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Showing papers on "State (polity) published in 1983"


Book
01 Jan 1983

638 citations




Book
01 Jan 1983
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a bibliography of the literature on state, class and power, authority and patronage, popular participation, political issues and conflict, and ideology bibliography.
Abstract: Preface 1. State, class and power 2. Authority and patronage 3. Politics 4. Popular participation 5. Political issues and conflict 6. Ideology Bibliography Index.

271 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors develop the concept of production through a double critique: first, recent literature on the organization of work for ignoring the political and ideological regimes in production; and second, recent theories of the state for failing to root its interventions in the requirements of capitalist development.
Abstract: The paper develops the concept of politics of production through a double critique: first, of recent literature on the organization of work for ignoring the political and ideological regimes in production; and second, of recent theories of the state for failing to root its interventions in the requirements of capitalist development. The paper distinguishes three types of production politics: despotic, hegemonic, and hegemonic despotic. The focus is on national variations of hegemonic regimes. The empirical basis of the analysis is a comparison of two workshops, one in Manchester, England, and the other in Chicago, with similar work organizations and situated in similar market contexts. State supportfor those not employed and state regulation of factory regimes explain the distinctive production politics not only in Britain and the United States but also in Japan and Sweden. The different national configurations of state intervention are themselves framed by the combined and uneven development of capitalism on a world scale. Finally, consideration is given to the character of the contemporary period, in which there emerges a new form of production politics-hegemonic despotism-founded on the mobility of capital.

250 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article argued that the paradox of postcolonial states pursuing internal and external policies remarkably similar to those of their colonial predecessors, despite the passage from colonialism to independence, is best resolved by focusing on the distinct, long-standing, institutional interests of the state-qua-state.
Abstract: The author of this article argues that the paradox of postcolonial states pursuing internal and external policies remarkably similar to those of their colonial predecessors, despite the passage from colonialism to independence, is best resolved by focusing on the distinct, long-standing, institutional interests of the state-qua-state. It is these interests that make explicable the key policies of Suharto's New Order toward economic development, the Chinese minority, participatory organizations, and internal and external security. The author analyzes the nature and growth of the Dutch colonial state, its decline and near-collapse between 1942 (Japanese invasion) and 1965 (downfall of Sukarno's Guided Democracy), and its revival under ex-colonial sergeant Suharto.

211 citations


Book
15 May 1983
TL;DR: Badie and Birnbaum as discussed by the authors argue that the origin of the state is a social fact, arising out of the peculiar sociohistorical context of Western Europe, and that the state was an "invention" rather than a necessary consequence of any other process.
Abstract: Too often we think of the modern political state as a universal institution, the inevitable product of History rather than a specific creation of a very particular history. Bertrand Badie and Pierre Birnbaum here persuasively argue that the origin of the state is a social fact, arising out of the peculiar sociohistorical context of Western Europe. Drawing on historical materials and bringing sociological insights to bear on a field long abandoned to jurists and political scientists, the authors lay the foundations for a strikingly original theory of the birth and subsequent diffusion of the state. The book opens with a review of the principal evolutionary theories concerning the origin of the institution proposed by such thinkers as Marx, Durkheim, and Weber. Rejecting these views, the authors set forward and defend their thesis that the state was an "invention" rather than a necessary consequence of any other process. Once invented, the state was disseminated outside its Western European birthplace either through imposition or imitation. The study concludes with concrete analyses of the differences in actual state institutions in France, Prussia, Great Britain, the United States, and Switzerland.

182 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
01 Jan 1983
TL;DR: Is international law really law? Historical and political factors Sources of international laws International law and municipal law States and government International organisations, individuals and companies Treatment of allies Jurisdiction Immunity from jurisdiction Treaties Acquisition of territory Legal consequences of changes of sovereignty over territory (state succession) The law of the sea Air space and outer space The United Nations Peaceful settlement of disputes between states International laws Civil wars Self-determination Table of contents Index
Abstract: Is international law really law? Historical and political factors Sources of international laws International law and municipal law States and government International organisations, individuals and companies Treatment of allies Jurisdiction Immunity from jurisdiction Treaties Acquisition of territory Legal consequences of changes of sovereignty over territory (state succession) The law of the sea Air space and outer space The United Nations Peaceful settlement of disputes between states International laws Civil wars Self-determination Table of contents Index

157 citations


Book
01 Jan 1983
TL;DR: The authors reveal flaws in the assumptions on which much of modern economic analysis is based, while showing how economists can still contribute to the management of an economy subject to social and political pressures.
Abstract: The author is concerned to reveal flaws in the assumptions on which much of modern economic analysis is based, while showing how economists can still contribute to the management of an economy subject to social and political pressures.

151 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Richard Joseph1
01 Nov 1983

143 citations


Posted Content
TL;DR: The authors reveal flaws in the assumptions on which much of modern economic analysis is based, while showing how economists can still contribute to the management of an economy subject to social and political pressures.
Abstract: The author is concerned to reveal flaws in the assumptions on which much of modern economic analysis is based, while showing how economists can still contribute to the management of an economy subject to social and political pressures.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the strengths and weaknesses of the ecological approach to state formation in its current form; to suggest how a greater emphasis on social components and their interactions can enhance our understanding of why and how states emerge.
Abstract: It has become increasingly difficult to account for state formation solely in terms of ecological variables. It is suggested that consideration of prestate political structure and the interplay of ecological variables and political dynamics (political ecology) would enhance our understanding of why and how states emerge. The Aztecs provide a case for examination. [Aztecs, ecology, political competition, state origins] THE STATE IS A POWERFUL, COMPLEX, PERMANENTLY INSTITUTED SYSTEM Of centralized political administration. It exercises sovereignty in carrying out basic political functions (maintaining territorial rights, maintaining internal order, making and executing decisions regarding group action), and its authority in these matters is buttressed by sovereignty in the use of force within its jurisdiction (Keesing 1976:348; Sahlins 1968:4-7; Yoffee 1979:14-17). States are characterized by administrative complexity; administrative personnel are hierarchically ordered and specialized by administrative tasks (Johnson 1973:1-4; Wright 1978:49-68). The numerous attempts to explain why states emerge in some times and places but not others have been dominated by two contrasting approaches: the ecological and the structural. The first, based on the work of Julian Steward, relates state formation to the problems and/or opportunities presented to a human population by its environmental setting. In this approach, population growth and its resulting pressures provide the dynamic for state formation, and at least the initial stages are said to be promoted by the ecological benefits that the state confers on its general population. The second approach, growing out of the Marx-Engels tradition, regards state formation as a process generated by particular sociocultural orders. Certain types of societies (stratified societies, for example) are said to possess an internal dynamic that exerts pressure for state formation even when the relationship between the human population and its environment is stable. In this approach, the focus is less on a human population as a whole and more on social components and their interactions. Of these two approaches, the first has received a greater share of attention and has been elaborated more fully. As a result, some of its difficulties are now evident. The structural approach has been less thoroughly explored. This paper has three objectives: to discuss the strengths and weaknesses of the ecological approach to state formation in its current form; to suggest how a greater em

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The notion of legitimacy has a long and distinguished history in social and political thought, and the rather intense preoccupation with the legitimacy of the modern state' as a problem is a rather recent and striking phenomenon as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Recent scholarship in the social sciences has come to pay increasing attention to the legitimacy of political authority. While the notion of legitimacy itself has a long and distinguished history in social and political thought, the rather intense preoccupation with the legitimacy of the modern state' as a problem is a rather recent and striking phenomenon.2 This preoccupation derives from the argument that the modern state, for a variety of reasons, faces a rather serious problem of credibility and acceptability among its citizens. Common to most conceptions of the legitimacy issue is the notion that, as the range and scope of the state's activities increase, there is a corresponding but disproportionate increase in the need for legitimationa need that the state in turn seeks to satisfy by even further expanding its activities, thus perpetuating the spiral of increasing legitimacy needs that are forever harder to satisfy.3 A principal objective of this article is to show that this theoretical concern with the issue of legitimacy has

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors identify and analyze the political and economic functions of the state penal systems in the southern United States after the American Civil War, and identify the convict lease system as a mechanism of race control used to prevent ex slaves from obtaining the status and rights enjoyed by wage workers.
Abstract: This paper identifies and analyzes the political and economic functions of the state penal systems in the southern United States after the Civil War. The system of prison administration, discipline, and labor which emerged after 1865—known as the convict lease system—was a functional replacement for slavery. Like the Black Codes, vagrancy laws, and sharecropping arrangements, the convict lease system was a mechanism of race control used to prevent ex-slaves from obtaining the status and rights enjoyed by wage workers. The organization and philosophy of crime control both before and after the Civil War reflected the fact that both slaves and ex-slaves were problem populations. As such, they were a threat to the existing system of class rule but also a useful resource—economically as a pool of cheap labor for southern industrialization, and politically or symbolically as a means to consolidate white supremacy.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present some largely unexplored features of women's lives under National Socialism in Germany, and consider larger questions about the complex connections between racism and sexism, but they do not presume to exhaust the issue or even touch upon all its aspects.
Abstract: By presenting some largely unexplored features of women's lives under National Socialism in Germany, this essay considers larger questions about the complex connections between racism and sexism. It does not presume to exhaust the issue or even touch upon all its aspects. Instead, it approaches the issue through the perspective of one part of women's lives affected by state policy: reproduction or, as I prefer to call it, the reproductive aspect of women's unwaged housework. It can be no more than a contribution for two reasons. First, dealing with racism in Germany during this period involves assessing an unparalleled mass murder of millions of women and men, anl undertaking beyond the scope of any single essay. Second, this analysis is a first approach, for neither race nor gender, racism nor sexism-and even less their connection-has been a central theme in German social historiography.' When historians deal with women in modern Germany, they generally do not consider racism

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Bartolus and Baldus as mentioned in this paper made a distinctive contribution to the theory of the state, because they were seeking to apply a specific juristic language to account for the existence of contemporary territorial states.
Abstract: The late thirteenth and fourteenth-century civilians made a distinctive contribution to the theory of the state, because they were seeking to apply a specific juristic language to account for the existence of contemporary territorial states. Fully worked out state concepts are to be found in the works of Bartolus and Baldus, although elements necessary for the construction of a concept of the state exist in earlier Commentators. The theories of Bartolus and Baldus are prime illustrations that the concept of the state is historically fluid: they do not possess our concept of the state; indeed their theories are highly complex, combining aspects which are distinctively late medieval with others which can justifiably be termed elements of a modern idea of the state.


Book
22 Sep 1983
TL;DR: A comprehensive selection of the amajor writings in the field of sociology and economics can be found in this article, where the authors examine classic conceptions of the state, the formation of modern states, the significance of citzenship, the roles of economy and capital, the interaction of power and legitimacy, states in relation to the world economy, and - finally - the future of the modern state.
Abstract: For centuries the state has been the central element in the work of political scientists and philosophers. It is the focal point of many debates in sociology and economics. "States and Societies" provides a comprehensive selection of the amajor writings in the field. States and Societies addresses itself to fundamental questions. Is the state an independent entity above conflicts in society? Or is it enmeshed in those conflicts? Can we differentiate between types of state? Does the state diminish or increase freedom when it intervenes in our lives? In seven separate sections the editors examine classic conceptions of the state, the formation of modern states, the significance of citzenship, the roles of economy and capital, the interaction of power and legitimacy, states in relation to the world economy, and - finally - the future of the state. Extracts from the work of Machiavelli, Rousseau, Hobbes and other major theorists introduce the history of the state; essential contemporary articles by Anderson, Poulantzas, E.P. Thompson, Nozick and others focus on the nature and development of the state. Introdductions and analyses by the editors themselves provide a continuous critical narrative, linking separate themes. The whole is prefaced by David Held's substantial introductory essay, which provides a far-reaching analysis of the concept of the modern state.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the literature on international relations, the term "security" has traditionally been defined to mean immunity (to varying degrees) of a state or nation to threats emanating from outside its boundaries as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In the literature on international relations, the term 'security' has traditionally been defined to mean immunity (to varying degrees) of a state or nation to threats emanating from outside its boundaries. In the words of Walter Lippmann, 'a nation is secure to the extent to which it is not in danger of having to sacrifice core values, if it wishes to avoid war, and is able, if challenged, to maintain them by such victory in such a war'. According to Arnold Wolfers, Lippmann's definition 'iinplies that security rises and falls with the ability of a nation to deter an attack, or to defeat it. This is in accord with the common usage of the term.'2 Expanding on the concept of security as protection of core values, in the context of small Third World states, Talukder Maniruzzaman has stated that: 'By security we mean the protection and preservation of the minimum core values of any nation: political independence and territorial integrity."' This position is one that we can readily identify as the realist position in the Western and Western-influenced literature on international relations. However, some authors have differed significantly from this exclusively statecentric realist perspective. They have viewed the problem of security from the perspective of the international system and have focussed on what has, of late, come to be called international security. By adopting this system-centred perspective they have tried to mitigate some of the more Hobbesian characteristics of the realist position. They have taken their cue from views such as those expressed by Martin Wight, who had argued that 'if there is an international society, then there is an order of some kind to be maintained, or even developed. It is not fallacious to speak of a collective interest, and security acquires a broad meaning: it can be enjoyed or pursued in common. Foreign policy will take some account of the common interest. It becomes possible to transfer to international politics some of the categories of constitutionalism. '4 Proponents of the system-oriented approaches to security have taken the society of states ('anarchical' though it may be, to use Hedley Bull's phrase)5 as a relevant object of security. They have argued that the security of the parts of the system is inextricably intertwined with that of the whole. Indeed, the earliest of modern systemic analysts of security-the idealists of the inter-war period-refused to distinguish the security of the parts from that of the whole system. The post-Second World War breed of system-centred scholars has been more discriminating than its predecessors. These have argued from the assumption that the various segments of the international system are so far interlinked that they are 'interdependent'.6 While

Book
01 Jan 1983
TL;DR: Andreski as discussed by the authors discusses the failure of Capitalism in the Ancient World, the Confucianist Bureaucracy and the Germs of capitalism in China: the City and the Guild 4. Hindu Religion, Caste and Bureaucratic Despotism as Factors of Economic Stagnation: the Caste And the Tribe 5. The Nature of Modern Capitalism 6. Protestantism and the Spirit of Capitalism 7. The Distinctive Features of European Cities and the Rise of the West
Abstract: Introduction by Stanislav Andreski The Writings of Max Weber A Note on the Sources The Texts 1. The Uniqueness of Western Civilization 2. The Failure of Capitalism in the Ancient World 3. The Confucianist Bureaucracy and the Germs of Capitalism in China: the City and the Guild 4. Hindu Religion, Caste and Bureaucratic Despotism as Factors of Economic Stagnation: the Caste and the Tribe 5. The Nature of Modern Capitalism 6. Protestantism and the Spirit of Capitalism 7. Religion and Other Factors in the Development of Modern Capitalism 8. The Distinctive Features of European Cities and the Rise of the West 9. The State and Business Enterprise 10. The End of Capitalism?

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss the particular blend of sociohistorical elements that created a distinct form of authoritarian domination in El Salvador, Guatemala and, to a lesser extent, Nicaragua.
Abstract: This essay seeks to clarify the particular blend of sociohistorical elements that created a distinct form of authoritarian domination in El Salvador, Guatemala and, to a lesser extent, Nicaragua. Situations of ‘enclave’ versus ‘national control’, the consequences of export agriculture, the impact of the commodity cycle, and relations between the oligarchy and other social actors are examined in a comparative perspective to distil commonalities and differences. The emergence of a distinct variety of the capitalist state of exception followed the crisis of oligarchy brought about by the Depression of the late 1920s and early 1930s. State power became public at the time and the traditional oligarchies no longer ruled directly, although they were able to weave a relatively complex alliance. This is identified as a ‘reactionary coalition’ capable of resisting any change in the model of export agriculture, ‘unreformed’ capitalism, and political authoritarianism. This model is identified as ‘reactionary despotism’, and the contemporary crises of El Salvador, and Nicaragua are related to the deterioration of this form of political domination


Book
01 Jun 1983
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss the history of German democracy and the economic position of the Central Powers in the War War Socialism Autarky and Stockpiling The Economys War Costs and the Inflation Covering the States War Costs War Socialism and True Socialism.
Abstract: Introduction NATION AND STATE -- Nation and Nationality The Nation as a Speech Community Dialect and Standard Language National Changes The Nationality Principle in Politics Liberal or Pacifistic Nationalism Militant or Imperialistic Nationalism The Nationality Question in Territories with Mixed Populations The Migration Problem and Nationalism The Roots of Imperialism Pacifism On the History of German Democracy. WAR AND THE ECONOMY -- The Economic Position of the Central Powers in the War War Socialism Autarky and Stockpiling The Economys War Costs and the Inflation Covering the States War Costs War Socialism and True Socialism. SOCIALISM AND IMPERIALISM -- Socialism and Its Opponents Socialism and Utopia Centralist and Syndicalist Socialism Socialist Imperialism. Concluding Observations Index.

Book
01 Jan 1983
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine development theory from a political persepctive, and consider modernisation theory and public policy, as well as Marxism, the state, and the third world.
Abstract: This book examines development theory from a political persepctive. It considers modernisation theory and public policy, as well as Marxism, the state, and the third world.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a formal model is developed to establish the structural conditions that result in growth being progressive or regressive on the personal distribution of income, including intersectoral investment priorities between wage goods and luxuries.



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In a departure from the tradition of numerical taxonomy prevailing in the comparative study of political parties, Arian and Barnes as discussed by the authors provided a fascinating comparison of Israel and Italy-two "dominant party systems." Using a combination of historical materials, survey evidence, and common political sense, they showed that despite their lack of absolute majorities in the electorate, dominant parties in such systems possess unusual political resources, permitting long-term governmental control and a neartotal exclusion of the opposition.
Abstract: In a departure from the tradition of numerical taxonomy prevailing in the comparative study of political parties, Alan Arian and Samuel Barnes in 1974 provided a fascinating comparison of Israel and Italy-two "dominant party systems."' Using a combination of historical materials, survey evidence, and common political sense, they showed that despite their lack of absolute majorities in the electorate, dominant parties in such systems possess unusual political resources, permitting long-term governmental control and a neartotal exclusion of the opposition.2 Arian and Barnes's effort was unique in the annals of comparative politics, for they boldly compared what was generally considered a center-left dominant party, Mapai, with a center-right one, the Democrazia Cristiana, arguing persuasively that-even in the face of their differences-the two parties had developed similar mechanisms of control. Based on its domination of the pre-Independence Yishuv and its identification with the founding of the new state and with the dominant ideological tradition in Zionism, Mapai maintained itself in power long after its ideological elan had been weakened;3 although not solely responsible for founding the postwar Italian republic, the Christian Democracy (DC) held a similarly hegemonic role in Italy in no small part through its connections with the Catholic church, even though the level of consensus accorded it by the mass public was far weaker than that enjoyed by Mapai.4 Despite their differences-and those of their respective political systems-these dominant parties had enough in common for Arian and Barnes to compare them convincingly. Each represented a broad spectrum of the population. Although ideological in origin, both had become pragmatic in the instrumental use of power. Both were internally factionalized and had developed ties with a broad assortment of interest groups.5 Finally, each succeeded for a time in delegitimating an initially threatening contender for power: the left-wing communists in Italy and the right-wing nationalist Herut-then Gahal and today's Likud-in Israel.6

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors compare the impacts of different forms of politician-civil-servant relations on the capacity of governments to innovate and identify four conditions conducive to governmental innovation.
Abstract: Democratic governments often promise political change, but have difficulty delivering it. The capacity of each state to formulate and implement innovative forms of policy varies across nations. In particular, it is affected by the structural features of the state itself, of state-society relations, and of social institutions in each nation. This article focuses on one facet of the structure of the state, the organization of the politics-administration nexus, in Britain and France. Its purpose is to compare the impacts of different forms of politician-civil-servant relations on the capacity of governments to innovate. After a consideration of the general problems associated with governmental innovation, four conditions conducive to innovation are identified. The dimensions of the politics-administration nexus associated with the position of the chief executive, interministerial coordination, departmental innovation, and the character of the higher civil service in both nations are examined, with a view to ...