We demonstrate that a simple model, constructed on the premise that people are motivated by both their pecuniary payoff and their relative payoff standing, organizes a large and seemingly disparate set of laboratory observations as one consistent pattern The model is incomplete information but nevertheless posed entirely in terms of directly observable variables The model explains observations from games where equity is thought to be a factor, such as ultimatum and dictator, games where reciprocity is thought to play a role, such as the prisoner's dilemma and gift exchange, and games where competitive behavior is observed, such as Bertrand markets (JEL C78, C90, D63, D64, H41)

/pdf/erc-a-theory-of-equity-reciprocity-and-competition-9lhkqwqjzg.pdf

ERC: A Theory of Equity, Reciprocity, and Competition

With the publication of The Logic of Collective Action in 1965, Mancur Olson challenged a cherished foundation of modern democratic thought that groups would tend to form and take collective action...

/pdf/collective-action-and-the-evolution-of-social-norms-39il4hoxmh.pdf

Collective Action and the Evolution of Social Norms

This article discusses the economic implications of reciprocity. A long-standing tradition in economics views human beings as exclusively self-interested. In most economic accounts of individual behavior and aggregate social phenomena, the vast forces of greed are put at the center of the explanation. However, many people deviate from purely self-interested behavior in a reciprocal manner. Reciprocity means that in response to friendly actions, people are frequently much nicer and much more cooperative than predicted by the self-interest model; conversely, in response to hostile actions they are frequently much more nasty and even brutal. There is considerable evidence that a substantial fraction of people behave according to this dictum: People repay gifts and take revenge even in interactions with complete strangers and even if it is costly for them and yields neither present nor future material rewards. This notion of reciprocity is thus very different from kind or hostile responses in repeated interactions that are solely motivated by future material gains.

/pdf/fairness-and-retaliation-the-economics-of-reciprocity-3kli7g3xjv.pdf

Fairness and Retaliation: The Economics of Reciprocity

In recent years, there has been a steadily increasing interest on the part of economists in happiness research. We argue that reported subjective well-being is a satisfactory empirical approximation to individual utility and that happiness research is able to contribute important insights for economics. We report how the economic variables income, unemployment and inflation affect happiness as well as how institutional factors, in particular the type of democracy and the extent of government decentralization, systematically influence how satisfied individuals are with their life. We discuss some of the consequences for economic policy and for economic theory.

/pdf/what-can-economists-learn-from-happiness-research-tp056e628i.pdf

What can economists learn from happiness research

https://www.econ.uzh.ch/dam/jcr:ffffffff-9758-127f-0000-00003449356a/ArePeopleCondCooperative.pdf

Are people conditionally cooperative? Evidence from a public goods experiment

A compelling body of evidence indicates that observing a task-irrelevant action makes the execution of that action more likely. However, it remains unclear whether this ‘automatic imitation’ effect is indeed automatic or whether the imitative action is voluntary. The present study tested the automaticity of automatic imitation by asking whether it occurs in a strategic context where it reduces payoffs. Participants were required to play rock–paper–scissors, with the aim of achieving as many wins as possible, while either one or both players were blindfolded. While the frequency of draws in the blind–blind condition was precisely that expected at chance, the frequency of draws in the blind–sighted condition was significantly elevated. Specifically, the execution of either a rock or scissors gesture by the blind player was predictive of an imitative response by the sighted player. That automatic imitation emerges in a context where imitation reduces payoffs accords with its ‘automatic’ description, and implies that these effects are more akin to involuntary than to voluntary actions. These data represent the first evidence of automatic imitation in a strategic context, and challenge the abstraction from physical aspects of social interaction typical in economic and game theory.

/pdf/automatic-imitation-in-a-strategic-context-players-of-rock-1gpcf7kui9.pdf

Automatic imitation in a strategic context: players of rock-paper-scissors imitate opponents' gestures.

http://directory.umm.ac.id/Data%20Elmu/jurnal/J-a/Journal%20of%20Economic%20Psychology/Vol20.Issue6.Dec1999/728.pdf

Risk, complexity, and deviations from expected-value maximization: Results of a lottery choice experiment ☆

The endowment effect describes the fact that people demand much more to give up an object than they are willing to spend to acquire it. The existence of this effect has been documented in numerous experiments. We attempt to explain this effect by showing that evolution favors individuals whose preferences embody an endowment effect. The reason is that an endowment effect improves one's bargaining position in bilateral trades. We show that for a general class of evolutionary processes strictly positive endowment effects will survive in the long run.

/pdf/learning-to-like-what-you-have-explaining-the-endowment-ox5po6fbay.pdf

Learning to like what you have ¿ explaining the endowment effect

https://homepage.univie.ac.at/wieland.mueller/publications/geb_2002_commit.pdf

To Commit or Not to Commit: Endogenous Timing in Experimental Duopoly Markets☆

We administer the Allais paradox questions to both a representative sample of the Dutch population and to student subjects. Three treatments are implemented: one with the original high hypothetical payoffs, one with low hypothetical payoffs and a third with low real payoffs. Our key findings are: (i) violations in the non-lab sample are systematic and a large bulk of violations is likely to stem from non-familiarity with large payoffs, (ii) we can identify groups of the general population that have much higher than average violation rates; this concerns mainly the lowly educated and unemployed, and (iii) the relative treatment differences in the population at large are accurately predicted by the lab sample, but violation rates in all lab treatments are about 15 percentage points lower than in the corresponding non-lab treatments.

/pdf/allais-for-all-revisiting-the-paradox-in-a-large-zmt3n7mo0f.pdf

Steffen Huck

Papers

Automatic imitation in a strategic context: players of rock-paper-scissors imitate opponents' gestures.

Risk, complexity, and deviations from expected-value maximization: Results of a lottery choice experiment ☆

Learning to like what you have ¿ explaining the endowment effect

To Commit or Not to Commit: Endogenous Timing in Experimental Duopoly Markets☆

Allais for all: Revisiting the paradox in a large representative sample