Showing papers on "Politics published in 1973"
Book•
01 May 1973
TL;DR: O'Connor as discussed by the authors argued that the economic crisis of the U.S. is the result of the simultaneous growth of monopoly power and the state itself, and pointed out that the state can be seen as a form of economic exploitation and thus a problem for class analysis.
Abstract: Fiscal Crisis of the State refers to the tendency of government expenditures to outpace revenues in the U.S. in the late 1960s and early 1970s, but its relevance to other countries of the period and also in today's global economy is evident. When government expenditure constitutes a larger and larger share of total economy theorists who ignore the impact of the state budget do so at their own (and capitalism's) peril. This volume examines how changes in tax rates and tax structure used to regulate private economic activity. O'Connor theorizes that particular expenditures and programs and the budget as a whole can be understood only in terms of power relationships within the private economy. O'Connor's analysis includes an anatomy of American state capitalism, political power and budgetary control in the United States, social capital expenditures, social expenses of production, financing the budget, and the scope and limits of reform. He shows that the simultaneous growth of monopoly power and the state itself generate an increasingly severe social crisis. State monopolies indirectly determine the state budget by generating needs that the state must satisfy. The state administration organizes production as a result of a series of political decisions. Over time, there is a tendency for what O'Connor calls the social expenses of production to rise, and the state is increasingly compelled to socialize these expenses. The state has three ways to finance increased budgetary outlays: create state enterprises that produce social expenditures; issue debt and borrowing against further tax revenues; raise tax rates and introduce new taxes. None of these mechanisms are satisfactory. Neither the development of state enterprise nor the growth of state debt liberates the state from fiscal concerns. Similarly, tax finance is a form of economic exploitation and thus a problem for class analysis. O'Connor contends that the fiscal crisis of the capitalist state is the inev
2,590 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors apply economic theory to an analysis of behavior in the public sector, focusing on the division of interest between the public and its political representatives, where the public officeholder is assumed to act to advance his own interests, and these interests do not coincide automatically with those of his constituents.
Abstract: This paper applies economic theory to an analysis of behavior in the public sector. The model focuses on the division of interest between the public and its political representatives. The division of interest arises because the public officeholder is assumed to act to advance his own interests, and these interests do not coincide automatically with those of his constituents. The electoral process and some elements of the political structure are then analyzed as mechanisms which can be used to move the officeholder toward a position where the advancement of self-interest approximates the advancement of the interests of his constituents.
1,473 citations
TL;DR: Gurewitz et al. as mentioned in this paper ranked the mass media with respect to their perceived helpfulness in satisfying clusters of needs arising from social roles and individual dispositions, and concluded that primary relations, holidays and other cultural activities are often more important than the media in satisfying needs.
Abstract: The mass media are ranked with respect to their perceived helpfulness in satisfying clusters of needs arising from social roles and individual dispositions. For example, integration into the sociopolitical order is best served by newspaper; while "knowing oneself " is best served by books. Cinema and books are more helpful as means of "escape" than is television. Primary relations, holidays and other cultural activities are often more important than the mass media in satisfying needs. Television is the least specialized medium, serving many different personal and political needs. The "interchangeability" of the media over a variety of functions orders televisions, radio, newspapers, books, and cinema in a circumplex. We speculate about which attributes of the media explain the social and psychological needs they serve best. The data, drawn from an Israeli survey, are presented as a basis for cross-cultural comparison. Disciplines Communication | Social and Behavioral Sciences This journal article is available at ScholarlyCommons: http://repository.upenn.edu/asc_papers/267 ON THE USE OF THE MASS MEDIA FOR IMPORTANT THINGS * ELIHU KATZ MICHAEL GUREVITCH
1,408 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1973
TL;DR: A classic study of voting decisions in the U.S. House of Representatives, based on extensive interviewing and observation, combines theory and substance, generalization and detailed description.
Abstract: This classic study of voting decisions in the U.S. House of Representatives, based on extensive interviewing and observation, combines theory and substance, generalization and detailed description. With a new introduction, this influential and innovative book remains the best statement of the ways in which legislators reach decisions. The work contributes in critical ways to scholars' and students' understanding of such larger features of legislative process as representation of constituencies, the place of specialization in the making of public policy, the extent and types of legislative rationality, the importance of principles in decisions, and the place of legislatures in larger political systems.
956 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1973TL;DR: Two essays on utilitarianism, written from opposite points of view, by J. C. Smart and Bernard Williams as mentioned in this paper, argue that the rightness and wrongness of actions is determined solely by their consequences, and in particular their consequences for the sum total of human happiness.
Abstract: Two essays on utilitarianism, written from opposite points of view, by J. J. C. Smart and Bernard Williams. In the first part of the book Professor Smart advocates a modern and sophisticated version of classical utilitarianism; he tries to formulate a consistent and persuasive elaboration of the doctrine that the rightness and wrongness of actions is determined solely by their consequences, and in particular their consequences for the sum total of human happiness. In Part II Bernard Williams offers a sustained and vigorous critique of utilitarian assumptions, arguments and ideals. He finds inadequate the theory of action implied by utilitarianism, and he argues that utilitarianism fails to engage at a serious level with the real problems of moral and political philosophy, and fails to make sense of notions such as integrity, or even human happiness itself. This book should be of interest to welfare economists, political scientists and decision-theorists.
914 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1973
886 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1973
690 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1973
TL;DR: The most comprehensive attempt to examine the nature of nonviolent struggle as a social and political technique, including its view of power, its specific methods of action, its dynamics in conflict and the conditions for success or failure in its use, is presented in this article.
Abstract: PrefaceThere is no pretense that this study is exhaustive. The historical material on nonviolent action which is used here only scratches the surface of past experience, for example. This volume is, however, the most comprehensive attempt thus far to examine the nature of nonviolent struggle as a social and political technique, including its view of power, its specific methods of action, its dynamics in conflict and the conditions for success or failure in its use. The historical material is used primarily in assisting the inductive construction of the analyses, theories and hypotheses. It is hoped that this book will stimulate many other studies and explorations of the nature of this technique and of its potentialities as a substitute for political violence.This study was begun out of a view that alternatives to violence in meeting tyranny, aggression, injustice and oppression are needed. At the Same time it appeared evident that both moral injunctions against violence and exhortations in favor of love and nonviolence have made little or no contribution to ending war and major political violence. It seemed to me that only the adoption of a substitute type of sanction and struggle as a functional alternative to violence in acute conflicts -- where important issues are, or are believed to be, at stake -- could possibly lead to a major reduction of political violence in a manner compatible with freedom, justice and human dignity.But mere advocacy of nonviolent alternatives will not necessarily produce any change either -- unless they are accurately perceived as being at least as effective as the violent alternatives. That, too, is not a matter for sermonizing or declarations. Therefore, a very careful examination of the nature, capacities and requirements of nonviolent struggle was necessary, which needed to be as objective as possible. This study is my primary contribution to that task. This work should not be regarded as final, but as a tool for increasing our understanding and knowledge; its propositions, classifications, analyses and hypotheses should be subjected to further examination, research and critical analysis.Since this book is focused almost exclusively on the nature of the nonviolent technique of action, several closely related areas are not treated here. For example, relationships between this technique and ethical problems, and between the technique and belief systems exhorting to nonviolent behavior, are for the most part not discussed here. This study may be, however, the basis for a fresh look at those problems. The political implications and potentialities of nonviolent action, including for social change and for national defense,2 have also been left for separate exploration; it is hoped that this study will assist those investigations.This book is the culmination of studies which began in 1950 while I was a student at Ohio State University.
562 citations
TL;DR: For example, this article argued that planners can no longer define a role for themselves and that they have perverted their calling by entering into politics or they have been insensitive to the political dimensions of their task, or they ignore national cultural mores at their peril and capitulate to blind forces of irrationality.
Abstract: Where planning does not measure up to expectations, which is almost everywhere, planners are handy targets. They have been too ambitious or they have not been ambitious enough. They have perverted their calling by entering into politics or they have been insensitive to the political dimensions of their task. They ignore national cultural mores at their peril or they capitulate to blind forces of irrationality. They pay too much attention to the relationship between one sector of the economy and another while ignoring analysis of individual projects, or they spend so much time on specific matters that they are unable to deal with movements of the economy as a whole. Planners can no longer define a role for themselves. From old American cities to British new towns, from the richest countries to the poorest, planners have difficulty in explaining who they are and what they should be expected to do. If they are supposed to doctor sick societies, the patient never seems to get well. Why can't the planners ever seem to do the right thing?
549 citations
Book•
01 Mar 1973
TL;DR: Friedman's "A History of American Law" as mentioned in this paper presents the achievements and failures of the American legal system in the context of America's commercial and working world, family practices and attitudes toward property, slavery, government, crime and justice.
Abstract: "A History of American Law" has become a classic for students of law, American history and sociology across the country. In this brilliant and immensely readable book, Lawrence M. Friedman tells the whole fascinating story of American law from its beginnings in the colonies to the present day. By showing how close the life of the law is to the economic and political life of the country, he makes a complex subject understandable and engrossing. "A History of American Law" presents the achievements and failures of the American legal system in the context of America's commercial and working world, family practices and attitudes toward property, slavery, government, crime and justice. Now Professor Friedman has completely revised and enlarged his landmark work, incorporating a great deal of new material. The book contains newly expanded notes, a bibliography and a bibliographical essay.
Book•
01 Jan 1973
TL;DR: Sundquist traces the processes by which basic transformations of the country's two-party system occur from the historical case studies, then applies it to current and recent developments, through the first two years of the Reagan presidency and the midterm election of 1982.
Abstract: Since the original edition of "Dynamics of the Party System" was published in 1973, American politics have continued on a tumultuous course In the vacuum left by the decline of the Democratic and Republican parties, single-interest groups have risen and flourished Protest movements on the left and the New Right at the opposite pole have challenged and divided the major parties, and the Reagan Revolution--in reversing a fifty-year trend toward governmental expansion--may turn out to have revolutionized the party system tooIn this edition, as in the first, current political trends and events are placed in a historical and theoretical context Focusing upon three major realignments of the past--those of the 1850s, the 1890s, and the 1930s--Sundquist traces the processes by which basic transformations of the country's two-party system occur From the historical case studies, he fashions a theory as to the why and how of party realignment, then applies it to current and recent developments, through the first two years of the Reagan presidency and the midterm election of 1982 The theoretical sections of the first edition are refined in this one, the historical sections are revised to take account of recent scholarship, and the chapters dealing with the postwar period are almost wholly rewritten The conclusion of the original work is, in general, confirmed: the existing party system is likely to be strengthened as public attention is again riveted on domestic economic issues, and the headlong trend of recent decades toward political independence and party disintegration reversed, at least for a time
Book•
01 Jan 1973
TL;DR: The second volume of "Democracy in America" as mentioned in this paper is based on the updated third edition of 1941, which encompassed all the changes, corrections and additions that Bryce entered into the previous three editions.
Abstract: In "Democracy in America" (1835), the Frenchman Alexis de Tocqueville viewed the fledgling United States through the lens of political theory A half-century later, the Englishman James Bryce recorded, not what he thought about democracy or America, but "the institutions and the people of America as they are" This is the second of a two-volume set The work was first published in three volumes in 1888 The two-volume edition is based on the updated third edition of 1941, which encompassed all the changes, corrections and additions that Bryce entered into the previous three editions Its expanded appendix includes Bryce's 1887 essay, "The Predictions of Hamilton and De Tocqueville", and contemporaneous (1889) reviews of "The American Commonwealth" by Woodrow Wilson and Lord Acton Bryce presents the results of conversations with scores of Americans, and the close observation of the operation of American political institutions, including political parties and municipal and state governments
TL;DR: A general theory of political party structure is expounded in this article, which covers most parties operating where open, organized, electoral competition is institutionalized, and in that it offers description and explanation.
Abstract: A GENERAL theory of political party structure is expounded below. The theory is general in that it covers most parties operating where open, organized, electoral competition is institutionalized, and in that it offers description and explanation. The theory is not general, however, in coverage of party structure. Its primary concern is hierarchical contrasts in substantive opinions. It deals with contrasting opinions not about basic values or extant conditions but about immediate policy alternatives, and with contrasts not in the clarity or intensity of such preferences but in their content. Summarily, our concern is with degrees of attitudinal congruence on substantive issues between echelons of co-partisans as well as between various echelons and public opinion at large. I shall first identify some opinion structures that can be imagined in view of premises to be specified. This culminates in the definition of a configuration that, in its two basic variants and with further variation in degree, is nominated as the most plausible approximation of reality. Subsequent sections will consider evidence of the configuration’s descriptive validity and causes of its ubiquity.
Book•
01 Jan 1973
TL;DR: A classic of international relations, the starting point of Raymond Aron's book is the state of nature that exists between nations, a condition that differs essentially from the civil state that holds within political communities as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: A classic of international relations, the starting point of Raymond Aron's book is the state of nature that exists between nations, a condition that differs essentially from the civil state that holds within political communities. Ever keeping this brute fact about the life of nations in mind and ranging widely over political history and many disciplines, Aron develops the essential analytical tools to enable us to think clearly about the stakes and possibilities of international relations. In his first section, "Theory", Aron shows that, while international relations can be mapped, and probabilities discerned, no closed, global "science" of international relations is anything more than a mirage. In the second part, "Sociology", Aron studies the many ways various subpolitical forces influence foreign policy. He emphasizes that no rigorous determinism is at work: politics - and thus the need for prudent statesmanship - are inescapable in international relations. In part three "History", Aron offers a magisterial survey of the 20th century. He looks at key developments that have had an impact on foreign policy and the emergence of what he calls "universal history", which brings far-flung peoples into regular contact for the first time. In a final section, "Praxeology", Aron articulates a normative theory of international relations that rejects both the bleak vision of the Machiavellians, who hold that any means are legitimate, and the naivete of the idealists, who think foreign policy can be overcome. This new edition of "Peace and War" includes an informative introduction by Daniel J. Mahoney and Brian C. Anderson, situating Aron's thought in a new post-Cold War context and evaluating his contribution to the study of politics and international relations.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors introduce two models of political party decision-making, i.e., the intransitive case and the transitive case, under the assumptions of perfect and imperfect information.
Abstract: The article introduces two models of political party decision making. Both models assume that the parties are solely interested in policy and that winning the election is just a means to that end. In one, the parties are competitive, while in the other the parties collude. The main result, in either case, is that the parties tend to be unresponsive to the interests of the voters.The models are analyzed in an intransitive case (an election concerned only with income distribution) and a transitive one (an election where all political attitudes can be put on a left-right continuum), and under the assumptions of perfect and imperfect information.With perfect information the intransitive case results in the parties ending up with all the income; while in the single peaked case neither party will have a position to the left (right) of the left (right) party's most preferred position whatever the attitudes of the voters.Finally it is shown that it is rational for the parties to collude and present similar platforms.
TL;DR: The authors discusses the political relations of traditional peasants to groups and institutions outside their local community, with special reference to situations in which they encounter the political movements and problems of the twentieth century.
Abstract: This paper discusses the political relations of ‘traditional’ peasants to groups and institutions outside their local community, with special reference to situations in which they encounter the political movements and problems of the twentieth century. It stresses the separation of peasants from non‐peasants, the general subalternity of the peasant world, but also the explicit confrontation of power which is the framework of their politics. The relative isolation of local communities, and their consequent ignorance, does not confine peasant politics only to parish pump or undefined millennial universality. However, it makes certain forms of nation‐wide peasant action without outside leadership and organisation difficult and some, like a general ‘peasant revolution’, probably impossible. The political problems of a ‘modern’ peasantry are briefly touched upon in conclusion.
TL;DR: The relationship between economic growth and democratic political development has been the subject of considerable study as discussed by the authors, and most analysts have argued that the latter is a positive function of the former, there has been disagreement over both the form of the relationship and the definition of democratic political developments itself.
Abstract: The relationship between economic growth and democratic political development has been the subject of considerable study. While most analysts have argued that the latter is a positive function of the former, there has been disagreement over both the form of the relationship and the definition of democratic political development itself. The purpose of this paper is to specify and estimate some simple models describing the relationship for a cross-section of 60 non-Communist countries. While the thesis that economic development fosters the emergence of democratic political institutions and processes has a long history in political thought, the first major attempt to assess it empirically was presented by Lipset in his well-known essay "Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy."' Using a number of indices of economic development, Lipset concluded that:
Book•
01 Jan 1973
TL;DR: Stott as mentioned in this paper surveys the attitudes and ambitions that characterized the documentary impulse of the thirties, including radical journalism, academic sociology, the esthetics of photography, Government relief programs, radio broadcasting, literature of social work, the rhetoric of political persuasion and the effect of all these on the traditional arts of literature, painting, theater and dance.
Abstract: "A comprehensive inquiry into the attitudes and ambitions that characterized the documentary impulse of the thirties. The subject is a large one, for it embraces (among much else) radical journalism, academic sociology, the esthetics of photography, Government relief programs, radio broadcasting, the literature of social work, the rhetoric of political persuasion, and the effect of all these on the traditional arts of literature, painting, theater and dance. The great merit of Mr. Stott's study lies precisely in its wide-ranging view of this complex terrain."-Hilton Kramer, "New York Times Book Review" "[Scott] might be called the Aristotle of documentary. No one before him has so comprehensively surveyed the achievement of the 1930s, suggesting what should be admired, what condemned, and why; no one else has so persuasively furnished an aesthetic for judging the form."-"Times Literary Supplement"
Book•
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21 Feb 1973
TL;DR: The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Contents: PART I:1. The African Challenge to Democracy. PART II: 2. Historical Background. 3. The Physical and Economic Environment. PART III: 4. The Traditionally Oriented System. 5. Political Organization Among the Akan. 6. Patterns of Indirect Rule. 7. The Politics of Indirect Rule. 8. Towards Autonomy Within the Commonwealth. 9. The Structures of Secular Government. 10. Patterns of Gold Coast Politics. I I. The Legislative Assembly in Action. 12. National Issues and Local Politics. PART IV: 13. Control Factors in Institutional Transfer. 14. Prospects of Gold Coast Democracy. 15. Ghana as a New Nation. Index.Originally published in 1955.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
Book•
01 Jun 1973
TL;DR: The authors provides a fresh look at the handling of tensions between people with different ethnic identities from many countries, and seeks out those methods which genuinely reduce conflict, and proposes a new approach to reduce conflict.
Abstract: Provides a fresh look at the handling of tensions between people with different ethnic identities from many countries, and seeks out those methods which genuinely reduce conflict. Originally published in 1973 by Little, Brown and Company.
Book•
01 Jan 1973
TL;DR: In this article, the authors define types of criminal behavior: 1. Types of Criminal Behavior 2. Violent Personal Criminal Behavior 3. Occasional Property Criminal Behavior 4. Public Order Criminal Behavior 5. Conventional Criminal Behavior 6. Political Criminal Behavior 7. Occupational Criminal Behavior 8. Corporate Criminal Behavior 9. Organized Criminal Behavior 10. Professional Criminal Behavior
Abstract: 1. Types of Criminal Behavior 2. Violent Personal Criminal Behavior 3. Occasional Property Criminal Behavior 4. Public Order Criminal Behavior 5. Conventional Criminal Behavior 6. Political Criminal Behavior 7. Occupational Criminal Behavior 8. Corporate Criminal Behavior 9. Organized Criminal Behavior 10. Professional Criminal Behavior
TL;DR: This article showed that varying voter turnout at different elections can be explained in part on the basis of rational, wealth-maximizing behavior on the part of the electorate, i.e., rational voters tend to vote at all.
Abstract: Recent work by several economists has shown that certain phenomena heretofore considered within the realm of political science are amenable to analysis via the use of "economic" models. In particular, the pioneering works of A. Downs [3] and ] . Buchanan and G. Tullock [2] showed that testable hypotheses about political behavior could be formulated from the assumption of maximizing behavior on the part ofinclividual voters. The purpose of this paper is to apply this economic reasoning to the problem of voter participation. We wish to demonstrate that varying voter turnout at different elections can be explained in part on the basis of rational, wealth-maximizing behavior on the part of the electorate. Superficially, it seems odd that individuals bother to vote at all. The literature often expresses the view that in any issue of wide scope, the insignificant weight of his single vote would induce a ra t i tna l individual to s~tve his time and effort by not voting. ~ The fact that many nevertheless choose to vote is therefore frequently
Book•
01 Jan 1973
TL;DR: The history of welfare can be traced back to the mid-nineteenth century, when the Poor Law was passed as discussed by the authors and the first half century of the modern welfare state was established.
Abstract: List of Tables - Preface - Preface to the Second Edition - Preface to the Third Edition - Acknowledgements - Select Time Chart - Foreword: Perspectives on the History of Welfare - Introduction - The Poor Law - Public Health - Education and Welfare - Laissez-faire and State Intervention in the Mid-Nineteenth Century - The Growing Awareness of Poverty - Liberal Social Policy, 1905-14 - Politics and Policy, 1914-39 - War and Welfare in the 1940s - Welfare State - The First Half Century - Documentary Appendix - Notes and References - Select Bibliography - Index
TL;DR: These twelve organizations are public and private, national and international, profit-making and charitable, religious and secular, civil and military, and, depending on one's perspective, benign and nefarious.
Abstract: These twelve organizations appear to have little in common. They are public and private, national and international, profit-making and charitable, religious and secular, civil and military, and, depending on one's perspective, benign and nefarious. Yet they do share three characteristics. First, each is a relatively large, hierarchically organized, centrally directed bureaucracy. Second, each performs a set of relatively limited, specialized, and, in some sense, technical functions: gathering intelligence, investing money, transmitting messages, promoting sales, producing copper, delivering bombs, saving souls. Third, each organization performs its functions across one or more international boundaries and, insofar as is possible, in relative disregard of those boundaries.
TL;DR: Pocock argues that the solution has already been approached by linguistic philosophers, with their emphasis on the importance of language study to understanding human thought, and, second, by Thomas Kuhn's "The Structure of Scientific Revolutions," with its notion of controlling intellectual paradigms as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: In his first essay, "Languages and Their Implications," J. G. A. Pocock announces the emergence of the history of political thought as a discipline apart from political philosophy. Traditionally, "history" of political thought has meant a chronological ordering of intellectual systems without attention to political languages; but it is through the study of those languages and of their changes, Pocock claims, that political thought will at last be studied historically. Pocock argues that the solution has already been approached by, first, the linguistic philosophers, with their emphasis on the importance of language study to understanding human thought, and, second, by Thomas Kuhn's "The Structure of Scientific Revolutions," with its notion of controlling intellectual paradigms. Those paradigms within and through which the scientist organizes his intellectual enterprise may well be seen as analogous to the worlds of political discourse in which political problems are posed and political solutions are proffered. Using this notion of successive paradigms, Pocock demonstrates its effectiveness by analyzing a wide range of subjects, from ancient Chinese philosophy to Machiavelli, Hobbes, and Burke.