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Migration Policy Institute

NonprofitWashington D.C., District of Columbia, United States
About: Migration Policy Institute is a nonprofit organization based out in Washington D.C., District of Columbia, United States. It is known for research contribution in the topics: Population & Immigration. The organization has 43 authors who have published 68 publications receiving 1131 citations. The organization is also known as: MPI.


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01 Jan 2004
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors proposed a take down policy to remove access to the work immediately and investigate the claim that this document breaches copyright, and they provided details of the claim.
Abstract: ? Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. ? You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain ? You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal ? Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us at vbn@aub.aau.dk providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim.

5 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article examined the extent to which estimates may plausibly vary owing to uncertainties in their underlying assumptions about coverage error, emigration, and mortality, and found that most of the range in residual estimates derives from uncertainty about emigration rates among legal permanent residents, naturalized citizens, and humanitarian entrants.
Abstract: One of the most common methods for estimating the U.S. unauthorized foreign-born population is the residual method. Over the last decade, residual estimates have typically fallen within a narrow range of 10.5 to 12 million. Yet it remains unclear how sensitive residual estimates are to their underlying assumptions. We examine the extent to which estimates may plausibly vary owing to uncertainties in their underlying assumptions about coverage error, emigration, and mortality. Findings show that most of the range in residual estimates derives from uncertainty about emigration rates among legal permanent residents, naturalized citizens, and humanitarian entrants (LNH); estimates are less sensitive to assumptions about mortality among the LNH foreign-born and coverage error for the unauthorized and LNH populations in U.S. Census Bureau surveys. Nevertheless, uncertainty in all three assumptions contributes to a range of estimates, whereby there is a 50% chance that the unauthorized foreign-born population falls between 9.1 and 12.2 million and a 95% chance that it falls between 7.0 and 15.7 million.

4 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors outline an original theoretical framework based on the proposition that power asymmetries between predominantly sending and receiving countries create a dynamic in which relatively weak states seek multilateralism and relatively strong states veto multi-ilateralism, leading to institutional proliferation as a means to address immediate functional challenges.
Abstract: Fragmentation is widely recognised as one of the defining characteristics of global migration governance However, there has been little academic analysis of fragmentation, either as a dependent or independent variable in the international politics of migration We aim to explain why it is that global migration governance has historically emerged as a patchwork of international institutions In order to do so, we outline an original theoretical framework based on the proposition that power asymmetries between predominantly ‘sending’ and ‘receiving’ countries create a dynamic in which relatively weak states seek multilateralism and relatively strong states veto multilateralism, leading to institutional proliferation as a means to address immediate functional challenges We apply this framework to four key historical turning points in the recent history of global migration governance: first, the impasse at the United Nations and the expansion of Regional Consultative Processes (1985–2001);second, the surge of new mandate creations and the first High-Level Dialogue on Migration and Development (1999–2006);third, the establishment of the Global Forum on Migration and Development and the Global Migration Group (2006–8);and finally, the New York Declaration and the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration (2016–18)

4 citations

Book ChapterDOI
01 Jan 2013
TL;DR: The analysis provided in this paper suggests at least two distinct policy phases of British immigration policy under the Labour government (1997-2010) and suggests that the first phase marked a liberalisation of the system that can be attributed in large part to a combination of the business lobby's influence and economic growth combined with increased global integration of the UK economy.
Abstract: Changes to British immigration policy under the Labour government (1997-2010) have been significant. The analysis provided here suggests at least two distinct policy phases. The first phase marked a liberalisation of the system that can be attributed in large part to a combination of the business lobby’s influence and economic growth combined with increased global integration of the UK economy. The second phase—including the creation of the Points-Based System—did not reverse the core policy goal of managed economic migration, but asserted strong control elements in a rule-bound system. This later period of policy change can be attributed to new political and social realities following the 2004 expansion of the European Union and the General Election of 2005 together with greater political attention to public opinion on immigration generally. Future trends will include a cap on non-EU migration.

4 citations


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Performance
Metrics
No. of papers from the Institution in previous years
YearPapers
20223
20215
20206
20192
20183
20176