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This chapter suggests that delinquency conceals two distinct categories of individuals, each with a unique natural history and etiology: A small group engages in antisocial behavior of one sort or another at every life stage, whereas a larger group is antisocial only during adolescence. According to the theory of life-course-persistent antisocial behavior, children's neuropsychological problems interact cumulatively with their criminogenic environments across development, culminating m a pathological personality. According to the theory of adolescence-limited antisocial behavior, a contemporary maturity gap encourages teens to mimic antisocial behavior in ways that are normative and adjustive. There are marked individual differences in the stability of antisocial behavior. The chapter reviews the mysterious relationship between age and antisocial behavior. Some youths who refrain from antisocial behavior may, for some reason, not sense the maturity gap and therefore lack the hypothesized motivation for experimenting with crime.

/pdf/adolescence-limited-and-life-course-persistent-antisocial-52vil00qlw.pdf

Adolescence-limited and life-course-persistent antisocial behavior: A developmental taxonomy.

ContextUncertainties exist about prevalence and correlates of major depressive
disorder (MDD).ObjectiveTo present nationally representative data on prevalence and correlates
of MDD by Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders,
Fourth Edition (DSM-IV) criteria, and on study
patterns and correlates of treatment and treatment adequacy from the recently
completed National Comorbidity Survey Replication (NCS-R).DesignFace-to-face household survey conducted from February 2001 to December
2002.SettingThe 48 contiguous United States.ParticipantsHousehold residents ages 18 years or older (N = 9090) who responded
to the NCS-R survey.Main Outcome MeasuresPrevalence and correlates of MDD using the World Health Organization's
(WHO) Composite International Diagnostic Interview (CIDI), 12-month severity
with the Quick Inventory of Depressive Symptomatology Self-Report (QIDS-SR),
the Sheehan Disability Scale (SDS), and the WHO disability assessment scale
(WHO-DAS). Clinical reinterviews used the Structured Clinical Interview for DSM-IV.ResultsThe prevalence of CIDI MDD for lifetime was 16.2% (95% confidence interval
[CI], 15.1-17.3) (32.6-35.1 million US adults) and for 12-month was 6.6% (95%
CI, 5.9-7.3) (13.1-14.2 million US adults). Virtually all CIDI 12-month cases
were independently classified as clinically significant using the QIDS-SR,
with 10.4% mild, 38.6% moderate, 38.0% severe, and 12.9% very severe. Mean
episode duration was 16 weeks (95% CI, 15.1-17.3). Role impairment as measured
by SDS was substantial as indicated by 59.3% of 12-month cases with severe
or very severe role impairment. Most lifetime (72.1%) and 12-month (78.5%)
cases had comorbid CIDI/DSM-IV disorders, with MDD
only rarely primary. Although 51.6% (95% CI, 46.1-57.2) of 12-month cases
received health care treatment for MDD, treatment was adequate in only 41.9%
(95% CI, 35.9-47.9) of these cases, resulting in 21.7% (95% CI, 18.1-25.2)
of 12-month MDD being adequately treated. Sociodemographic correlates of treatment
were far less numerous than those of prevalence.ConclusionsMajor depressive disorder is a common disorder, widely distributed in
the population, and usually associated with substantial symptom severity and
role impairment. While the recent increase in treatment is encouraging, inadequate
treatment is a serious concern. Emphasis on screening and expansion of treatment
needs to be accompanied by a parallel emphasis on treatment quality improvement.

/pdf/the-epidemiology-of-major-depressive-disorder-results-from-2kfxdgis3p.pdf

The epidemiology of major depressive disorder: results from the National Comorbidity Survey Replication (NCS-R).

This paper presents a critical appraisal of resilience, a construct connoting the maintenance of positive adaptation by individuals despite experiences of significant adversity. As empirical research on resilience has burgeoned in recent years, criticisms have been levied at work in this area. These critiques have generally focused on ambiguities in definitions and central terminology; heterogeneity in risks experienced and competence achieved by individuals viewed as resilient; instability of the phenomenon of resilience; and concerns regarding the usefulness of resilience as a theoretical construct. We address each identified criticism in turn, proposing solutions for those we view as legitimate and clarifying misunderstandings surrounding those we believe to be less valid. We conclude that work on resilience possesses substantial potential for augmenting the understanding of processes affecting at-risk individuals. Realization of the potential embodied by this construct, however, will remain constrained without continued scientific attention to some of the serious conceptual and methodological pitfalls that have been noted by skeptics and proponents alike.

/pdf/the-construct-of-resilience-a-critical-evaluation-and-2zm15ij070.pdf

The Construct of Resilience: A Critical Evaluation and Guidelines for Future Work

The world report on violence and health.

The Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development represents one of the longest and most comprehensive, prospective longitudinal studies in the world focusing on offending, risk factors, and life events. Evidence gleaned from nearly five decades of research has generated a wealth of empirical information relevant for criminology and related disciplines with regard to family criminality, the relationship between employment and crime, risk factors associated with offending, the association between offending and adverse physical health outcomes, and the costs of crime. This chapter reviews these research findings in detail and concludes with a discussion of the strengths and limitations of the Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development.

The Cambridge Study: Previous Results

Current knowledge about the causes of offending behavior is heavily reliant on self-reports of offending (SRO). However, methodological research on the impact of modes of administration on SRO is very scarce. Further, the existing evidence conflicts with the general knowledge about responding to sensitive questions. In this study, we aimed to test whether SRO are affected by modes of administration.We carried out a methodological experiment, with a 2 (interviewer-administered vs. self-administered surveys) × 2 (paper-and-pencil vs. computer- assisted surveys) factorial design. A total of 181 undergraduate students were randomly assigned to one of these conditions and completed the International Self-Report Delinquency 3 (ISRD3) questionnaire.Findings showed an increased odds of reporting offending behavior in self-administered surveys, compared to face-to-face interviews. Paper-and-pencil and computer-assisted modes resulted in comparable estimates of offending.This experiment provides evidence that SRO provide more accurate estimates of offending behavior using self-administered surveys. 

https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007/s11292-022-09531-z.pdf

The impact of modes of administration on self-reports of offending: evidence from a methodological experiment with university students

Criminal career research can be dated back to the early writings of Adolphe Quetelet in the 1800s. However, only in the last several decades has criminological research begun to flesh out the various dimensions of criminal careers and approached theorizing and empirical research through a more developmental lens. In recognition of the relevance of and gaps in the current developmental/life-course criminology literature, this chapter provides a brief overview of criminal career research and introduces the Pittsburgh Youth Study (PYS).

Introduction to Criminal Careers

Growing up in the United States is a risky business for large numbers of children—particularly children of the poor and children of color, who disproportionately become involved in the child welfare system. Many children face extreme violence within families and communities; for example, in 2009, nearly 2,500 of the nation’s children were killed by family members (Every Child Matters, 2010). Perhaps less well recognized is the extent to which violence against children and others in the United States is embedded in a social and cultural context in which punishment and retribution are viewed as justifiable responses to undesired behavior. As recently as 2013, 60 percent of Americans expressed support for the death penalty (Jones, 2013). There is also evidence that 60 percent of television programs depict violence (Wilson et al., 2002), and punishment and retribution are common themes in these programs. Violent crime in the United States occurs at a rate well above the rates in other developed nations (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2013). An analysis of data compiled by the United Nations in 2012 shows that the U.S. gun murder rate is nearly 20 times the average rate of 31 other developed countries (Fisher, 2012). Moreover, rates of child mortality due to maltreatment in the United States are among the highest in the industrial world (UNICEF, 2013), and homicide is the second leading cause of death among the nation’s children ages 15–19 years (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2010). Consistent with the cultural emphasis on punishment and retribution, the United States, as of 2013, had the highest rate of imprisonment of any country in the world; indeed, nearly half of the world’s 10.2 million prisoners are in the United States (Walmsley, 2013), as are nearly a third of imprisoned women and girls (Walmsley, 2006).

/pdf/the-enduring-legacy-of-punishment-57m0ylycl5.pdf

David P. Farrington

Papers

The Cambridge Study: Previous Results

The impact of modes of administration on self-reports of offending: evidence from a methodological experiment with university students

Introduction to Criminal Careers

The Enduring Legacy of Punishment

A Review of Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses of the Effectiveness of School-Based Anti-Bullying Programs