scispace - formally typeset
Search or ask a question

Showing papers in "International Migration Review in 1984"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The changes in women's position are related to their role in production, social status in the place of origin, employment opportunities in the receiving areas for men as well as women, and finally, migration patterns and reasons for migration.
Abstract: Migrant women from poor countries represent a labor supply which is at once the most vulnerable flexible and at least in the beginning the least demanding. They are incorporated into sexually segregated labor markets at the lowest stratum in high-tech industries or at the cheapest sectors in labor intensive industries. They bear the brunt of the ideology of racism and an insecure political and legal status as all migrants do which along with gender discrimination and class exploitation contribute to their vulnerability. For instance after the 1974 halt on further labor immigration the Western European receiving countries imposed either a complete ban or waiting periods for entry into the labor market for the spouces who joined migrants already in these countries. This regulation concerned non-EEC citizens mostly women. In the absence of legitimate employment opportunities these women turned to illegal employment. For employers there are obvious advantages in hiring illegal labor--tax violation flexibility and non-application of labor legislation. Legally these women are defined as dependents in keeping with the Western ideology where man is the breadwinner whether this dependency is real or not. Thus there stay is linked to the legal status of their migrant husbands. The work of native and migrant women do not always conform to the prevailing definition of work and therefore not often recognized as an economic activity in data collection. In the process of migration and incorporation into waged employment women may experience either increased exploitation or may gain greater independence and an awareness that their situation can be changed. The changes in womens position are a function of the socioeconomic and cultural context in which they take place and are related to their role in production social status in the place of origin employment opportunities in the receiving areas for men as well as women and finally migration patterns and reasons for migration. Migration tends to be treated as a phenomenon involving young males seeking economic betterment. There is need for better understanding of migration of women.

616 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The existing research on the prevalence of social and emotional adjustment problems among immigrant children, and the findings on the kinds of adjustment problems exacerbated by migration or particular to immigrant school children are examined, are reviewed.
Abstract: This article reviews the existing research on the prevalence of social and emotional adjustment problems among immigrant children examines the findings on the kinds of adjustment problems exacerbated by migration or particular to immigrant school children and reviews and assesses effectiveness of intervention programs developed specifically to aid such children. Also considered is a theoretical framework which would facilitate conceptualizing the process of immigration among children their particular needs and how these might best be met by primary and secondary preventive mental health interventions. (authors)

232 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Monica Boyd1
TL;DR: Analysis of occupational statuses of Canadian female immigrant employees in relation to the statuses displayed by native born women and by native and foreign born men indicates that the double negative of being female and foreignBorn is less of a factor for the occupational attainments of women born in the United States and in theUnited Kingdom, than it is for womenBorn in Europe and elsewhere.
Abstract: Using data on the wage and salary of labor force participants aged 25-64 from the 1973 Canadian Mobility Study this study on the occupational status of Canadian female immigrant employess finds that immigrant women in the Canadian labor force have occupational statuses which are lower on the average than those of other sex and nativity groups and which appear to reflect not only their level of occupational status related resources but their membership to 2 negative groups--female and foreign-born. However considerable stratification by birth place exists among groups of female immigrant workers. The analysis indicates that the double disadvantage of being female and foreign-born is a less of a factor for the occupational attainments of women born in the US and UK than it is for born elsewhere. There are 3 possible explanations for the existence of the dual disadvantage: 1) the social image of the desirability of foreign-born female immigrants and their capabilities may play a role; 2) the formation of ethnically and linguistically bounded local economies which is a feature of immigrant receiving societies may shape the employment patterns of women more so than mens influenced by the non-North American norms concerning male approval of the work lives of women; and 3) the more general exploitation of workers in a class society and the relations between core-capitalist economies and dependent ones on the periphery may be responsible for placing immigrant women in a position of double disadvantage.

154 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The article posits that there is a systemic relation between this globalization and feminization of wage-labor that can be seen as representing a new phase in the history of women.
Abstract: The different forms and geographic locations in which the expanded incorporation of Third World women into wage labor occur may be closely interrelated. 2 such instances examined in this article are: 1) the recruitment of young women without previous labor force experience into the new manufacturing and service jobs generated by export-led manufacturing in several Caribbean and Asian countries; and 2) the employment of immigrant women in large cities of highly industrialized countries which have undergone basic economic restructuring. While many of these women may have become domestic or international migrants as a function of their husbands or familys migration the more fundamental processes of this restructuring are the ones promoting the formation of a supply of women migrants and a demand for this type of labor. Examples are the shift of plants and offices to Third World countries and the demand for immigrant women labor in large cities within the US. The latter is a manifestation of the general shift to a service economy the downgrading of manufacturing partly to keep it competitive with overseas plants and the direct and indirect demand for low-wage labor generated by the expansion of management and control functions centered in these large cities and necessary for the regulation of the global economy. The feminization of job supply and the need to secure a politically adequate labor supply which combine to create a demand for the type of labor represented by migrant women suggest that gender has to be considered in conjunction with the structural arrangements and that gender by itself cannot adequately describe the nature of migrant labor.

151 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article analyzes U.S. statistics on the characteristics of immigrants to the United States, by sex; discusses the reasons for the predominance of female immigrants since 1930; and lays the statistical groundwork for future analyses of its implications for the U. States.
Abstract: Immigration patterns in the US in the last 50 years have defied the conventional wisdom that most international migrants are young working-age males. Since 1930 more than 1/2 of all immgrants to the US have been women and 2/3 have been women or children. Data show that the persistently large number of marriages of foreign-born or native-born US residents to alien women coupled with increasing government regulation of immigration and a strong policy bias against the seperation of spouces and children has resulted in the preponederance of women and children in immigration since 1930. The shift in the sex and age distribution of immgrants in the US in 1930 can also be attributed to the effectiveness of the 1924 quota laws in drastically reducing the enormous influx of immigrants from southern and eastern Europe when the remaing flow was dominated by wives and children. Traditional sex role behavior has played a significant role in determining both the level and patterns of immigration to the US--while large inflows of economically motivated males induced 2nd flows of women and children before 1930 the 1940s saw the flow of foreign-born wives and children of US servicemen in the wake of Korean and Vietnam wars. An analysis of the Immigration and Naturalization Service data tapes for the 3.6 million fiscal 1972-79 arriving immigrants shows that almost 1/4 are children under 15. Except in this age group females outnumber males in all other age groups. While immigrants are predictably younger than the US born population regardless of sex immigrant women are more likely to be married than men and both are more likely to be married than their US born peers. Immigrant women are substantially less likely to report labor market experience than immigrant men. Unlike US workers immigrants tend to cluster at the top or bottom of the occupational scale regardless of sex. Immigrant women are also clustered in the sterotypical female dominated occupations.

141 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Findings indicate that the immigrants’ strong and pervasive ethnic attachment is unaffected by their length of residence in the U.S., socioeconomic status and cultural and social assimilation rates.
Abstract: Adhesive adaptation is conceptualized as a particular mode of adaptation in which certain aspects of the new culture and social relations with members of the host society are added on to the immigrants traditional culture and social networks without replacing or modifying any significant part of the old. In light of this conceptual framework various patterns of Korean immigrants adaptation in the U.S. are examined. For data collection 615 Korean immigrants in the Los Angeles area were interviewed in 1979. Findings indicate that the immigrants strong and pervasive ethnic attachment is unaffected by their length of residence in the U.S. socioeconomic status and cultural and social assimilation rates. The adhesive mode of adaptation is thus empirically confirmed by this study. Theoretical and practical implications of this adhesive adaptation are discussed in the conclusion. (authors)

122 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The article describes the origins of the undocumented alien population, as well as some of their demographic characteristics, and some of the implications of the numbers and distribution are also discussed.
Abstract: This article presents estimates of the number of undocumented aliens counted in the 1980 [U.S.] census for each state and the District of Columbia. The estimates which indicate that 2.06 million undocumented aliens were counted in the 1980 census are not based on individual records but are aggregate estimates derived by a residual technique. The census count of aliens (modified somewhat to account for deficiencies in the data) is compared with estimates of the legally resident alien population based on data collected by the Immigration and Naturalization Service in January 1980. Estimates are provided "for each of the states for selected countries of birth and for age sex and period of entry categories....The origins of the undocumented alien population [are described] as well as some of their demographic characteristics. Some of the implications of the numbers and distribution of undocumented aliens are also discussed." This paper was originally presented at the 1984 Annual Meeting of the Population Association of America (see Population Index Vol. 50 No. 3 Fall 1984 p. 435). (EXCERPT)

105 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Examination of the foreign adoption process sheds light on the influences of social and political factors in controlling international migrations.
Abstract: The adoption of foreign children by persons in developed countries became an increasingly important phenomenon after World War II. Although worldwide data is limited, U.S. and Swedish information show similar geographic patterns. In the 1940s most foreign children who were adopted came from Europe. During the next two decades a shift to adopting from Asia occurred, and in the 1970s Latin America became a major source area. Examination of the foreign adoption process sheds light on the influences of social and political factors in controlling international migrations.

90 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Direct standardization for age and regression techniques illuminate differences among native born Australians, and immigrants from English speaking countries, Northwestern Europe, Eastern Europe, the Mediterranean region, and the Third World in labor force participation, unemployment, of occupational status, entrepreneurship, and income.
Abstract: migration in the early years of this century, when 10 to 15 percent of the population were foreign born. Even more important than its size is the diver? sity of the immigrant population: examining the labor market experiences of women from a wide range of countries gives more analytical leverage in dis? tinguishing the effects of immigrants' characteristics from the effects of the migration process and from the effects of the responses of the "host society" to its immigrants.

87 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: It is observed that while women's participation in wage work contributes to an improvement in domestic and social relations, these household level changes do not, in turn, translate into greater awareness of the migrant women, or demands for improved working conditions.
Abstract: Considerable interdependence exists between the household and work place in the lives of Dominican migrant women in the US according to this study based on data gathered largely from fieldwork conducted in the US and Dominican Republic from 1980-83. It is observed that while womens participation in wage work contributes to an improvement in domestic and social relations these household level changes do not in turn translate into greater awareness of the migrant women or demands for improved working conditions. On the contrary in many cases work has helped reinforce their lower status in the labor force because it has allowed women to redefine their roles as wives and mothers in a more satisfying manner than was the case prior to their employment and residence in the US. Although the jobs held by Dominican garment workers would place them in the ranks of the working class the majority of them tend to identify themselves as middle class. Paradoxically the beliefs about immigration and work which are rooted in the family and the immigration goals which are realized through more egalitarian relationships at home militate against a working class identification and the resulting organized resistance in the work place.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The emigration of women during and after the famine is examined and changes in marriage and the spread of dowries is analyzed to distinguish between the roles of married and unmarried women.
Abstract: By the 1950s--100 years after the great famine of 1845-49-- 57% of emigrants from the 26 countries of Ireland were women. In the latter 1/2 of the 19th Century increasing proportions of women emigrated until they outnumbered men. For women it was more than a flight from poverty. It was also an escape from an increasingly patriarchal society whose asymetrical development as a colony curtailed womens social space even in their traditional role as wife and mother. The famine which is the single greatest influence forcing emigration undermined the social fabric of an agrarian society hastening the process of agricultural transformation. The growth of a new class of Irish a British grazier landlords resulted in a situation of acute land scarcity encouraging tendencies to cling to ones land holding without dividing it. This combined with new inheritance practices gave rise to widespread arranged marriages as a means of land consolidation and the dowry system. The spontaneous marriage practices of famine days also were replaced by a postponement of marriage. These trends severely reduced the choices exerted by women. The absence of big industrialized cities which might have absorbed displaced rural populations removed available options particularly for women. The system of land monopoly and inheritance revolving around male heads of households reinforced partriarchal relations within a framework of rigid sexual norms whose enforcement was easy because the church which played an important role in the emergence of these values was a major landowner in itself. The subordinated invisible status of women in post-famine Ireland and growing barriers to easy access to marriage partners to waged employment and self-expression all helped ensure the higher and higher emigration rates of women. The economic transformation of Irish agriculture accelerated the establishment of oppressive values and helped depreciate the position of women to a very low level. The exodus of women from post-famine Ireland represented a refusal to accept the servile role accorded them.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The roles of schooling, work experience, origin region in Mexico, and legal status are discussed in comparing female and male migrants’ working experiences.
Abstract: This article using a Mexican national survey provides a profile of temporary Mexican female migrants in the US labor market. The usual association between occupational groups and wage rates does not hold up with women in unskilled jobs averaging nearly the same wages as while collar women. The dramatic exception is private household workers who earn less than 1/4 of the wage rates of other women. Although the distribution of wage rates across occupational groups for migrant women is not easily explained by schooling or potential work experience wage rates seem to be positively correlated with marriage and childrearing. This is partly explained by the fact that married women are more likely to have the option of not working outside the home and also that the labor market contacts provided by husbands may be helpful in securing more remunerative jobs. Migration networks make the region of origin in Mexico strongly correlate with wage rate variations across occupational groups for women. Although women are found to have more schooling higher legal status more US work experience and are more likely to come from regions with well developed migration networks than men women average upto $7 less per day--a phenomenon largely explained by the labor market segmentation. A lack of legal status constrains womens job opportunities more than mens: over 90% of the women without entry permits are in the low paying private household sector compared with less than 1/4 of those with some legal status. This connection between lack of proper legal status and low status jobs does not seem to prevent women from migrating illegally--more than 1/2 the women migrant studied had no legal status at all. This study concludes that women do not necessarily follow men in migration and their labor market functions are quite distinct from those of men.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the methodology developed previously for analyzing the labor market adjustment of legal immigrants is shown to be equally fruitful for analyzing illegal aliens and is modified to incorporate the ef...
Abstract: The methodology developed previously for analyzing the labor market adjustment of legal immigrants is shown to be equally fruitful for analyzing illegal aliens. It is modified to incorporate the ef...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article suggests that explanations of complex occupational and migration patterns in women migrants in one secondary city may be sought in analysis of family strategies, in particular, strategies of rural families for both survival and mobility.
Abstract: PIP: This study of women migrants to Dagupan, a 2ndry city in the Philippines, finds complex occupational and migration patterns with women in informal sector occupations as well as in professional/clerical ones. A large number of those in professional or clerical positions, who are also better educated, had moved away from home previously to study, whereas for a majority of those in the informal sector, including salesworkers, the move to Dagupan was the 1st in their life. While a majority of the former had moved with a definite job offer, the latter usually had come to Dagupan at the suggestion of relatives to look for work. Decision to move, usually made by the father, occurs within a cultural context which upholds strong expectations regarding the obligations of family members to 1 another, in this case, in the form of remittances. Daughters are expected to support families to a greater extent than sons, though both are encouraged to migrate to cities. 3 types of family strategies emerge in the analysis of migration pattersns: 1) rural households, usually poor and with little education, send their daughters out in the hope that remittances would help attain the basic necessities of life; 2) in an attempt to follow a strategy leading to upward mobility, some rural families educate their daughters, especially for occupations in the formal sector, whose remittances are used to educate other siblings; and 3) for those families with higher levels of education and income, encouraging daughters to migrate is done with a view to enhancing their position in society, rather than for the purpose of remittance. Women are encouraged by their families to migrate to cities with the expectation, based on strong cultural values, that such migration would help maintain the family as a unit through, among other things, financial support recieved.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The author discusses some of the conditions in the women's lives which they themselves considered stress provoking plus their reactions to these conditions.
Abstract: Data collected through interviews with 72 Turkish female immigrants to Denmark show that migration and the inevitable confrontation with an unfamiliar cultural mileu create several stress producing situations which they are unable to cope due to their multiple disadvantage of being poor uneducated alien and female. Turkish women began arriving in Denmark after 1973 in order to join male members of their families when Denmark began experiencing economic recession and rising unemployment. This was responsible for the lukewarm reception they faced in their host country even from their own relatives. A feeling of uprootedness is common in these women who leaving behind the security of their their own society are constantly exposed to behavior patterns that appear to be in sharp contrast to their own. An unfamiliarity with the implicit structure of the society and rules of conduct can be threatening. Having a job outside the home creates the double burden of working to earn a living and having to take full responsibility for children and the household. On the other hand not having a job creates an excess of leisure time due to the availability of time saving gadgets which is spent indoors with no meanigful activities. Lack of mobility compounds the situation. While proximity to other Turks inbitits freedom for fear of criticism staying away brings loneliness. Changing concepts of sex roles can be disruptive especially when roles they are brought up to believe are theirs are no longer needed. As accompanying wives they are excessively dependent on their husbands and are more isolated and overwoked than they would have been in their homeland. All these factors help render the women extremely powerless. The women interviewed attributed their complaints physical or emotional to their state as immigrants. Womens complaints especially if they are psychological in nature lead to the danger of the women being labelled mentally ill. Despite their general low status these women seemed determined to solve their problems and thus had strength and resources as well arising out of among other factors the knowledge of Turkish girls that because of their sex they have to be prepared to make adjustments.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Drawing restricted conclusions from the limited data available, indicate some implications of these conclusions and point to the problems of lack of information in an area where migration is of major significance for social and economic change are pointed to.
Abstract: Similar to the situation elsewhere in the world migration may enhance a womens position in societies in the regions of the South Pacific by prividing them greater autonomy and competence in new skills whether they are themselves immigrants or remain in villages as heads of households when male relatives leave. Or it can cause them to lose independence and social standing and be extremely subjugated to men especially when they are passive migrants to towns or through over-dependence or remittances poor health and welfare when the maintenace of necessary rural economic activities proves excessively demanding or urban incomes are poor. It is apparent from the Highlands of Papua New Guinea that rather different situations may result in seemingly similar areas. The emergence of cash cropping wage labor migration and greater individualism within the nuclear family as a result of the breakdown of traditional family structures all emphasize isolation of men and women and produce conflict diversity and tension. While women may indeed acquire some elevation in status and prestige from their participation in a greater range of economic social and political affairs men too gain in prestige offsetting womens gains. Pressures on womens time may inhibit their fuller participation in community activities contributing to their marginalization and give rise to new economic inequalities despite some gains. Ironically the type of economic change tends to cause women to be locked into domestic and reproductive roles. Although women have apparently made strides in small South Pacific states little of this social change is translated into long-term economic changes that would ultimately have a positive impact on the status of women. The lack of absence of proper data concerning women in migration and accompanying phenomena such as changing roles power structures as well as the changing distribution of resources virtually ensures the exclusion of women from policy discussions and decisions regarding the provision of appropriate social services and employment opportunities in the sending or receiving country.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In Africa in particular, the national frontiers which divide social, ethnic and economic communities inadvertently give rise to undocumented migration; in most cases it is difficult to know when a traveler actually crosses international borders.
Abstract: The persistence and widespread nature of undocumented migration in Africa is due to 1) the absence of barriers or the arbitrariness of national frontiers 2) the large stretch of unpoliced borders 3) ignorance about the existence of borders and 4) the absence or inadequacy of migration laws and regulations in both the countries of origin and destination. The free movement of persons in Africa has a long tradition. Over a large part of Africa international migration is regarded as an extension of internal migration. The free movement of persons across frontiers in Africa historically has been facilitated by the cultural affinity of communities divided by international boundaries and the colonial policies of both the French and British. The "migration" of nomads pays little regard to international borders and is largely undocumented even in national censuses. The frontier workers along the borders of Uganda and Kenya where members of the same extended family live on both sides of the borders and commute daily are statistically regarded as international migrants without regard for the sociocultural realities of the African situation. Political independence substantially altered the erstwhile free movement of persons across African countries as national governments enacted immigration laws and regulations. The newly independent countries wanted to reserve employment for nationals. The Sahelian drought internal strife in Chad the deteriorating economic situation in Ghana the oil-lead economic boom in Nigeria and the treaty on the free movement of people in the community accelerate the tempo of undocumented migration in West Africa. Also migration laws and regulations are not always rigorously enforced. Expulsion and deportation are common policy measures directed at illegal migrants resident in African countries. In Nigeria the events leading to the expulsion of aliens were gradual but in all cases the actual expulsion--or decisions to expel--are usually sudden and dramatic.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The data suggest that the social mobility process for female immigrants differs from the process for males, perhaps because cultural barriers to “pink collar” jobs of nominally higher status restrict women's mobility.
Abstract: This study analyzes the occupational prestige of women workers born in Cuba and Mexico who were at least 25 years of age at the time of immigration to the US. The empirical results indicate that the process of converting resources (examples age schooling US residence) differ by both sex and nationality with the Mexican males and females being more similar to each other than to Cubans and vice versa. Mexicans have a more favorable conversion of resources into prestige but a lower level of resources. Immigrant women appear to be somewhat more disadvantaged relative to immigrant men than are women workers in general and both groups of women enjoy lower occupational prestige than their male counterparts. Unlike the case of male immigrants US work experience tends to decrease the prestige scores for females. So does southern residence. The pattern of achieving occupational prestige is unique among women immigrants despite nationality differences. The data suggest that the social mobility process for female immigrants differ from the process for males perhaps because of cultural barriers that make entry to pink collar jobs difficult. For instance the widespread segregation of the labor market makes it more difficult for these women than for males to acquire useful information leading to better jobs. Their US experience thus need not be of much value. 2ndly the existing jobs require immigrant women to learn English or other new skills at their own expense or to turn their foreign credentials into those acceptable for the US market. Finally relative concentration in the South may negatively womens occupational prestige more so than mens. Immigrant women are also handicapped by a view of themselves as supplementary earners and are more apprehensive about job market changes due to an unfamiliarity with American customs. Family responsibilities often hinder immigrant womens upward mobility locking them into routine jobs with few avenues for advancement.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: It is the contention of this article that female migration cannot properly be understood or analyzed without reference to a variety of gender-specific factors.
Abstract: Based on a study of 1 category of Hausa women the autonomous migrants in Katsina Nigeria this article concludes that female migration has to be studied only with reference to a variety of gender-specific factors. Without socially sanctioned access to opportunities even in the informal sector and subjected to seclusion and social control Hausa women play the roles traditionally accorded to and expected of them. Migration by young women on their own is viewed often as tantamount to prostitution and prostitution is initially proved through migration. The responses of these autonoumous migrants to queries concerning the reasons for their migration and life style are influenced by the narrowness of their perceived roles. For instance by projecting a self-image as victims of circumstances and male whims their pursuit of the Kuruwanci profession (courtesanship) is used as an excuse to remain even to thrive in the profession they may have willingly chosen. There may be considerable inconsistency between womens stated and actual reasons for migration and between mens and womens perceptions of migrant womens roles activities and associates.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A multivariate model is used to distinguish employed from unemployed refugees, and each of the four major ethnic groups is investigated separately.
Abstract: The influx of Indochinese refugees into the United States since 1975 has forced policy development in various resettlement areas. Considerable emphasis has been placed on employment and employment barriers. This article investigates the refugee employment process. A multivariate model is used to distinguish employed from unemployed refugees. Early arrivals recent arrivals and each of the four major ethnic groups are investigated separately. (EXCERPT)

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article uses the 1980 Public Use Microfiles to delineate four Mexican origin immigrant status groups — post 1975 Mexican-born noncitizens, pre-1975 Mexican- born non citizens, self-reported naturalized citizens, and native-born Mexican Americans.
Abstract: Based on Warren and Passels...estimate that nearly two-thirds of Mexican-born noncitizens entering the U.S. during 1975-80 and included in the 1980 Census are undocumented immigrants this article uses the 1980 Public Use Microfiles to delineate four Mexican origin immigrant status groups--post 1975 Mexican-born noncitizens pre-1975 Mexican-born noncitizens self-reported naturalized citizens and native-born Mexican-Americans. It is found that "the pattern of sociodemographic differences among these groups provides support for the idea that the first two categories contain a substantial fraction of undocumented immigrants. These two groups (especially the first) reveal characteristics that one would logically associate with undocumented immigrants--age concentration (in young adult years) high sex ratios low education and income levels and lack of English proficiency." (EXCERPT)

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The major labor-exporting countries in Asia are, in general, highly favorable toward labor migration and they have taken steps to facilitate the flow of workers to the Middle East.
Abstract: There are currently between two and three million Asian workers in the Middle East, a tenfold increase in fewer than ten years. Pakistan and India each have about 800,000 workers in the Middle East (Demery, 1983). The increase in labor migration from Asia to the Middle East accompanied a rapid expansion in the economic and social development plans of the oil-exporting countries in the Middle East subsequent to the 1973 oil embargo. The indigenous labor forces in the oil-exporting countries were relatively small and lacked the necessary technical skills to carry out these ambitious development plans (Minocha et al, 1983). Labor shortages were exacerbated by an aversion to manual labor on the part of workers in the oil-producing countries and by low labor force participation rates for women (Birks and Sinclair, 1979). To fill this gap, foreign workers were originally brought in from other countries in the Middle Eastern region. When the supply of qualified, cost-effective Arab workers became tight, however, the oil-ex? porting countries began to diversify their sources of labor, first drawing on workers from South Asia and more recently expanding their horizons to East and Southeast Asia. The major labor-exporting countries in Asia are, in general, highly favorable toward labor migration and they have taken steps to facilitate the flow of workers to the Middle East. Many of these countries have come to rely heavily on remittances from the Middle East (currently totaling about $6 bil? lion annually) for precious foreign exchange. Labor migration has also been viewed as providing a safety valve for widespread unemployment and underemployment in the sending countries. Only recently have some of the

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The finding that the allocation of immigrant women into two blue-collar occupations and immigrant men into four blue- collar occupations increased at a faster rate than the growth of the immigrant workforce indicates the advancement of a process of occupational succession whereby immigrants are channeled into jobs vacated by domestic workers.
Abstract: Since World War II the industrial shifts from agriculture to services have transformed the nature of employment opportunities in the US and generally resulted in occupational upgrading. This reorganization of occupations which continued into the 1970s has reduced the proportion of workers employed in the least skilled manual jobs. The most important result of this trend is that immigrant women--in fact women and men-- experienced both an improvement and deterioration in their occupational position. While the national pattern involved a decrease in relative employment of native workers as laborers and farm laborers immigrant women increased their share of these jobs. Immigrant men moved into 4 occupational categories largely being abandoned by native-born workers--jobs as operatives service workers laborers and farm laborers. The shift of immigrant women into laborer jobs was made possible through changes in the organization of work within industries rather than a change in the availability of the types of employers needing them. The well-advertised promise of employment in new growth industries such as electronics and the expansion of jobs requiring greater skills is not uniformly available to all groups of women. Thus jobs requiring few skills and offering few opportunities for advancement are usually filled by migrant ethnic workers particularly women who also lack leverage for demanding and securing higher status positions. The combination of the relative increase in the proportion of immigrant men and women in the least skilled manual jobs left behind by native-born workers and the apparent concentration of specific national origin groups in these jobs renders this important segment of the labor market clearly identifiable on political and ethnic ground. It also contributes to the understanding of the on-going debate as to whether immigrant workers displace or complement native work force.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This inquiry focuses on the attitudes of Mexican Americans toward issues relating to current U.S. immigration policy, and offers the additional dimension of geography as a variable influencing attitudes.
Abstract: This inquiry focuses on the attitudes of 314 Mexican Americans toward issues relating to current US immigration policy. Telephone and personal interviews were conducted in Hidalgo and Travis counties Texas with Mexican-Americans. Virtually all respondent groups oppose an increased rate of immigration consider illegal immigration to be an important problem support stricter enforcement of immigration laws and believe that undocumented workers take jobs no one else wants. Half of the respondents identify illegal immigration as a regional rather than a personal problem. At the same time the data suggest significant differences in both direction and intensity of attitudes between Mexican Americans of different generations income occupational levels and region. There is general opposition to the requirement of a national identity card but widespread support for penalizing employers of undocumented workers and for granting amnesty to undocumented workers. These findings allow an examination of the extent to which the Mexican American leadership which has been overwhelmingly opposed to the Simpson-Mazzoli bill accurately reflects the views of the Mexican American people. The leadership and the population at large agree on 2 of the 3 issues amnesty and the national identity card but disagree on employer sanctions. 1st it may be that the leadership holds the kinds of jobs for which undocumented workers are unlikely to compete so they may not feel threatened. 2nd they may feel that instituting employer sanctions will create incentives for employers to discriminate in their hiring practices against all Latino-looking job applicants. Non-elite Mexican Americans who support employer sanctions may believe that the only way they can compete for jobs is to make it impossible for elites to be hired. Both groups appear to fear that regardless of the specifics of immigration reform Mexican Americans are likely to encounter increased discrimination in the job market.

Journal ArticleDOI
David Bray1
TL;DR: It is argued that Dominican middle class international migration has emerged as a partial solution to a political economic crisis that was dramatized by the April Revolution of 1965 and deepened through the 1970s with the failure of industrialization strategies to generate significant changes in the class structure.
Abstract: The Dominican Republic is classified as one of a group of Latin American and Caribbean countries whose international migratory flows appear to be primarily composed of the urban middle class rather than the rural poor. It is argued that Dominican middle class international migration has emerged as a partial solution to a political economic crisis that was dramatized by the April Revolution of 1965 and deepened through the 1970s with the failure of industrialization strategies to generate significant changes in the class structure. (EXCERPT)

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined the functions served by international labor immigration, expecially the undocumented population, and concluded that one of the most important functions of the illegal alien population is political and resides in its controllability by employers in the second? ary labor market.
Abstract: A number of notions regarding the functions served by international labor immigration, expecially the undocumented population, are examined in this article. Comparisons of the working conditions of documented and undocumented Dominicans in New York City are made. Although the two groups resemble one another in terms of organization and industrial sector of employment, the organization of their respective firms is markedly different. It is concluded that one of the most important functions served by the illegal alien population is political and resides in its controllability by employers in the second? ary labor market and, consequently, operates to discipline the native labor force.

Journal ArticleDOI
Lloyd T. Wong1
TL;DR: The world today is awash with international migrants; legally admitted foreign workers, illegal aliens, political refugees, and, proportionally fewer, fewer than heretofore, permanent immigrants…international migration increasingly encompasses either legally admittedforeign workers who are expected and sometimes constrained to repatriate after sojourns abroad or illegal aliens who enter a country outside the ambit of immigration law.
Abstract: The Canadian system of issuing temporary employment visas is first described and the characteristics of the resulting guestworker labor force are considered. Comparisons are made with the situation in the United States and in Europe. The author notes that in contrast to the situation in Western Europe guestworkers make up only one percent of the total labor force. (ANNOTATION)