of the administrative law course, such as delegation, procedure, and judicial review, are themselves parts of the problem and sources for its solution. Dean Freedman asserts \"the necessity of developing a theory of the legitimacy of the administrative process.\" 3 I, for one, am convinced of the correctness of his inquiry. Administrative law is a field fraught with self-doubt, its theoretical foundations shaken in recent years by a rapid expansion. Freedman reminds us of our intellectual debts to the field's major figures 4 and then sets about to explain the relationship of their work to the galaxy of current issues that dazzle and confuse even the scholarly observer. It is a measure of the author's success that his book demands scrutiny in its own terms.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate several of these more particularistic approaches by constructing a new model that can be applied to comparative crisis research, which is the most severe of all forms of crises, serves as both dependent variable and independent variable, affecting the persistence of political systems.
Abstract: Topics like the legitimacy of a political order, its historical capacity to perform and actual performance, as well as its adaptability and probability of survival have gained the attention of social scientists quite frequently. Only very recently, however, have there been some promising new developments in crises research which have led to a variety of important empirical results. It is the task of this article to integrate several of these more particularistic approaches by constructing a new model that can be applied to comparative crises research. Crisis, or crisis of legitimacy which is the most severe of all forms of crises, serves as both dependent variable and independent variable, affecting the persistence of political systems. In this model – of which two variants are derived – several theoretical relationships are predicted that will have to be tested in broad – scale historically oriented social research going back to the first – still relatively quiet – decade of this century and covering developments thereafter in countries like Scandinavia, Belgium, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Austria, Italy, and the United States. In the final section some operational measures are discussed and combined in an operational model that will serve as a guideline in carrying out the type of study described here.
TL;DR: The authors argue that the continuing centrality of intentions in Skinner's proposals as illustrated in his historical examples results in descriptions which are too often unproven or unproveable or unenlightening or wrong.
Abstract: This paper plays critic to Quentin Skinner's much tougher role as methodological innovator in the practice of the history of ideas. It argues that the continuing centrality of intentions in Skinner's proposals as illustrated in his historical examples results in descriptions which are too often unproven or unproveable or unenlightening or wrong. Serious doubts are raised about the theoretical propriety of Skinner's doctrine of intentions as a key to the proper understanding of historical texts, and the legitimacy of the explanatory power Skinner attributes to his imputed intentions is disputed.
TL;DR: Ten federal health laws are reviewed from the perspective of the extent to which consumer participation had been incorporated as an integral aspect of health program, some issues and dilemmas of implementing consumer participation activities are identified, and suggestions for the involvement of consumer advocates are offered.
Abstract: This paper reviews ten federal health laws from the perspective of the extent to which consumer participation had been incorporated as an integral aspect of health program, identifies some issues and dilemmas of implementing consumer participation activities, and offers suggestions for the involvement of consumer advocates. The review of the laws showed uncertainty of outcomes, conflicting philosophies, conflicting purposes, conflicting strategies, and conflicts relating to representativeness, legitimacy and consumer role. Despite the inconsistent record of Congress to legislate consumer participation, two recent health laws, P.L. 93-641 and Title III of P.L. 94-63, appear to offer major opportunities in promoting consumer involvement in planning and policy development activities. However, because these laws continue to delegate the responsibility for implementing consumer involvement programs to providers, established institutions and state agencies, consumer advocates are urged to increase their knowledge of the laws and to assist consumers to realize their right of self-determination. The cause is worthy and represents a desirable goal for public health-and in the final analysis, for the survival of our democratic society. FEDERAL LEGISLATION to mandate consumer participation can be described as being ambiguous in purpose, uncertain in function and difficult in implementation. The "target" populations' expectations of playing a significant role in formulating and implementing policy have not been fulfilled. Its most optimistic proponents have expressed doubts about the commitment of the government to the process of consumer participation. Yet, during the past fifteen years, Congress, seemingly undaunted by pressures from those forces preferring to limit the contribution of consumers in program
TL;DR: In this paper, Teng Hsiaop'ing made its theme the centerpiece of his speech at the Army Political Work Conference on 2 June 1978, and over the succeeding months a series of rather repetitive speeches by virtually every provincial secretary and military region commander appeared in People's Daily affirming Teng's position.
Abstract: Of the three “great debates” of post-Mao Chinese politics, on democracy, economics and epistemology, the last one became the most politicized and crucial because it was directly related to the basic question of the legitimacy of post-Mao policies. It began with the publication of an article, “Practice is the only standard for evaluating truth,” in Kuang-ming jih-pao on 11 May 1978. The article was signed by the paper's “special commentator” (t'e-yueh p'ing-lun yuan), and was reprinted the following day in People's Daily. However, there was nothing to indicate that the article was in any way exceptional until Teng Hsiaop'ing made its theme the centerpiece of his speech at the Army Political Work Conference on 2 June. After Teng's insistence on “seeking truth from facts” (shih-shih ch'iu shih) and his criticism of people “who talk about Mao Tse-tung's Thought all the time,” but do not emulate his practicality, the campaign emphasizing the importance of practice developed rapidly and in several directions. Conferences were held to explore its significance, new authoritative articles were published which defended and amplified the anti-dogmatic stance, and over the succeeding months a series of rather repetitive speeches by virtually every provincial secretary and military region commander appeared in People's Daily affirming Teng's position. Finally, in October 1978, “special commentator” articles appeared in People's Daily which called for the deepening of the struggle against the “gang of four,” claiming that their poison had affected even some who had opposed them politically.
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TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the Tnevnoc cult, a religious movement that flourished during the nineteenth century and was embroiled in a similar controversy, and demonstrate that the allegedly novel, manipulative socialization practices of the new religions actually are remarkably similar to those employed by the tnevno cult a century earlier.
Abstract: Accompanyingthe rapid growth of "new religions" in the 1970s has been escalatingcontroversy centering on their methods of socializing new recruits. In this paper we examine the Tnevnoc Cult, a religious movement thatflourished during the nineteenth century and was embroiled in a similar controversy. Many of the Tnevnocs' current socialization practices remain similar to those of the new religions although the Tnevnocs are not now regarded as controversial By presenting a historical comparison between the Tnevnocs and new religions we demonstrate that the allegedly novel, manipulative socialization practices of the new religions actually are remarkably similar to those employed by the Tnevnocs a century earlier. Further, we argue that the reaction of the anti-cult movement to the new religions also has historicalparallels which suggest that it is the legitimacy accorded a group rather than its practices which shape public reactions and definitions.