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This chapter suggests that delinquency conceals two distinct categories of individuals, each with a unique natural history and etiology: A small group engages in antisocial behavior of one sort or another at every life stage, whereas a larger group is antisocial only during adolescence. According to the theory of life-course-persistent antisocial behavior, children's neuropsychological problems interact cumulatively with their criminogenic environments across development, culminating m a pathological personality. According to the theory of adolescence-limited antisocial behavior, a contemporary maturity gap encourages teens to mimic antisocial behavior in ways that are normative and adjustive. There are marked individual differences in the stability of antisocial behavior. The chapter reviews the mysterious relationship between age and antisocial behavior. Some youths who refrain from antisocial behavior may, for some reason, not sense the maturity gap and therefore lack the hypothesized motivation for experimenting with crime.

/pdf/adolescence-limited-and-life-course-persistent-antisocial-52vil00qlw.pdf

Adolescence-limited and life-course-persistent antisocial behavior: A developmental taxonomy.

ContextUncertainties exist about prevalence and correlates of major depressive
disorder (MDD).ObjectiveTo present nationally representative data on prevalence and correlates
of MDD by Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders,
Fourth Edition (DSM-IV) criteria, and on study
patterns and correlates of treatment and treatment adequacy from the recently
completed National Comorbidity Survey Replication (NCS-R).DesignFace-to-face household survey conducted from February 2001 to December
2002.SettingThe 48 contiguous United States.ParticipantsHousehold residents ages 18 years or older (N = 9090) who responded
to the NCS-R survey.Main Outcome MeasuresPrevalence and correlates of MDD using the World Health Organization's
(WHO) Composite International Diagnostic Interview (CIDI), 12-month severity
with the Quick Inventory of Depressive Symptomatology Self-Report (QIDS-SR),
the Sheehan Disability Scale (SDS), and the WHO disability assessment scale
(WHO-DAS). Clinical reinterviews used the Structured Clinical Interview for DSM-IV.ResultsThe prevalence of CIDI MDD for lifetime was 16.2% (95% confidence interval
[CI], 15.1-17.3) (32.6-35.1 million US adults) and for 12-month was 6.6% (95%
CI, 5.9-7.3) (13.1-14.2 million US adults). Virtually all CIDI 12-month cases
were independently classified as clinically significant using the QIDS-SR,
with 10.4% mild, 38.6% moderate, 38.0% severe, and 12.9% very severe. Mean
episode duration was 16 weeks (95% CI, 15.1-17.3). Role impairment as measured
by SDS was substantial as indicated by 59.3% of 12-month cases with severe
or very severe role impairment. Most lifetime (72.1%) and 12-month (78.5%)
cases had comorbid CIDI/DSM-IV disorders, with MDD
only rarely primary. Although 51.6% (95% CI, 46.1-57.2) of 12-month cases
received health care treatment for MDD, treatment was adequate in only 41.9%
(95% CI, 35.9-47.9) of these cases, resulting in 21.7% (95% CI, 18.1-25.2)
of 12-month MDD being adequately treated. Sociodemographic correlates of treatment
were far less numerous than those of prevalence.ConclusionsMajor depressive disorder is a common disorder, widely distributed in
the population, and usually associated with substantial symptom severity and
role impairment. While the recent increase in treatment is encouraging, inadequate
treatment is a serious concern. Emphasis on screening and expansion of treatment
needs to be accompanied by a parallel emphasis on treatment quality improvement.

/pdf/the-epidemiology-of-major-depressive-disorder-results-from-2kfxdgis3p.pdf

The epidemiology of major depressive disorder: results from the National Comorbidity Survey Replication (NCS-R).

This paper presents a critical appraisal of resilience, a construct connoting the maintenance of positive adaptation by individuals despite experiences of significant adversity. As empirical research on resilience has burgeoned in recent years, criticisms have been levied at work in this area. These critiques have generally focused on ambiguities in definitions and central terminology; heterogeneity in risks experienced and competence achieved by individuals viewed as resilient; instability of the phenomenon of resilience; and concerns regarding the usefulness of resilience as a theoretical construct. We address each identified criticism in turn, proposing solutions for those we view as legitimate and clarifying misunderstandings surrounding those we believe to be less valid. We conclude that work on resilience possesses substantial potential for augmenting the understanding of processes affecting at-risk individuals. Realization of the potential embodied by this construct, however, will remain constrained without continued scientific attention to some of the serious conceptual and methodological pitfalls that have been noted by skeptics and proponents alike.

/pdf/the-construct-of-resilience-a-critical-evaluation-and-2zm15ij070.pdf

The Construct of Resilience: A Critical Evaluation and Guidelines for Future Work

The world report on violence and health.

One of the most basic questions in criminology is how to measure the key outcome variable of offending. The two most common measurement methods are to use official records of arrests/convictions or self-reports of offending. These two methods have different advantages and problems. For example, official records include only the ‘tip of the iceberg’ of offending, but the offences are recorded quite accurately and completely for very large samples. Self-reports, on the other hand, reveal more of the ‘dark figure’ of offending but they have problems of exaggeration and concealment and also problems of missing data in interviewed samples compared with target samples. The most delinquent people are often the most difficult to interview (Farrington et al., 1990). A key question concerns the agreement between official records and self-reports. Although self-reports reveal more offenders and offences, to what extent do the worst offenders according to self-reports coincide with the worst offenders according to official records? And to what extent are risk factors similar for self-reported and official offending? If a risk factor predicts official but not self-reported offending, is it predicting the likelihood of an offender being convicted? (see e.g. Farrington, 1979; West and Farrington, 1973). If a risk factor predicts self-reported but not official offending, is it predicting the likelihood that an offender will admit an offence? There have been many studies of the validity of self-reported offending in relation to official offending (see Jolliffe and Farrington, 2014). In most cases, officially arrested or convicted offenders admit their arrests or convictions and admit the types of offences that led to these official records; this is termed ‘concurrent validity’. More impressively, self-reports of offending by currently unrecorded persons predict their future arrests or convictions for the same offences; this is termed ‘predictive validity’ (Farrington, 1989). According to commonly accepted psychometric criteria, self-reports of offending are reliable and valid, at least for young males.

Criminal careers in self-reports compared with official records.

Labeling theory suggests that punishment by the criminal justice system is counterproductive and causes increases in criminal behavior. Such undesirable effects may be cumulative and long-lasting, and may also affect other spheres of life, such as employment, relationships, and mental health. In this paper, we examine consequences of conviction and incarceration on multiple life outcomes up to age forty-eight years in the Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development (CSDD), a prospective longitudinal survey of over 400 English males studied from age eight. Using regression analyses and propensity score matching, we find persistent and strong associations between juvenile conviction and adult criminal behavior, antisocial personality, and life success. The consequences of juvenile conviction are partly explained by men’s antisocial attitudes, involvement with delinquent groups, and unemployment at age eighteen. Undesirable effects of juvenile conviction are stronger for boys who had a convicted parent than boys who did not have a convicted parent. Incarceration increases the risk for early adult antisocial personality and poor life success over and above the effects of conviction without incarceration.

Long-Term Effects of Conviction and Incarceration on Men in the Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development

Scientific interest in the problem of childhood bullying and its negative short-term and long-term effects emerged after the well-publicized suicides of three Norwegian boys in 1982, which were attributed to severe peer bullying (Olweus, 1993). Early longitudinal research on victims of school bullying suggested that they were likely to have poor mental health later in life comparedwith non-victimized students. For example, in his follow-up study of over 700 Stockholm boys, Olweus (1991) reported that victims of bullying at age 16 were more likely to be depressed at age 23 compared with their non-victimized counterparts.

David P. Farrington

Papers

Criminal careers in self-reports compared with official records.

Long-Term Effects of Conviction and Incarceration on Men in the Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development

Health consequences of school bullying

Delinquency prevention in the 1980s.

The importance of studies of intergenerational transmission of antisocial behaviour.