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Showing papers by "Naval War College published in 2016"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine the Chinese view of the island chain concept and reveal meaningful differences that can greatly enhance an understanding of Chinese views of the concept and with it important aspects of China's efforts to develop as a maritime power.
Abstract: US government reports describe Chinese-conceived “island chains” in the Western Pacific as narrow demarcations for Chinese “counter-intervention” operations to defeat US and allied forces in altercations over contested territorial claims. The sparse scholarship available does little to contest this excessively myopic assertion. Yet, further examination reveals meaningful differences that can greatly enhance an understanding of Chinese views of the “island chains” concept, and with it important aspects of China's efforts to develop as a maritime power. Long before China had a navy or naval strategists worthy of the name, the concept had originated and been developed for decades by previous great powers vying for Asia-Pacific influence. Today, China's own authoritative interpretations are flexible, nuanced and multifaceted – befitting the multiple and sometimes contradictory factors with which Beijing must contend in managing its meteoric maritime rise. These include the growing importance of sea lane security at increasing distances and levels of operational intensity.

37 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Abstract: The rise of the Islamic State (ISIS/ISIL) is not well understood at this point. This paper starts by comparing the Islamic State to the Vietnamese communists in a revolutionary warfare framework and makes a causal argument that the Islamic State’s defeat of the Sahwa (Awakening) movement in Iraq was the key to its successful establishment of control of most Sunni areas and the mobilization of its population for support. Islamic State operational summaries and captured documents are used to quantitatively establish the impact of the subversion campaign against the Sahwa and Iraqi government and trace the efforts of operatives in tribal outreach and recruiting. This research provides a valuable insight into the return of a powerful method of insurgency as well as a glimpse into the vast clandestine network that provides the strength of the Islamic State movement.

29 citations


Book
07 Nov 2016
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the recent shift in US space policy and the forces that continually draw the US back into a space-technology security dilemma and argue that all tools of national power must be used, with some degree of balance, toward addressing space challenges and achieving space goals.
Abstract: This book examines the recent shift in US space policy and the forces that continually draw the US back into a space-technology security dilemma The dual-use nature of the vast majority of space technology, meaning of value to both civilian and military communities and being unable to differentiate offensive from defensive intent of military hardware, makes space an area particularly ripe for a security dilemma In contrast to previous administrations, the Obama Administration has pursued a less militaristic space policy, instead employing a strategic restraint approach that stressed multilateral diplomacy to space challenges The latter required international solutions and the United States, subsequently, even voiced support for an International Code of Conduct for Space That policy held until the Chinese anti-satellite (ASAT) test in 2013, which demonstrated expanded Chinese capabilities This volume explores the issues arising from evolving space capabilities across the world and the security challenges this poses It subsequently discusses the complexity of the space environment and argues that all tools of national power must be used, with some degree of balance, toward addressing space challenges and achieving space goals This book will be of much interest to students of space policy, defence studies, foreign policy, security studies and IR

28 citations


BookDOI
TL;DR: The first comprehensive history of the arms racing phenomenon in modern international politics, drawing both on theoretical approaches and on the latest historical research, is presented in this article, which is divided into four sections: before 1914, the inter-war years; the Cold War; and extra-European and post-Cold War arms races.
Abstract: This volume provides the first comprehensive history of the arms racing phenomenon in modern international politics, drawing both on theoretical approaches and on the latest historical research. Written by an international team of specialists, it is divided into four sections: before 1914; the inter-war years; the Cold War; and extra-European and post-Cold War arms races. Twelve case studies examine land and naval armaments before the First World War; air, land, and naval competition during the 1920s and 1930s; and nuclear as well as conventional weapons since 1945. Armaments policies are placed within the context of technological development, international politics and diplomacy, and social politics and economics. An extended general introduction and conclusion and introductions to each section provide coherence between the specialized chapters and draw out wider implications for policymakers and for political scientists. Arms Races in International Politics addresses two key questions: what causes arms races, and what is the connection between arms races and the outbreak of wars?

23 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examined two US Army task forces deployed to Panjwai District, Afghanistan from 2012 to 2013 and found that neither approach was successful absent the other, and recommended further research into combining the approaches at the operational level.
Abstract: The US Army has two approaches to counterinsurgency operations in Afghanistan. One is hard, or combat-focused, and the other is soft, or development-focused. This study examines two US Army task forces deployed to Panjwai District, Afghanistan from 2012 to 2013. CTF 4-9 and 1-38 offer a meaningful comparison because they pursued these contrasting approaches among the same population and against the same enemy at the same time and place. The study compares each unit’s approach and finds that neither approach was successful absent the other. The article concludes by recommending further research into combining the approaches at the operational level.

22 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The most effective and consequential use of U.S. air power in the Vietnam War came in the form of close air support and battlefield air interdiction directly attacking the North Vietnamese Army in South Vietnam as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Most traditional accounts identify the Linebacker I and Linebacker II campaigns as the most effective and consequential uses of U.S. air power in the Vietnam War. They argue that deep interdiction in North Vietnam played a central role in the defeat of the Easter Offensive and that subsequent strategic attacks on Hanoi forced the North Vietnamese to accept the Paris accords. These conclusions are false. The Linebacker campaigns were rather ineffective in either stopping the Communist offensive or compelling concessions. The most effective and consequential use of U.S. air power came in the form of close air support and battlefield air interdiction directly attacking the North Vietnamese Army in South Vietnam. The success of these air strikes hinged on the presence of a U.S.-operated tactical air control system that incorporated small numbers of ground advisers, air liaison officers, and forward air controllers. This system, combined with abundant U.S. aircraft and a reasonably effective allied army, was the key to breaking the Easter Offensive and compelling Hanoi to agree to the Paris accords. The effectiveness of close air support and battlefield air interdiction and the failure of deep interdiction and strategic attack in the Vietnam War have important implications for the use of air power and advisers in contemporary conflicts in Iraq, Syria, and Afghanistan.

17 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
18 Mar 2016-Science
TL;DR: An approach to protect Cuba's coastal ecosystems and enhance conservation and ecological research throughout the Caribbean is proposed and could unite Cuba and the United States in joint management, rather than serve as a wedge between them, while helping meet the challenges of climate change, mass extinction, and declining coral reefs.
Abstract: Cuba has about 5000 km of coastline, including coral reefs, mangrove wetlands, seagrass beds, and tropical wet forests. Long stretches of coast remain undeveloped, with relatively high levels of fish biomass and marine biodiversity in marine parks that are unparalleled in the Caribbean ( 1 , 2 ). But on the eve of President Obama's visit to Cuba, we must consider whether normalization of relations between the United States and Cuba, with anticipated expansion of coastal development and return of industrial agriculture, might reverse Cuba's advances in ecological conservation. We propose an approach to protect Cuba's coastal ecosystems and enhance conservation and ecological research throughout the Caribbean. The United States should deliver on President Obama's recent plan to close the military prison at U.S. Naval Station Guantanamo Bay and repurpose the facilities into a state-of-the-art marine research institution and peace park, a conservation zone to help resolve conflicts between the two countries. This model, designed to attract both sides [similarly, see ( 3 )], could unite Cuba and the United States in joint management, rather than serve as a wedge between them, while helping meet the challenges of climate change, mass extinction, and declining coral reefs.

13 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors assesses the extent to which institutional reforms since the 2001 US-China EP-3 crisis have ameliorated longstanding weaknesses in China's crisis management capabilities and its ability to communicate via hotlines with Japan.
Abstract: As China’s active assertion of its claim to the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands has increasingly crowded the surrounding waters and airspace with military and paramilitary forces, the risk of a Sino–Japanese crisis has reached unprecedented heights. Neither side wants conflict, but the increased frequency and proximity at which vessels and aircraft encounter one another means that overall risk has grown proportionately. Were a miscalculation or even an unintended low-level incident to occur, de-escalation would hinge on each side’s respective internal crisis management capabilities and political leaders’ ability to communicate expeditiously. This article analyzes China’s side of the ledger. Specifically, it assesses the extent to which institutional reforms since the 2001 US–China EP-3 crisis have ameliorated longstanding weaknesses in China’s crisis management capabilities and its ability to communicate via hotlines with Japan. While significant issues and obstacles to further urgently needed improvements...

13 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the principles of sovereignty, state responsibility and the jus ad bellum are particularly relevant to States engaged in struggles with non-State actors for security and supremacy in cyberspace.
Abstract: Classically, States and non-State actors were differentiated not only by disparities in legal status but also by significant imbalances in resources and capabilities. Not surprisingly, international law developed a State-centric bias to account for these imbalances. Cyberspace and cyber operations, however, have closed a number of formerly significant gaps between States’ and non-State actors’ abilities to compromise international peace and security. In fact, some non-State actors now match, if not exceed, the cyber capabilities of many States in this respect. Where public international law had long proved chiefly relevant to States’ interactions with other States, cyber operations by non-State actors increase the frequency with which public international law provides relevant and binding legal rules. This article surveys existing public international law for norms relevant to the cyber interactions of cyber-empowered States and non-State actors. Specifically, the article illustrates how the principles of sovereignty, State responsibility and the jus ad bellum are particularly relevant to States engaged in struggles with non-State actors for security and supremacy in cyberspace.

5 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Colin Jackson1
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that military information campaigns fall short of expectations for two reasons: they overstate the independent effects of communications on behavior and understate the importance of interactive effects of what commercial marketing theory refers to as the "marketing mix" -product, price, promotion, and placement.
Abstract: While many militaries have tried to capitalize on the potential of information operations in internal war, few have succeeded. I argue that military information campaigns fall short of expectations for two reasons. First, the theory of influence militaries generally embrace – communications as a non-lethal weapons system – is largely invalid. While treating information as a weapons system makes it easier to integrate it into the existing military planning system, this overstates the independent effects of communications on behavior and understates the importance of interactive effects of what commercial marketing theory refers to as the “marketing mix” – product, price, promotion, and placement. It would be more appropriate to treat military information operations as a form of marketing: a composite effort to induce a specific behavior in a target audience by applying a combination of material and ideational instruments. The marketing model suggests that the efficacy of information operations will...

5 citations



Posted Content
TL;DR: In this article, the principles of sovereignty, state responsibility and the jus ad bellum are particularly relevant to States engaged in struggles with non-State actors for security and supremacy in cyberspace.
Abstract: Classically, States and non-State actors were differentiated not only by disparities in legal status but also by significant imbalances in resources and capabilities. Not surprisingly, international law developed a State-centric bias to account for these imbalances. Cyberspace and cyber operations, however, have closed a number of formerly significant gaps between States’ and non-State actors’ abilities to compromise international peace and security. In fact, some non-State actors now match, if not exceed, the cyber capabilities of many States in this respect. Where public international law had long proved chiefly relevant to States’ interactions with other States, cyber operations by non-State actors increase the frequency with which public international law provides relevant and binding legal rules. This article surveys existing public international law for norms relevant to the cyber interactions of cyber-empowered States and non-State actors. Specifically, the article illustrates how the principles of sovereignty, State responsibility and the jus ad bellum are particularly relevant to States engaged in struggles with non-State actors for security and supremacy in cyberspace.

Journal ArticleDOI
Paul J. Smith1
TL;DR: The United States and China regularly consult on energy matters and, at times, exchange information on innovations and best practices within the field as discussed by the authors, which has been viewed as a relatively safe and non-controversial topic that has enhanced bilateral relations.
Abstract: As two of the world’s largest energy consumers, the United States and China regularly consult on energy matters and, at times, exchange information on innovations and best practices within the field. These habits extend back to the early 1970s when the two countries initiated diplomatic exchanges following President Richard Nixon’s historic visit to China in February 1972. Since that time, energy has been viewed as a relatively ‘safe’ and non-controversial topic that has enhanced bilateral relations and mutual confidence. Simultaneously, however, China and Chinese state-sponsored energy firms have aggressively moved into energy markets around the world in search of energy resources which are designed to satisfy China’s growing energy demands. US officials have, on certain occasions, reacted with some degree of unease or alarm regarding these activities and are fearful that such commercial relationships might enhance Chinese political influence or geopolitical standing in certain regions, such as the Middl...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a model based on strategic simulation and scenario planning is proposed to improve the decision-making process in the Brazilian defence area, where participants are disposed in three levels: decision-makers team, which includes other representatives of the executive and legislative branches; political and strategic advisory team, civilian representatives with a broad understanding of the national and international contexts that can contribute to developing insights and shaping the forces that may contribute to the nation's future.
Abstract: Purpose – This paper aims to propose a model, based on strategic simulation and scenario planning, to improve the decision-making process in the Brazilian defence area. Design/methodology/approach – Participants are disposed in three levels: decision-makers team – which goes beyond the Ministry of Defence (and military services) alone and includes other representatives of the executive and legislative branches; political and strategic advisory team – civilian representatives with a broad understanding of the national and international contexts that can contribute to developing insights and shaping the forces that may contribute to the nation’s future; and experts database— experts in fields of interest to national defence, comprising representatives of several sectors and broad areas of knowledge, including scholars, scientists, politicians, military, industry, among others. Findings – The planning and preparation of national defence strategies require a long-term approach, which is multidisciplinary, par...

Book ChapterDOI
01 Jan 2016
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider China's future prospects and potential impact on order at sea in East Asia, focusing on China's naval development, and examine the progressively broader and deeper maritime efforts under the leadership of Deng, Jiang, Hu, and Xi.
Abstract: To probe China’s future prospects and potential impact on order at sea in East Asia, this chapter considers China’s naval development. While historically China’s efforts at sea ebbed and flowed with competing strategic priorities and reversals of fortune, since the “reform and opening up” beginning in the late 1970s, Beijing has at last gone to sea in a sustained, growing fashion. Erickson devotes particular attention to surveying the progressively broader and deeper maritime efforts under the leadership of Deng, Jiang, Hu, and Xi. Tables depicting China’s naval order of battle in each of these eras further document China’s development and deployment of a truly modern navy. Even as it remains regional in its core areas of focus, China has already emerged as one of the world’s great sea powers.

Journal ArticleDOI
David R. Stone1
TL;DR: This article reviewed another translated Russian-language history of the Second World War also published by Helion: Peter Mezhiritsky's On the Precipice: Stalin, the Red Army Leadership and t...
Abstract: A few years ago, I reviewed another translated Russian-language history of the Second World War also published by Helion: Peter Mezhiritsky’s On the Precipice: Stalin, the Red Army Leadership and t...


Book ChapterDOI
David R. Stone1
01 Jan 2016
TL;DR: Conscription is no less political, produced by a complex interplay between popular attitudes towards military service, the military's needs, governmental priorities and economic reality as discussed by the authors, which is the continuation of politics by other means.
Abstract: Carl von Clausewitz famously remarked that war is the continuation of politics by other means. Conscription is no less political, produced by a complex interplay between popular attitudes towards military service, the military’s needs, governmental priorities and economic reality. Governments since antiquity have regarded their right to self-defense as giving them the concurrent right to compel military service of able-bodied adult males in defense of the state. Though the principle that the state has the right to demand service is essentially universal, the precise implementation of conscription has varied enormously, depending on the particular circumstances of a state.

Book ChapterDOI
Martin L. Cook1
01 Jan 2016
TL;DR: The authors reviewed the ethical categories that have evolved in the Western tradition's philosophical and religious traditions, and discussed the ways these traditions both generate and on occasions diverge from the other major normative framework in which these decisions are evaluated.
Abstract: Decisions about targeting, since they involve the choice to destroy human lives and property, are inherently ethical decisions. This article reviews the ethical categories that have evolved in the Western tradition’s philosophical and religious traditions. It discusses the ways in which these traditions both generate and on occasions diverge from the other major normative framework in which these decisions are evaluated—the legal tradition that became the Law of Armed Conflict (LOAC) and which is enshrined in International Law.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The disparity between Asian societies and civilizations work against any common Asian approach to sea power as discussed by the authors. But there is no substitute for close study of individual societies and cultures when forging ties with seafaring Asian states.
Abstract: It would simplify matters for U.S. officials and sea-service officers enormously if there were an Asian way of maritime war. It would make Asian governments and navies more predictable. They would tend to view the strategic setting similarly, harness sea power for similar political and strategic aims, and design doctrines and forces that were roughly compatible. Unfortunately, however, disparities between Asian societies and civilizations work against any common Asian approach to sea power. There is no substitute for close study of individual societies and cultures when forging ties with seafaring Asian states.

Posted Content
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine whether reliance on AWS by armed groups could have legal consequences for when the threshold of a non-international armed conflict is crossed, and examine the legal consequences of relying on AWS in determining whether hostilities between a State and an armed group, or between two or more such groups, reaches the threshold for triggering the applicable body of IHL.
Abstract: The ongoing international humanitarian law (IHL) discussion predominantly centers on whether States’ development and employment of AWS can comply with certain fundamental obligations contained in this body of law. Many of the legal challenges discussed will arise irrespective of whether they are used by armed groups or States. Specific concerns pertaining to armed groups, however, may be raised in determining whether hostilities between a State and an armed group, or between two or more such groups, reaches the threshold of a non-international armed conflict, thus triggering the applicable body of IHL. This article examines whether reliance on AWS by armed groups could have legal consequences for when the threshold of a non-international armed conflict is crossed.

Journal ArticleDOI
Paul Lushenko1
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors balance the normative dimensions of "cyberwarfare" against the implications of these fundamentally ethical considerations on policy, in Binary Bullets: The Ethics of Cyberwarfare.
Abstract: How should we best balance the normative dimensions of “cyberwarfare” against the implications of these fundamentally ethical considerations on policy? Binary Bullets: The Ethics of Cyberwarfare, a...

Proceedings ArticleDOI
Huseyin Okcu1
07 Jun 2016
TL;DR: In this paper, utilization of Unmanned Aircraft Systems in naval operations is evaluated in detail in terms of challenges and opportunities, and solutions for challenges are introduced.
Abstract: Aircraft systems are the integral part of the naval operations. These systems have been making great contribution to all kind of naval tasks and operations since previous century. On the other hand, developments in Unmanned Aircraft Systems make Naval Forces replace manned aircraft systems with unmanned ones. Consequently, utilization of Unmanned Air Craft Systems in maritime domain contributes to almost every kind of naval operations and brings new opportunities such as persistent intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance, conducting dangerous tasks etc. On the other hand, these systems yet bring some issues such as difficulties in take-off and landing activities, and interoperability etc. In this paper, utilization of Unmanned Aircraft Systems in naval operations is evaluated in detail in terms of challenges and opportunities, and solutions for challenges are introduced.

Reference EntryDOI
21 Apr 2016
TL;DR: The response of religious fundamentalists across the spectrum of world religions has been mixed and is complex due to differing histories, cultures, and political structures as discussed by the authors, and some fundamentalists reject participation in the political process while others fully embrace participation and seek to implement laws and cultural practices that reflect the values and commitments of the religious community that are frequently derived from narrow interpretation of religious texts.
Abstract: The response of religious fundamentalists across the spectrum of world religions has been mixed and is complex due to differing histories, cultures, and political structures. Some fundamentalists reject participation in the political process while others fully embrace participation and seek to implement laws and cultural practices that reflect the values and commitments of the religious community that are frequently derived from narrow interpretation of religious texts. Use of the term fundamentalist is contested by some due to the historical context in which it arose and came to be used pejoratively in Protestant Christianity in the United States. Compounding discussion of the subject with respect to sexuality and gender issues is the fact that many women within fundamentalist religious communities accept rather than reject the doctrines and practices that are viewed by those outside of the community as restrictive and oppressive. In societies where policies have been implemented reflecting theological beliefs and values, such policies have created strict boundaries of gender activity and focused on attire, reproductive rights, education, sexual orientation, and economic opportunity. The majority of the scholarly research on the topic was done pre-2000, and the subject has not received much scholarly attention in recent years. Keywords: abortion; human rights; marriage; religon