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Showing papers on "Politics published in 1990"


Book
01 Jan 1990
TL;DR: Young as mentioned in this paper argues that normative theory and public policy should undermine group-based oppression by affirming rather than suppressing social group difference, and argues for a principle of group representation in democratic publics and for group-differentiated policies.
Abstract: This book challenges the prevailing philosophical reduction of social justice to distributive justice. It critically analyzes basic concepts underlying most theories of justice, including impartiality, formal equality, and the unitary moral subjectivity. Starting from claims of excluded groups about decision making, cultural expression, and division of labor, Iris Young defines concepts of domination and oppression to cover issues eluding the distributive model. Democratic theorists, according to Young do not adequately address the problem of an inclusive participatory framework. By assuming a homogeneous public, they fail to consider institutional arrangements for including people not culturally identified with white European male norms of reason and respectability. Young urges that normative theory and public policy should undermine group-based oppression by affirming rather than suppressing social group difference. Basing her vision of the good society on the differentiated, culturally plural network of contemporary urban life, she argues for a principle of group representation in democratic publics and for group-differentiated policies. "This is an innovative work, an important contribution to feminist theory and political thought, and one of the most impressive statements of the relationship between postmodernist critiques of universalism and concrete thinking.... Iris Young makes the most convincing case I know of for the emancipatory implications of postmodernism." --Seyla Benhabib, State University of New York at Stony Brook

7,816 citations


Book ChapterDOI
TL;DR: The idea of domestic privacy is to exclude some issues and interests from public debate by personalizing and/or familiarizing them; it casts these as privatedomestic or personal-familial matters in contradistinction to public, political matters.
Abstract: One important object of interpublic contestation is the appropriate boundaries of the public sphere. The civic republican model stresses a view of politics as people reasoning together to promote a common good that transcends the mere sum of individual preferences. The idea is that through deliberation the members of the public can come to discover or create such a common good. In the process of their deliberations, participants are transformed from a collection of self-seeking, private individuals into a public-spirited collectivity, capable of acting together in the common interest. The rhetoric of domestic privacy seeks to exclude some issues and interests from public debate by personalizing and/or familiarizing them; it casts these as private-domestic or personal-familial matters in contradistinction to public, political matters. The public sphere, in short, is not the state; it is rather the informally mobilized body of nongovernmental discursive opinion that can serve as a counterweight to the state.

4,586 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article argued that governmentality has a characteristically "programmatic" form, and that it is inextricably bound to the invention and evaluation of technologies that seek to improve government power.
Abstract: This paper proposes some new ways of analysing the exercise of political power in advanced liberal democratic societies These are developed from Michel Foucault's conception of ‘governmentality’ and addresses political power in terms of ‘political rationalities’ and ‘technologies of government’ It draws attention to the diversity of regulatory mechanisms which seek to give effect to government, and to the particular importance of indirect mechanisms that link the conduct of individuals and organizations to political objectives through ‘action at a distance’ The paper argues for the importance of an analysis of language in understanding the constitution of the objects of politics, not simply in terms of meaning or rhetoric, but as ‘intellectual technologies’ that render aspects of existence amenable to inscription and calculation It suggests that governmentality has a characteristically ‘programmatic’ form, and that it is inextricably bound to the invention and evaluation of technologies that seek to g

2,488 citations


Book
01 Jan 1990
TL;DR: In this article, the authors define good science as "the political function of good science from advice to policy Acceptable risk Scientific advice as Legitimation: Negotiation and Boundary Work Defining "Good Science" Normative Implications.
Abstract: 1. Rationalizing Politics The Rise of Social Regulation Science and Policymaking Expertise and Trust The Contingency of Knowledge The Reform Debate An Alternative Approach 2. Flawed Decisions Nitrites 2,4,5-T Love Canal Estimates of Occupational Cancer The Technocratic Response A Critical Counterpoint 3. Science for the People The Rationale for Public Science The "New" Expert Agency Scientific Advice and Open Government Judicial Review of Science Policy The Weakening of the Paradigm 4. Peer Review and Regulatory Science The Traditions of Peer Review Peer Review in Practice Instructive Failures Regulatory Science: Content and Context Implications for Regulatory Peer Review 5. EPA and the Science Advisory Board Early Political Challenges A New Cooperation Boundary Exercises SAB's Impact on Policy Conclusion 6. The Science and Policy of Clean Air CASAC and the NAAQS Process Science and Standards Redefining CASAC's Role The Carbon Monoxide Controversy CASAC's Effectiveness: Bridging Science and Policy 7. Advisers as Adversaries The Scientific Advisory Panel Implementing the Impossible Ethylene Dibromide Dicofol Alar A Fragmentation of Authority 8. FDA's Advisory Network The Scientific Evaluation of Drugs Expertise and Food Safety Advice and Decision 9. Coping with New Knowledge The Quest for Principled Risk Assessment Formaldehyde: An Uncertain Carcinogen Conclusion 10. Technocracy Revisited A Public-Private Partnership for Science Risk Assessment without Politics The Public Board of Inquiry Wider Applications 11. The Political Function of Good Science From Advice to Policy Acceptable Risk Scientific Advice as Legitimation: Negotiation and Boundary Work Defining "Good Science" Normative Implications Conclusion Notes Index

1,737 citations


Book
15 Oct 1990
TL;DR: Laqueur's "making and unmaking of sex over the centuries" as mentioned in this paper is a detailed account of the evolution of reproductive anatomy and physiology from the ancients to the moderns.
Abstract: This is a book about the making and unmaking of sex over the centuries. It tells the astonishing story of sex in the West from the ancients to the moderns in a precise account of developments in reproductive anatomy and physiology. We cannot fail to recognize the players in Thomas Laqueur's story--the human sexual organs and pleasures, food, blood, semen, egg, sperm--but we will be amazed at the plots into which they have been woven by scientists, political activists, literary figures, and theorists of every stripe. Laqueur begins with the question of why, in the late eighteenth century, woman's orgasm came to be regarded as irrelevant to conception, and he then proceeds to retrace the dramatic changes in Western views of sexual characteristics over two millennia. Along the way, two masterplots emerge. In the one-sex story, woman is an imperfect version of man, and her anatomy and physiology are construed accordingly: the vagina is seen as an interior penis, the womb as a scrotum, the ovaries as testicles. The body is thus a representation, not the foundation, of social gender. The second plot tends to dominate post-Enlightenment thinking while the one-sex model is firmly rooted in classical learning. The two-sex story says that the body determines gender differences, that woman is the opposite of man with incommensurably different organs, functions, and feelings. The two plots overlap; neither ever holds a monopoly. Science may establish many new facts, but even so, Laqueur argues, science was only providing a new way of speaking, a rhetoric and not a key to female liberation or to social progress. Making Sex ends with Freud, who denied the neurological evidence to insistthat, as a girl becomes a woman, the locus of her sexual pleasure shifts from the clitoris to the vagina; she becomes what culture demands despite, not because of, the body. Turning Freud's famous dictum around, Laqueur posits that destiny is anatomy. Sex, in other words, is an artifice. This is a powerful story, written with verve and a keen sense of telling detail (be it technically rigorous or scabrously fanciful). Making Sex will stimulate thought, whether argument or surprised agreement, in a wide range of readers.

1,736 citations


Book
01 Jan 1990
TL;DR: New Reflections on the Revolution of Our Time as discussed by the authors continues the innovative exploration of major issues concerning democracy and socialism which was staked out in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy, examining the meanings of social struggle in the context of late capitalism, Laclau situates the re-making of political identities within a framework of democratic revolution.
Abstract: New Reflections on the Revolution of Our Time continues the innovative exploration of major issues concerning democracy and socialism which was staked out in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy. Examining the meanings of social struggle in the context of late capitalism, Laclau situates the re-making of political identities within a framework of democratic revolution. The critical method is one which describes major structural changes in the contemporary world-system at the same time as it theorizes a coherent and radical interpretative form. This marriage of politics and theory allows the book to embrace topics ranging from the relationship between Marxism and psychoanalysis to the historical significance of May 1968 and forms of political struggle in the third world. In a final section of illuminating interviews the author expounds his most recent thought on politics and philosophy.

1,607 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that an accurate cognition of informal networks can itself be a base of power, above and beyond power attributable to informal and formal structural positions, and explore this claim, a small entrepreneurial firm was studied.
Abstract: David Krackhardt Comell University This paper argues that an accurate cognition of informal networks can itself be a base of power, above and beyond power attributable to informal and formal structural positions. To explore this claim, a small entrepreneurial firm was studied. Perceptions of the friendship and advice networks were compared to \"actual\" networte. Those who had more accurate cognitions of the advice network were rated as more powerful by others in the organization, although accuracy of the friendship network was not related to reputational power.*

1,379 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
01 Jan 1990
TL;DR: A detailed review of interconnections among individual behavior, household strategies, community structures, and national political economies indicates that inter-level and inter-temporal dependencies are inherent to the migration process and give it a strong internal momentum.
Abstract: This review culls disparate elements from the theoretical and research literature on human migration to argue for the construction of a theory of migration that simultaneously incorporates multiple levels of analysis within a longitudinal perspective. A detailed review of interconnections among individual behavior household strategies community structures and national political economies indicates that inter-level and inter-temporal dependencies are inherent to the migration process and give it a strong internal momentum. The dynamic interplay between network growth and individual migration labor migration remittances and local income distributions all create powerful feedback mechanisms that lead to the cumulative causation of migration. These mechanisms are reinforced and shaped by macrolevel relationships within the larger political economy. (authors)

1,355 citations


Book
Terry Eagleton1
01 Jan 1990
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a review of the history of postmodernism in the context of art, philosophy, and philosophy of being: The Law of the Heart, Shaftesbury, Hume, Burke, Schiller and Heidegger.
Abstract: Introduction. 1. Free Particulars. 2. The Law of the Heart: Shaftesbury, Hume, Burke. 3. The Kantian Imaginary. 4. Schiller and Hegemony. 5. The World as Artefact: Fichte, Schelling, Hegel. 6. The Death of Desire: Arthur Schopenhauer. 7. Absolutte Ironies: Sren Kierkegaard. 8. The Marxist Sublime. 9. True Illusions: Friedrich Nietzshe. 10. The Name of the Father: Sigmund Freud. 11. The Politics of Being: Martin Heidegger. 12. The Marxist Rabbi: Walter Benjamin. 13. Art After Auschwitz: Theodor Adorno. 14. From the Polis to Postmodernism. Index.

1,348 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The course is focused on historical texts, most of them philosophical as discussed by the authors, and context for understanding the texts and the course of democratic development will be provided in lecture and discussions, and by some background readings (Dunn).
Abstract: The course is focused on historical texts, most of them philosophical. Context for understanding the texts and the course of democratic development will be provided in lecture and discussions, and by some background readings (Dunn). We begin with the remarkable Athenian democracy, and its frequent enemy the Spartan oligarchy. In Athens legislation was passed directly by an assembly of all citizens, and executive officials were selected by lot rather than by competitive election. Athenian oligarchs such as Plato more admired Sparta, and their disdain for the democracy became the judgment of the ages, until well after the modern democratic revolutions. Marsilius of Padua in the early Middle Ages argued for popular sovereignty. The Italian citystates of the Middle Ages did without kings, and looked back to Rome and Greece for republican models. During the English Civil War republicans debated whether the few or the many should be full citizens of the regime. The English, French, and American revolutions struggled with justifying and establishing a representative democracy suitable for a large state, and relied on election rather than lot to select officials. The English established a constitutional monarchy, admired in Europe, and adapted by the Americans in their republican constitution. The American Revolution helped inspire the French, and the French inspired republican and democratic revolution throughout Europe during the 19 century.

1,210 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a political history of postwar Atlanta and an elegant, innovative, and incisive conceptual framework destined to influence the way urban politics is studied in the future.
Abstract: From the end of Georgia's white primary in 1946 to the present, Atlanta has been a community of growing black electoral strength and stable white economic power. Yet the ballot box and investment money never became opposing weapons in a battle for domination. Instead, Atlanta experienced the emergence and evolution of a biracial coalition. Although beset by changing conditions and significant cost pressures, this coalition has remained intact. At critical junctures forces of cooperation overcame antagonisms of race and ideology. While retaining a critical distance from rational choice theory, author Clarence Stone finds the problem of collective action to be centrally important. The urban condition in America is one of weak and diffuse authority, and this situation favors any group that can act cohesively and control a substantial body of resources. Those endowed with a capacity to promote cooperation can attract allies and overcome oppositional forces. On the negative side of the political ledger, Atlanta's style of civic cooperation is achieved at a cost. Despite an ambitious program of physical redevelopment, the city is second only to Newark, New Jersey, in the poverty rate. Social problems, conflict of interest issues, and inattention to the production potential of a large lower class bespeak a regime unable to address a wide range of human needs. No simple matter of elite domination, it is a matter of governing arrangements built out of selective incentives and inside deal-making; such arrangements can serve only limited purposes. The capacity of urban regimes to bring about elaborate forms of physical redevelopment should not blind us to their incapacity to address deeply rooted social problems. Stone takes the historical approach seriously. The flow of events enables us to see how some groups deploy their resource advantages to fashion governing arrangements to their liking. But no one enjoys a completely free hand; some arrangements are more workable than others. Stone's theory-minded analysis of key events enables us to ask why and what else might be done. \"Regime Politics\" offers readers a political history of postwar Atlanta and an elegant, innovative, and incisive conceptual framework destined to influence the way urban politics is studied.

Book
01 Jan 1990
TL;DR: The politics of coalition in Europe who plays the coalition game? what are the stakes? how do you win? who gets in? will it last? who get what? coalitions in a constrained real world.
Abstract: The politics of coalition in Europe who plays the coalition game? what are the stakes? how do you win? who gets in? will it last? who gets what? coalitions in a constrained real world.

Journal Article
TL;DR: Klein this paper provides a comprehensive study of the modern concept of interdisciplinarity, supplementing her discussion with the most complete bibliography yet compiled on the subject, spanning the social sciences, natural sciences, humanities, and professions.
Abstract: In this volume, Julie Klein provides the first comprehensive study of the modern concept of interdisciplinarity, supplementing her discussion with the most complete bibliography yet compiled on the subject. Spanning the social sciences, natural sciences, humanities, and professions, her study is a synthesis of existing scholarship on interdisciplinary research, education and health care. Klein argues that any interdisciplinary activity embodies a complex network of historical, social, psychological, political, economic, philosophical, and intellectual factors. Whether the context is a short-ranged instrumentality or a long-range reconceptualization of the way we know and learn, the concept of interdisciplinarity is an important means of solving problems and answering questions that cannot be satisfactorily addressed using singular methods or approaches.

Book
01 Jan 1990
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a survey of discursive designs for political man and woman in the context of political science and public policy, focusing on the ambitions of policy and progress and rationality.
Abstract: Preface Part I. Introduction: 1. Democratizing rationality Part II. Political Institutions: 2. Discursive designs 3. Complexity 4. Discursive dynamics 5. International discursive designs (with Susan Hunter) Part III. Public Policy: 6. Policy sciences of democracy 7. The ambitions of policy (with Brian Ripley) Part IV. Political Science: 8. The mismeasure of political man 9. The measure of political man - and woman 10. Progress and rationality Part V. Conclusion: 11. On extending democracy Notes Bibliography Index.

Book
06 Nov 1990
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a theory of the capitalist state, the value form, the state as strategy, and hegemonic projects from state forms and functions to the State as Strategy.
Abstract: Preface and Acknowledgements. General Introduction. Part I. On Marxist Theories of Law, the State, and their Relative Autonomy from the Capitalist Economy and Class Struggles:. 1. Recent Theories of the Capitalist State. 2. Recent Theories of Law, the State, and Juridico-Political Ideology. 3. Marxism, Economic Determinism, and Relative Autonomy. Part II. Political Representation, Social Bases, and State Forms: Corporatism, Parliamentarism, and the National Interest:. 4. Corporatism, Parliamentarism, and Social Democracy. 5. Capitalist States, Capitalist Interests, and the Rule of Capital. 6. The Democratic State and the National Interest. Part III. The Value Form, The Capitalist State, and Hegemonic Projects: From State Forms and Functions to the State as Strategy:. 7. Accumulation Strategies, State Forms, and Hegemonic Projects. 8. Poulantzas and Foucault on Power and Strategy. 9. The State as Strategy. Part IV. Putting States in their Place: Towards a Strategic-Relational Theory of Societalization:. 10. Anti-Marxist Reinstatement and Post-Marxist Deconstruction. 11. Societalization, Regulation, and Self-Reference. 12. Putting States in their Place. Selected Writings of Bob Jessop. General Bibliography. Index.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the behavioral and information cost assumptions that underlie instrumental rationality and the consequent a-institutional world of neoclassical theory are described and described. But they do not specify and describe the behavioral cost assumptions of instrumental rationality.
Abstract: This essay first specifies and describes the behavioral and information cost assumptions that underlie instrumental rationality and the consequent a-institutional world of neoclassical theory and c...



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The universal administrative reform movement in public management of the past two decades, as illustrated in the three articles on administrative reform in Britain, Australia and New Zealand which follow this article, has obviously been driven in large part by the requirement that governments respond to the fiscal stresses brought about by changes in the international economic system on the one hand and by the unrelenting demands for government services and regulations in national political systems on the other as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The universal administrative reform movement in public management of the past two decades, as illustrated in the three articles on administrative reform in Britain, Australia and New Zealand which follow this article, has obviously been driven in large part by the requirement that governments respond to the fiscal stresses brought about by changes in the international economic system on the one hand and by the unrelenting demands for government services and regulations in national political systems on the other. These stresses have led to the paramountcy of policy responses aimed at budgetary restraint and at downsizing the public services of governments, as well as - various measures to privatize government operations and to deregulate private economic enterprises. Within the context of these developments, two major sets of ideas have come to influence the design of governance and management therein. They are not unrelated to the policy responses which have come to be characterized as ”neo-conservative,” but they have a separate identity. The first set of ideas, emanating from the school of thought known as public choice theory, focuses on the need to reestablish the primacy of representative government over bureaucracy. The second set of ideas, now generally referred to as the “managerialist” school of thought, focuses on the need to reestablish the primacy of managerial principles over bureaucracy. Taken together, they have had a profound impact on the ways in which governments are structured for the purposes of administering public affairs. Although the changes which have been introduced or proposed as a result of these two sets of ideas might be regarded as a ”return to the basics” of representative government and public administration, there is an important sense in which the fundamental prescriptions of the two proceed from quite different premises about what constitutes public management. The coupling of the two thus must inevitably give rise to tensions, if not outright contradictions, in the implementation of these ideas. At the same time it is clear that these tensions and contradictions are inherent in the governance of modern administrative states (Waldo 1984). It is not illogical, therefore, that governments should attempt to pursue the

Book
01 Jan 1990
TL;DR: The paradigm of economic sociology: premises and promises RICHARD SWEDBERG, ULF HIMMELSTRAND and GORAN BRULIN 4. Clean models vs. dirty bands: differences between economics and sociology as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: 1. Editors' introduction PART I: THEORY BUILDING IN ECONOMIC SOCIOLOGY 2. Clean models vs. dirty bands: differences between economics and sociology PAUL HIRSCH, STUART MICHAELS and RAY FRIEDMAN 3. The paradigm of economic sociology: premises and promises RICHARD SWEDBERG, ULF HIMMELSTRAND and GORAN BRULIN 4. Marxism, functionalism and game theory JON ELSTER PART II: ALTERING ASSUMPTIONS ABOUT ORGANIZATIONS 5. Economic theories of organisation CHARLES PERROW 6. The growth of public and private bureaucracies MARSHALL W. MEYER PART III: FINANCE CAPITAL 7. Capital market effects on external control of corporations LINDA BREWSTER STEARNS 8. Bank hegemoney in the United States BETH MINTZ and MICHAEL SCHWARTZ 9. Accounting rationality and financial legitimation PAUL MONTAGNA PART IV: THE STATE AND CAPITAL 10. Business and politics in the United States and the United Kingdom MICHAEL USEEM 11. Political choice and the multiple 'logics' of capital FRED BLOCK 12. Private and social wage expansion in the advanced market economies ROGER FRIEDLAND and JIMY SANDERS PART V: MANAGEMENT, ENTREPRENEURS, AND CAPITAL 13. Visions of American managements in post-war France LUC BOLTANSKI 14. Markets, managers and technical autonomy PETER WHALLEY 15. A critique and reformulation of immigrant enterprise ROGER WALDINGER.

Book
01 Jan 1990
TL;DR: Rosenau's Turbulence in World Politics is an entirely new formulation that accounts for the persistent turmoil of today's world, even as it also probes the impact of the microelectronic revolution, the postindustrial order, and the many other fundamental political, economic, and social changes under way since World War II as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In this ambitious work a leading scholar undertakes a full-scale reconceptualization of international relations Turbulence in World Politics is an entirely new formulation that accounts for the persistent turmoil of today's world, even as it also probes the impact of the microelectronic revolution, the postindustrial order, and the many other fundamental political, economic, and social changes under way since World War II To develop this formulation, James N Rosenau digs deep into the workings of communities and the orientations of individuals that culminate in collective action on the world stage His concern is less with questions of epistemology and methodology and more with the development of a comprehensive theoryone that is different from other paradigms in the field by virtue of its focus on the tumult in contemporary international relations The book depicts a bifurcation of global politics in which an autonomous multi-centric world has emerged as a competitor of the long established state-centric world A central theme is that the analytic skills of people everywhere are expanding and thereby altering the context in which international processes unfold Rosenau shows how the macro structures of global politics have undergone transformations linked to those at the micro level: long-standing structures of authority weaken, collectivities fragment, subgroups become more powerful at the expense of states and governments, national loyalties are redirected, and new issues crowd onto the global agenda These turbulent dynamics foster the simultaneous centralizing and decentralizing tendencies that are now bifurcating global structures "Rosenau's new work is an imaginative leap into world politics in the twenty-first century There is much here to challenge traditional thought of every persuasion" --Michael Brecher, McGill University

Book
01 Jan 1990
TL;DR: The Everyday World as Problematic: A Feminist Sociology by Dorothy E. Smith as mentioned in this paper is a crucial book for feminists, for sociology and the new "political anthropological historical school." It informs us how we are differently "situated" in and through social relations, which texts and images mediate, organise and construct.
Abstract: 'A crucial book for feminists, for sociology and the new "political anthropological historical school". It informs us how we are differently "situated" in and through social relations, which texts and images mediate, organise and construct.' Philip Corrigan, Professor of Applied Sociology, Exeter University Dorothy E. Smith is Professor of Sociology in Education, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, Toronto. She is the author of The Everyday World as Problematic: A Feminist Sociology.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors focus on norms that prohibit, both in international law and in the domestic criminal laws of states, the involvement of state and nonstate actors in activities such as piracy, slavery, counterfeiting, drug trafficking, the hijacking of aircraft, and the killing of endangered animal species.
Abstract: The dynamics by which norms emerge and spread in international society have been the subject of strikingly little study. This article focuses on norms that prohibit, both in international law and in the domestic criminal laws of states, the involvement of state and nonstate actors in activities such as piracy, slavery, counterfeiting, drug trafficking, the hijacking of aircraft, and the killing of endangered animal species. It analyzes the manner in which these norms have evolved into and been institutionalized by global prohibition regimes and argues that there are two principal inducements to the formation and promotion of such regimes. The first is the inadequacy of unilateral and bilateral law enforcement measures in the face of criminal activities that transcend national borders. The second is the role of moral and emotional factors related to neither political nor economic advantage but instead involving religious beliefs, humanitarian sentiments, fears, prejudices, paternalism, faith in universalism, the individual conscience, and the compulsion to proselytize. The ultimate success or failure of an international regime in effectively suppressing a particular activity depends, however, not only on the degree of commitment to its norms or the extent of resources devoted to carrying out its goals but also on the vulnerability of the activity to its enforcement measures.

Book
01 Jan 1990
TL;DR: The Disorder of Women: Women, Love and the Sense of Justice as discussed by the authors is a collection of essays about women, love, and the sense of justice in the social contract of the United States.
Abstract: 1. Introduction. 2. The Disorder of Women: Women, Love and the Sense of Justice. 3. The Fraternal Social Contract. 4. Justifying Political Obligation. 5. Women and Consent. 6. Sublimation and Reification: Locke, Wolin and the Liberal Democratic Conception of the Political. 7. Feminist Critiques of the Public/Private Dichotomy. 8. The Civic Culture: A Philosophic Critique. 9. The Patriarchal Welfare State. 10. Feminism and Democracy.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors develop a view of the member-donor relationship that questions the theoretical underpinnings of the vote-buying hypothesis itself and suggest two alternative claims: (1) the effects of group expenditures are more likely to appear in committee than on the floor; and (2) the behavior most likely to be affected is members' legislative involvement, not their votes.
Abstract: Over the last two decades institutional critics have increasingly charged that moneyed interests dominate the legislative process in Congress. Systematic research on campaign contributions and members' floor voting, however, provides little supporting evidence. We develop a view of the member-donor relationship that questions the theoretical underpinnings of the vote-buying hypothesis itself and suggests two alternative claims: (1) the effects of group expenditures are more likely to appear in committee than on the floor; and (2) the behavior most likely to be affected is members' legislative involvement, not their votes. In order to test this account, we specify a model of committee participation and estimate it using data from three House committees. In contrast to the substantial literature on contributions and roll calls, our analysis provides solid support for the importance of moneyed interests in the legislative process. We also find evidence that members are more responsive to organized business interests within their districts than to unorganized voters even when voters have strong preferences and the issue at stake is salient. Such findings suggest several important implications for our understanding of political money, interest groups, and the representativeness of legislative deliberations.

Book
01 Jan 1990
TL;DR: Feminist social theory and female body experience are the twin themes of Iris Marion Young's twelve outstanding essays written over the past decade and brought together here as mentioned in this paper, which raise critical questions about women and citizenship, the relations of capitalism and women's oppression, and the differences between a feminist theory that emphasizes women's difference and one that assumes a gender-neutral humanity.
Abstract: Feminist social theory and female body experience are the twin themes of Iris Marion Young's twelve outstanding essays written over the past decade and brought together here. Her contributions to social theory raise critical questions about women and citizenship, the relations of capitalism and women's oppression, and the differences between a feminist theory that emphasizes women's difference and one that assumes a gender-neutral humanity. Loosely following a phenomenological method of description, Young's essays on female embodiment discuss female movement, pregnancy, clothing, and the breasted body.In an introduction that situates her work in the context of shifts in feminist theory and politics over the past decade, Young emphasizes the rootedness of her theorizing in a dedicated and seasoned political activism. Iris Marion Young, Associate Professor of Public and International Affairs at the University of Pittsburgh, is author of "Justice and the Politics of Difference" and coeditor, with Jeffner Allen, of "The Thinking Muse: Feminism and Modern French Philosophy".

Book
01 Mar 1990
TL;DR: The Personal Vote as discussed by the authors describes the behavior of representatives in the United States and Great Britain and the response of their constituents as well, showing how congressmen and members of Parliament earn personalized support and how this attenuates their ties to national leaders and parties.
Abstract: Modern legislators are increasingly motivated to serve their constituents in personal ways. Representatives act like ultimate ombudsmen: they keep in close touch with their constituents and try to cultivate a relationship with them based on service and accessibility. "The Personal Vote" describes the behavior of representatives in the United States and Great Britain and the response of their constituents as well. It shows how congressmen and members of Parliament earn personalized support and how this attenuates their ties to national leaders and parties.The larger significance of this empirical work arises from its implications for the structure of legislative institutions and the nature of legislative action. Personalized electoral support correlates with decentralized governing institutions and special-interest policy making. Such systems tend to inconsistency and stalemate. The United States illustrates a mature case of this development, and Britain is showing the first movements in this direction with the decline of an established two-party system, the rise of a centrist third party, greater volatility in the vote, growing backbench independence and increasing backbench pressure for committees and staff.This book is essential for specialists in American national government, British politics, and comparative legislatures and comparative parties.

Book
01 Nov 1990
TL;DR: The history, tasks and theory of social program evaluation can be found in this article, where the authors present a good theory for evaluating social programs, including the science of valuing.
Abstract: PART ONE: INTRODUCTION Social Program Evaluation Its History, Tasks and Theory Good Theory for Social Program Evaluation PART TWO: STAGE ONE THEORIES: BRINGING TRUTH TO SOCIAL PROBLEM SOLVING Michael S Scriven The Science of Valuing Donald T Campbell Methodologist of the Experimenting Society PART THREE: STAGE TWO THEORIES: GENERATING ALTERNATIVES EMPHASIZING USE AND PRAGMATISM Carol H Weiss Linking Evaluation to Policy Research Joseph S Wholey Evaluation for Program Improvement Robert E Stake Responsive Evaluation and Qualitative Methods PART FOUR: STAGE THREE THEORIES: TRYING TO INTEGRATE THE PAST Lee J Cronbach Functional Evaluation Design for a World of Political Accommodation Peter H Rossi Comprehensive, Tailored, Theory-Driven Evaluations - A Smorgasbord of Options PART FIVE: CONCLUSIONS Summary and Implications for Evaluation Theory and Practice

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors report results from the National Election Studies 1987 pilot study, which included more than thirty-five efficacy and trust items and find that internal efficacy is especially robust; a four- to six-item scale represents a considerable improvement on existing NES measures.
Abstract: Political efficacy and trust—among the most frequently used survey measures of general political attitudes—are often maligned for their lack of reliability and validity. This paper reports results from the National Election Studies 1987 pilot study, which included more than thirty-five efficacy and trust items. Five attitudinal dimensions were hypothesized; four emerged clearly. One scale, internal efficacy, is especially robust; a four- to six-item scale represents a considerable improvement on existing NES measures. External efficacy is distinguished from political trust, at least when the former is measured in terms of the fairness of political procedures and outcomes rather than in terms of elite responsiveness to popular demands. Though less decisive, there also is support for dividing trust into incumbent- and regime-based components. The failure to find a similar incumbent- and regime-based distinction for external efficacy is in accord with theoretical perspectives.

Book
01 Jan 1990
TL;DR: In this paper, a structural political economy is proposed to describe the structural power structure of the United States. But it does not consider the role of voting and political participation in the political process.
Abstract: 1. Politics in structural perspective 2. Voting and political participation 3. Social movements Nancy Wisely 4. Organizational power Naomi J. Kaufman 5. Community power structures 6. Elites in the nation state 7. International relations Jodi Burmeister-May 8. Toward a structural political economy Appendix References Index.