Showing papers in "Social Science Quarterly in 2006"

Differences in Actual and Perceived Online Skills: The Role of Gender*

Abstract: Objective. The literature on gender and technology use finds that women and men differ significantly in their attitudes toward their technological abilities. Concurrently, existing work on science and math abilities of students suggests that such perceived differences do not always translate into actual disparities. We examine the yet-neglected area concerning gender differences with respect to Internet-use ability. In particular, we test how self-perceived abilities are related to actual abilities and how these may differ by gender. Methods. We use new data on web-use skill to test empirically whether there are differences in men’s and women’s abilities to navigate online content. We draw on a diverse sample of adult Internet users to investigate the questions raised. Results. Findings suggest that men and women do not differ greatly in their online abilities. However, we find that women’s self-assessed skill is significantly lower than that of men. Conclusions. Women’s lower self-assessment regarding their web-use skills may affect significantly the extent of their online behavior and the types of uses to which they put the medium. We discuss the implications of these findings for social inequality.

Religion and Public Opinion about Same‐Sex Marriage*

Abstract: Objective. The goal of this article is to analyze the relationship between religion, measured in terms of religious affiliation and religiosity, and public opinion about same-sex marriage, civil unions, and a federal constitutional amendment that would prohibit gay marriage. Methods. We use logistic regression with calculated standardized coefficients to analyze data from a nationally representative survey of 1,610 respondents conducted in March–April 2004. Results. Religious variables perform better than demographic measures in models of attitudes about same-sex unions. Non-Protestants are much more likely to support same-sex unions than are Protestants, and individuals with conservative attitudes toward morality and secularism and (to a lesser extent) those who participate actively in religious life are more likely to oppose such unions. On the whole, religious variables play a weaker role in predicting support for a constitutional amendment to prevent gay marriage than they do in predicting attitudes toward same-sex unions. Conclusions. Religious variables play powerful roles in structuring attitudes about same-sex unions. Moreover, homosexuality appears to be a major component of the “moral values” discourse that is currently so popular in American politics.

Preschool and School Readiness of Children of Immigrants

Abstract: Objective. In this article, we use data from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Survey—Kindergarten Cohort to analyze the links between preschool attendance and the school readiness of children of immigrants. Methods. Using data from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Survey—Kindergarten Cohort, we estimate multivariate regression models for the effects of preschool on school readiness for children of immigrants and children of natives. Results. We find that children whose mothers were born outside the United States are less likely to be enrolled in school or center-based preschool programs than other children. We find that preschool attendance raises reading and math scores as much for children of immigrants as it does for other children. Attending preschool also raises the English-language proficiency of children of immigrants. Although not the main focus of our study, we examined the effects of Head Start, and found that this program improves children's English proficiency, with especially large effects for children of immigrants whose mothers have less than a high school education; in this latter group, Head Start also improved math scores. Conclusions. Given that preschool benefits children of immigrants as much as it does children of natives and given that children of immigrants are less likely to be enrolled, our findings strongly suggest that enrolling more children of immigrants in preschool would help reduce inequality in skills at school entry.

Together They Become One: Examining the Predictors of Panethnic Group Consciousness Among Asian Americans and Latinos*

Abstract: Objective. This article examines panethnic consciousness as it applies to the two fastest-growing minority groups in the United States: Asian Americans and Latinos. Given the challenges of diversity and immigration faced by these two communities, I examine the individual-level factors that help strengthen their panethnic group identity. Methods. Drawing from data provided by the 2000 Pilot National Asian American Political Survey and the 1999 National Survey on Latinos, I use ordered probit models to determine the predictors of panethnic consciousness among both Asian Americans and Latinos. Results. The models confirm that for Asian Americans, high income, involvement in Asian-American politics, being a Democrat, and the role of racial discrimination encourage panethnic consciousness. For Latinos, the important factors are higher levels of education, gender, being foreign born, involvement in Latino politics, and perceptions of discrimination. Conclusions. The findings here stress the importance of social contextual factors such as racial discrimination on the formation of panethnic identity.

Gender Differences in Criminal Sentencing: Do Effects Vary Across Violent, Property, and Drug Offenses?*

Abstract: Objective. Many studies find that females benefit from their gender in sentencing decisions. Few researchers, however, address whether the gender-sentencing association might be stronger for some crimes, such as minor nonviolent offending, and weaker for other offenses, such as serious violent crime. Method. Using a large random sample of convicted offenders in Texas drawn from a statewide project on sentencing practices mandated by the 73rd Texas Legislature, logistic regression and OLS regression analyses of likelihood of imprisonment and prison length illustrate the importance of looking at sentencing outcomes not only in terms of gender but also in terms of crime type. Results. Specifically, we find that the effect of gender on sentencing does vary by crime type, but not in a consistent or predicted fashion. For both property and drug offending, females are less likely to be sentenced to prison and also receive shorter sentences if they are sentenced to prison. For violent offending, however, females are no less likely than males to receive prison time, but for those who do, females receive substantially shorter sentences than males. Conclusions. We conclude that such variation in the gender-sentencing association across crime type is largely due to features of Texas’ legal code that channel the level of discretion available to judges depending on crime type and whether incarceration likelihood or sentence length is examined. The sentencing of criminals has been the subject of repeated exploratory inquiry by social scientists, particularly sociologists. Since the work of Nagel and Weitzman (1971) and Pope (1975), who found that women appear to receive preferential treatment in sentencing over males, efforts to explain this disparity have centered around two theories: chivalry and the more recent focal concerns. As our literature review highlights, efforts to decipher how the sentencing process may benefit females are, at times, inconsistent. We view our study as additional fuel to the sentencing dialogue and, in par

Interstate competition and environmental regulation : A test of the race-to-the-bottom thesis

Abstract: Objective. This study assesses the effect of interstate competition on the stringency with which states enforce environmental regulations. Method. Pooled cross-sectional time-series analysis of state surface-mining regulation is used to determine if the enforcement gap between a state and competitor states affects the stringency of state enforcement. Results. The results suggest that state enforcement is systematically affected by the behavior of regional competitors. States adjust their enforcement in response to competitor states when their enforcement stringency exceeds that of their competitors. When competitors' enforcement is more stringent, however, their behavior does not have a significant effect. Conclusion. This study provides empirical evidence for a race to the bottom in state environmental regulation.

College, Jobs, or the Military? Enlistment During a Time of War†

Abstract: Objective. This article questions what factors are associated with joining the military after high school rather than attending college, joining the civilian labor force, or doing some other activity. Three areas of influence on military enlistment are highlighted: educational goals, the institutional presence of the military in communities, and race and socioeconomic status. Method. The analysis uses data from a recent cohort of high school graduates from the State of Texas in 2002, when the United States was at war, and employs multinomial logistic regression to model the correlates of post-high-school choice of activity in this cohort. Results. Results confirm the hypothesis that a higher military institutional presence increases the odds of enlisting in the military relative to enrolling in college, becoming employed, or doing some other activity after high school. Additionally, college aspirations are clearly associated with the decision to enroll in college versus enlist and also increase the odds of joining the military rather than the civilian labor market, or remaining idle. Unlike previous studies, few racial and ethnic differences are found. Conclusion. Voluntary military enlistment during wartime is associated college aspirations, lower socioeconomic status, and living in an area with a high military presence.

Immigrant Intentions and Mobility in a Global Economy: The Attitudes and Behavior of Recently Arrived U.S. Immigrants*

Abstract: Objectives. In this article we develop a conceptual model connecting immigrants' objective circumstances to satisfaction with life in the United States, intentions with regard to naturalization and settlement, and concrete behaviors such as remitting and leaving the country. Methods. We analyze data from the New Immigrant Survey Pilot to estimate structural equations derived from our conceptual model. Results. Those expressing a high degree of U.S. satisfaction are significantly more likely to intend to naturalize and, because of this fact, are also more likely to want to stay in the United States forever. In terms of socioeconomic characteristics, however, those with high earnings and owners of U.S. property are less likely to intend naturalizing; and those with high levels of education are least likely to be satisfied with the United States, but satisfaction is itself unrelated to remitting or emigrating, which are determined by citizenship intentions and objective circumstances. Conclusions. The picture that emerges from this analysis is of a fluid and dynamic global market for human capital in which the bearers of skills, education, and abilities seek to maximize earnings in the short term while retaining little commitment to any particular society or national labor market over the longer term.

Wal‐Mart and County‐Wide Poverty*

Abstract: Objectives. This study seeks to identify the independent effect of Wal-Mart stores on changes in U.S. family-poverty rates at the county level. We draw on the contributions of a number of disciplines to enhance our understanding of the broader forces that influence poverty. Methods. A key innovation is that we estimate a two-stage regression model, in which an instrument is created for new Wal-Mart stores from a location equation; this reduces any potential endogeneity bias in the poverty-change equation. In addition, we use spatial econometric methods to correct for spatial dependence bias. Results. After controlling for other factors determining changes in the poverty rate over time, we find that counties with more initial (1987) Wal-Mart stores and counties with more additions of stores between 1987 and 1998 experienced greater increases (or smaller decreases) in family-poverty rates during the 1990s economic boom period. Conclusions. Wal-Mart creates both benefits and costs to communities in which the chain locates. These benefits and costs need to be weighed carefully by community decisionmakers in deciding whether to provide public subsidies to the chain. Local leaders and academic researchers are increasingly interested in the community-level effects of ‘‘big box’’ retailers and discount department stores. Wal-Mart, in particular, has received considerable and mostly negative public media and congressional attention, in addition to spawning a number of hostile websites. 1 The interest in Wal-Mart is not surprising as it

Globalization and the Digital Divide: The Roles of Structural Conduciveness and Global Connection in Internet Diffusion*

Abstract: Objectives. The goal of this research is to examine the role of modernization (i.e., structural conduciveness) in the form of income, telephone price and structure, education, and political structures, and global contact in the form of world cities, trade, investment, activities of international nongovernmental organizations, and short-term exchanges of population in driving the worldwide diffusion of the Internet. Methods. We use longitudinal regression analyses (1995–2000) of change in Internet hosts for approximately 80 developing countries. Results. The analyses suggest that foreign investment, major urban agglomerations, manufacturing exports, nongovernmental organization presence, and tourism as well as democratic openness, property rights, and income predict Internet diffusion during the time period under investigation. Conclusions. We conclude that indeed both conduciveness to Internet technology as well as globalization (contact) are important factors in the diffusion of the Internet. The 1990s witnessed the emergence of new information technologies that have had a substantial impact on both commerce and society in general. Given that approximately 50 percent of economic production in OECD countries is now generated by knowledge-based industries, it is no surprise that advanced telecommunications are increasingly viewed as requisites for economic and human development (UNDP, 2001). These facts explain why the ‘‘digital divide’’ has received so much attention. Of great concern is the ‘‘digital divide’’ between rich and poor nations. As of the summer of 2004, the Computer Industry Almanac (2004) estimates that approximately 934 million people use the Internet worldwide and that Internet usage will top 1 billion sometime in 2005. Although the industrialized world’s ‘‘share’’ of Internet users fell from 76 percent in 2001 to 62

Failing the Transition from Welfare to Work: Women Chronically Disconnected from Employment and Cash Welfare†

Abstract: Objectives. Although employment among welfare mothers increased substantially following the 1996 welfare reform, some former welfare recipients failed to find stable employment. We review the extent to which low-income mothers are without work and cash welfare for long periods of time and seek to understand the correlates of becoming chronically disconnected. Methods. We analyze data from a 1997–2003 panel study of single mothers who received cash welfare in an urban county in Michigan in February 1997. We develop a new measure of the extent to which former recipients are “chronically disconnected” from both employment and cash welfare and estimate regression models of the correlates of this economic outcome. Results. About 9 percent of respondents became chronically disconnected, defined as being without employment and cash welfare during at least one-quarter of the months during the 79-month study period. Important correlates of becoming chronically disconnected include having a physical limitation, having a learning disability, using illegal drugs or meeting the diagnostic screening criteria for alcohol dependence, and having no car or driver license. The chronically disconnected are more likely to have lost a job than to have lost welfare benefits and are more economically disadvantaged than those with regular sources of economic support. Conclusions. To reduce the number of women who fail to make a successful transition from welfare to work, more attention should be given to programs and policies that attempt to reconnect disconnected women to regular sources of economic support.

Community Heterogeneity: A Burden for the Creation of Social Capital?†

Abstract: Objective. This study examines the relationship between community heterogeneity and social capital on the local government level. Method. We apply both OLS and interval regression techniques to objective macro data of 307 Flemish municipalities for the year 2000. Results. Our results show that, after controlling for various socioeconomic characteristics of the municipality, income inequality is not significantly correlated with the municipality’s level of social capital. We do find a significant negative relation between social capital and the number of nationalities within a municipality. Yet, contrary to the prevailing argument in the literature, it is not the presence of people with a clearly different ethnic-cultural background that drives this negative relation. Conclusions. In accordance with previous international findings, municipalities with large groups of differing nationalities among its citizenry are confronted with a lower level of social capital. Importantly, however, our findings emphasize the need to distinguish between different groups of nationalities and argue for explanations beyond ‘‘simple’’ ethnic-cultural disparities. Judging by the amount of scholarly attention (and journal space) devoted to the concept in recent years, social capital is the ‘‘talk of the town.’’ Though the idea dates back much further, a great deal of this attention is due to Robert Putnam’s Making Democracy Work (1993). In this influential work, Putnam argues that the higher level of social capital in the northern and central parts of Italy (compared to the south) allows people in these regions to more easily overcome collective action problems. This then improves the performance of the northern regional governments. The relation between social capital and collective, societal outcomes ignited social sci

Issue Saliency and Gender Stereotypes: Support for Women as Presidents in Times of War and Terrorism*

Abstract: Objective. This article examines how issue saliency affects the public’s perceptions of whether a man or a woman would make a better president when considering the most important problem facing the nation. Method. The study uses telephone survey data of adults in the United States collected by the Annenberg Public Policy Center in September 2003. Multinominial logistic regression models were conducted to parse out the effects of issue saliency on presidential gender preference while taking demographic characteristics and party identification into account. Results. People who said that terrorism, homeland security, and/or U.S. involvement in Iraq was the most important problem facing the nation were more likely to say that a man would do a better job handling the issue as president. Conclusion. This study finds that issue saliency affects presidential gender preference above and beyond demographic and party identification variables. During the 1984 election when Democratic vice presidential candidate Geraldine Ferraro appeared on ‘‘Meet the Press,’’ she was asked: ‘‘[D]o you think that in any way the Soviets might be tempted to try to take advantage of you simply because you are a woman?’’ (Jamieson, 1995:107) and ‘‘Are you strong enough to push the button?’’ (Braden, 1996:110). The questions reflected both the security concerns of the 1980s and the stereotype that men are better at protecting the nation than are women. In this study, we examine how such underlying stereotypes in conjunction with current events may affect attitudes about women in the presidency. Top-line poll results demonstrate that there has been an immense change in attitudes about women in the presidency over the last 70 years. In fact, the percentage of people saying they support a woman president has roughly kept pace with the year. When respondents were asked in 1937 if they

Educational Attainment in New and Established Latino Metropolitan Destinations

Abstract: Objective. This study examines the educational attainment of Latinos who immigrated to the United States by age 12. We compare the educational attainment of Latino immigrants in established and emerging Latino immigrant gateway cities in order to identify whether there are any significant differences in educational attainment between immigrants in these two gateways types and why such differences might exist. Methods. We employ OLS regression using the 2000 5% Integrated Public Use Microdata Sample. Results. Our results suggest that contrary to speculation, educational attainment among Latino immigrants is significantly higher in new Latino destinations than in established Latino metropolitan areas, although much of the difference is mediated by demographic factors. Migration history, English proficiency, ethnicity, and citizenship status account for a substantial portion of the differences in educational attainment between destination types. The migration history of these immigrants suggests a selection effect: only those immigrants who are relative newcomers to their new Latino destination have significantly higher educational attainment than those in established metropolitan areas. Conclusions. We find that educational attainment among Latino immigrants is higher in new Latino destinations. Our study suggests that more highly educated Latino immigrants are choosing new Latino destinations, while longer-term immigrant residents of new destinations are faring no better (in terms of educational levels) than those in established destinations. English proficiency, ethnicity, and citizenship status are confirmed as factors strongly associated with educational attainment among immigrants.

The Behavior and Success of Latino Legislators: Evidence from the States*

Abstract: Objectives. Research on the link between descriptive and substantive representation has focused almost exclusively on women and African Americans. In the last two decades, Latino representation in state legislatures has more than doubled, yet scholars have only begun to examine the policy interests and legislative success of these legislators. The objectives of this study are to test a descriptive representation model, in which the ethnicity of the legislator influences legislative behavior even after accounting for the ethnic composition of the district, and to examine ethnic differences in legislative success. Methods. Multivariate regression analyses are used to examine the effect of legislator ethnicity and district composition on bill sponsorship, committee service, and bill passage in seven U.S. legislatures. Results. I find that both constituency composition and the ethnicity of the legislator influence legislative behavior. The success of measures sponsored by Latino legislators varies substantially across states. Conclusions. I conclude that both the ethnicity of the legislator and the composition of the district influence legislative behavior and success. There is clear support for a descriptive representation model of agenda setting, particularly on issues involving immigration. However, this link between descriptive and substantive varies substantially by political context.

How do voters form expectations about the Parties' chances of winning the election?

Abstract: Objective. This article examines the factors that form voters' perceptions of the parties' chances of winning at both the national and the local levels. Method. We make use of the 1988 Canadian Election Study and we employ a HLM model to estimate the effect of individual-level and contextual-level variables. Results. It is shown that voters' expectations are affected by a combination of “objective” contextual information and personal preferences (projection effects). Conclusion. The basic contextual information that is utilized to ascertain local chances is the outcome of the previous election in the local constituency, whereas polls are crucial in the case of perceived national chances. We also find that the most politically aware are more strongly influenced by “objective” indicators.

The Greater Complexity of Lived Race: An Extension of Harris and Sim*

Abstract: Objectives. Harris and Sim (2002) recently demonstrated the complexity of lived race by exploring patterns of racial self-identification. They raised important sociological questions about the role of context in racial self-identification, but offered an incomplete picture of ethnic fluidity by excluding Hispanics from their analyses. We address this limitation with data on Hispanics from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health). Methods. Our social-psychological approach, using compositional analysis, focuses on the lived experience of race and ethnicity as qualitatively similar conceptual categories. Results. Informed by the cognitive process of social categorization, we find that considerably more individuals show fluidity in racial and ethnic self-identification across contexts than suggested by Harris and Sim. Conclusions. Harris and Sim's thesis is even more strongly supported by these findings than in their original analysis, and our findings reinforce their challenge to the assumed stability of racial and ethnic measurement in sociology. We conclude by proposing a change in the measurement of race/ethnicity in America.

Overcoming City Limits: Vertical and Horizontal Models of Local Redistributive Policy Making*

Abstract: Objectives. Contrary to conventional wisdom, Census data show a substantial local role in providing health, housing, and public welfare services. I evaluate two models to explain local social welfare: an intergovernmental model, based on federal and state funds, and an interjurisdictional model, based on measures of local monopoly power. Methods. I estimate a panel data model of local redistributive expenditures from 1992–2002 to test between these alternative explanations for local redistribution. Results. I find that vertical arrangements tend to drive local redistributive spending. Conclusions. Intergovernmental factors drive local social welfare policy and suppress the local welfare race to the bottom.

Categorical Imperatives: The Interaction of Latino and Racial Identification*

Abstract: Objective. Most large data sets solicit “ethnic” identification and “racial” identification in separate questions. We test the relative salience of these two identifications by exploring whether individuals who chose both a Latino “ethnic” label and a “racial” label on separate survey questions still chose both of these labels when they were given a single combined question about their racial and ethnic origins. Methods. Using the May 1995 Race and Ethnicity Supplement to the Current Population Survey, we estimate a multinomial logit model of identification choices. Results. We find that most individuals who chose a Latino label and a racial label chose a Latino-only identification. Selection of multiple labels was more common for Latinos than non-Latinos, however. Language use, local ethnic context, national origin, and age were all significantly related to these identification choices. Conclusion. The format of “race” and “ethnicity” questions on surveys has significant implications for the identification patterns of Latinos.

Measuring State TANF Policy Variations and Change After Reform

Abstract: Objectives. Our objectives are to describe the policies adopted after PRWORA, which vary across states, to test for common underlying policy concepts, demonstrating how these policies are interrelated, and to examine whether policy stringency diffused to neighboring states results in greater policy stringency across all states over time. We convert textual TANF welfare guidelines into empirically derived policy dimensions and use the derived quantitative scores to describe variation and change in welfare policy dimensions across status during the 1996–2003 post-welfare-reform period. Methods. Utilizing the Urban Institute's Welfare Rules Database, we apply a factor analytic methodology to 78 unique state policy guidelines that were coded on a lenient-to-stringent continuum. Regression analyses, employing spatial contiguity weighting, are used to describe policy diffusion. Results. The results identified 15 underlying first-order post-welfare-reform policy dimensions, which for scientific parsimony were further reduced to three second-order underlying dimensions representing rules governing eligibility: eligibility requirements for groups, behavioral responsibilities for maintaining eligibility, and eligibility time limits and exemptions. Analysis of the quantitative scores showed that by 2003 states had become more lenient regarding eligibility criteria for groups but decidedly more stringent regarding behavioral guidelines for maintaining eligibility and eligibility time limits and exemptions. Spatial clustering is not found globally but is significant for some states at the local level. Spatial diffusion is apparent only for behavioral rules. Conclusions. Our results suggest that TANF policy variations across states go beyond payment levels to include salient eligibility rules. The patterns of variability in change scores across states do not support a pervasive “race to the bottom” conclusion.

Socioeconomic Distinction, Cultural Tastes, and Cigarette Smoking*

Abstract: OBJECTIVES: The inverse relationship between socioeconomic status (SES) and smoking is typically seen in terms of the greater economic and social resources of advantaged groups, but it may also relate to cultural resources. This study aims to test theories of symbolic distinction by examining relationships between smoking and ostensibly unrelated cultural preferences. METHODS: Using the 1993 General Social Survey, ordinal logistic regression models, and a three-category dependent variable (never, former, and current smoker), the analysis estimates relationships of musical likes and dislikes with smoking while controlling for SES and social strain. RESULTS: Preferences for classical music are associated with lower smoking, while preferences for bluegrass, jazz, and heavy metal music are associated with higher smoking. CONCLUSIONS: The results suggest that SES groups may use smoking, like other cultural tastes, to distinguish their lifestyles from those of others.

Mobilizing the latino youth vote : Some experimental results

Abstract: Objectives. The objectives of this article are to test whether Latino canvassers are more effective than non-Latino canvassers at increasing voter turnout among young Latinos, and to test whether young Latinos are more receptive to a mobilization message that stresses ethnic group solidarity or one that emphasizes civic duty. Methods. A randomized field experiment, conducted in Fresno, California in the fall of 2002, is the basis for the results reported here. Results. Young Latino voters targeted by Latino canvassers are more likely to be contacted. However, once contacted, Latinos reached by non-Latino canvassers are just as likely to turn out to vote as are those reached by non-Latino canvassers. The mobilization effect is particularly strong among voters who have participated in at least one prior election. Conclusions. The importance of using Latino canvassers to get out the Latino vote is confirmed, but should not be overemphasized. More importantly, this experiment demonstrates that door-to-door canvassing can have a substantively large and statistically significant effect on turnout among young Latinos, a demographic group often overlooked by parties and campaigns.

Acculturation Effects on Trust in National and Local Government Among Mexican Americans

Abstract: Objectives. The objectives of this article are to examine the impact of acculturation on the levels of trust in both the national and local governments in a long-term minority-majority community and to consider the effect on Mexican Americans' level of trust of long-term co-ethnic control of local government. Methods. Ordered probit is applied to measures of local and national political trust derived from the National Election Studies. Data were drawn from a sample of Latino respondents residing in the predominantly Mexican-American region of south Texas. Independent variables include a language-based measure of acculturation, a measure of interethnic social interaction, and items dealing with respondents' evaluations of the honesty, efficiency, and beneficiaries of governmental policies. Clarify is then used to estimate the real-world impacts of these variables. Results. Acculturation has a significant and negative impact on trust in the national government. This effect vanishes, however, at the local level. Moreover, co-ethnic control of government appears not to be related to trust. Conclusions. Trust in the national government is significantly reduced by acculturation, while trust in local government is unaffected. Moreover, trust in government is not enhanced by co-ethnic control of the levers of political power.

The Effects of Marital Conflict and Marital Disruption on Depressive Affect: A Comparison Between Women In and Out of Poverty*

Abstract: Objectives. We examine the independent and interactive effects of marital conflict and marital disruption on women's depressive affect and how these effects vary by family's poverty status. Methods. We use the OLS regression and data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth to test the hypothesized relationships. Results. The results showed that marital conflict and marital disruption each predicts subsequent depression after controlling for the initial level of depression and other antecedent variables. The effect of marital conflict on depression is stronger among women in poverty than those out of poverty. Furthermore, among women in poverty, marital conflict followed by marital breakup is related to a heightened level of depression, whereas among women financially better off, there is a reduction in the level of depressive affect. Conclusions. These findings point to the importance of a family's economic condition and its impact on the interrelationships among marital processes and women's psychological health.

Constructing Interracial Families Through Intercountry Adoption

Abstract: Objective. This article analyzes the role of race and ethnicity in constructing American families through intercountry adoption. We argue that such adoptions illustrate the fluidity and tenacity of specific racial boundaries in American families. Methods. Data are drawn from the U.S. 2000 Census—the first to contain information on children’s adoptive status—to examine whether race of parents and adopted children match and whether racial matching varies by the characteristics of adoptive families and adopted children. Results. Our findings indicate that minority-race parents are more likely than white parents to adopt a child of the same race as themselves, and that the odds of white parents, in particular, adopting a white versus nonwhite child from abroad are related to factors such as the age, sex, and health status of the child, as well the presence of other children in the household. Conclusion. Parents weigh a constellation of factors, including attributes of the adopted child and the children already in the household, when adopting a child of the same or different race from abroad. The number of children from abroad who have been adopted by Americans has increased dramatically over the last decade. In the early 1990s, the number of children born abroad and adopted by U.S. parents vacillated between 7,000 and 9,000 each year (Kent and Mather, 2002), but by the turn of the 21st century, the United States was granting almost 20,000 visas per year allowing Americans to adopt children ranging in age from infancy to early adolescence from more than 100 different countries around the globe (U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, 2003), although threequarters of the children were from just six countries (China, Russia, South Korea, Guatemala, Ukraine, and Romania). By 2000, there were almost

The Transnational Organization of Production and Environmental Degradation: A Cross‐National Study of the Effects of Foreign Capital Penetration on Water Pollution Intensity, 1980–1995*

Abstract: Objective. This study attempts to increase our understanding of the environmental impacts of the transnational organization of production in the context of foreign capital penetration. Methods. With a sample of 53 countries, panel analyses using OLS and robust regression are conducted to assess the effects of foreign direct investment in the manufacturing sector on growth in organic water pollution intensity, 1980–1995. Slope-dummy interaction variables are used to compare the effects in developed countries and less-developed countries. The tested models include a variety of relevant controls, such as domestic investment, state environmentalism, size of the manufacturing sector, and level of economic development. Results. Findings for the analyses indicate that foreign direct investment in manufacturing positively affects growth in organic water pollution intensity in less-developed countries, while the effect in developed countries is nonsignificant. Conclusions. This research illustrates the need for social scientists to investigate the environmental impacts of both the transnational organization of production and the overall scale of production in different sectors.

Why Do Interest Groups Engage the Judiciary? Policy Wishes and Structural Needs*

Abstract: Objectives. We test two competing explanations in order to answer the question: Why do organized interests choose to engage in advocacy behavior? The first turns on the notion that concerns with policy success are the principal forces affecting a group's choice. To a lesser degree, issues of group maintenance have also been identified as entering into organized interests' decisional calculus. Method. Using survey data supplemented with confidential interviews of organized interests, we systematically examine the power of both accounts to explain the decision of groups to locate their energies in the federal judiciary. Consequently, in the penultimate section of the article, we specify and test a comprehensive model of interest group litigation behavior. Results. In the resulting multivariate analysis, we find that forces associated with both avenues of explanation for interest group advocacy behavior have substantial statistical purchase and empirical traction. Conclusion. Our findings did not show a dominate role for maintenance concerns; however, clearly, a group's assessment of where, and possibly whether, to act is not an easy calculation based on the receptiveness of a venue and the available balance in the bank account. Groups must attend to their members and their competition. Explanations of group advocacy omitting such concerns are inherently flawed.

District segregation, race legislation, and black enrollment in charter schools

Abstract: Objective. This article examines how segregation at the school level within districts and charter school legislation predict black enrollment levels at local charter schools. Methods. This study uses the Schools and Staffing Survey Charter School Data 1999–2000, Common Core of Data, and a unique data set of district test scores to estimate OLS regression models of black enrollment in charter schools on district racial segregation and race provisions in charter school legislation. Results. Findings suggest that segregated school districts, those districts where whites and blacks are more unevenly distributed among schools, have a larger percentage of blacks enrolled in local charter schools than districts where schools are integrated. In addition, charter schools in states that do not have a racial clause have a smaller percent of blacks in their charter schools. Conclusion. Findings suggest that black enrollment in charter schools is a function of district segregation and state policy.

Parties, Institutional Control, and Trust in Government*

Abstract: Objectives. Partisanship should affect evaluations of Congress just as it affects evaluations of the president, and these institutional evaluations should affect political trust. We argue that the relationship between partisanship and trust is dependent on partisan control of Congress and that much of party identification's influence on trust occurs indirectly through approval of governmental institutions. Methods. Using data collected before and after the 2002 congressional elections by the Center for Survey Research and Analysis at the University of Connecticut, we examine changes in frequency distributions and mean values for trust and institutional approval. We use multivariate regression models and a path model to estimate the causes of political trust and self-perceived change in trust. Results. We find evidence that party control of government and party identification are important in explaining trust and institutional approval. The Republican takeover of the Senate led Republicans to evaluate the Senate more favorably and to become more trusting of the government, while having the opposite effect on Democrats. Conclusions. The changes in approval and trust resulting from the 2002 elections suggest that at least some segment of the population is cognizant of changes in the political environment and updates its views of government when the political environment changes.

Region, Race, and Support for the South Carolina Confederate Flag*

Abstract: Objective. Existing research suggests that conservative racial attitudes are one of the strongest factors explaining support for the Confederate flag, but this conclusion has been reached by examining the attitudes of only white southerners. We provide a more complete understanding of this issue, focusing on both white and black opinion from across the country. Methods. We use a rolling cross-sectional survey with a large sample size to model support for the South Carolina Confederate flag nationally and then among two groups: southerners and nonsoutherners. Results. Although racial attitudes are important among both southerners and nonsoutherners, region and race also influence support for the Confederate flag. Southern whites have the greatest support for the flag followed by nonsouthern whites, nonsouthern blacks, and southern blacks. Conclusions. Support for the Confederate flag is not simply about racial attitudes, but a more complex phenomenon where region and race exert important influences. Symbols frame many of the debates in American politics, evoking strong affective reactions among those who support and denounce them (Edelman, 1964; Marcus, Neuman, and MacKuen, 2000:36). Symbols take on an even greater importance as successive generations express their ethnic identity through symbolic means (Gans, 1979). As southerners have become more assimilated in American culture, the Confederate flag has become a polarizing symbol in both state and national politics (Martinez, Richardson, and McNich-Su, 2000). Flag controversies have erupted in Georgia and Mississippi, and in 2000, the South Carolina flag controversy became national news. Republican presidential candidates debated the issue during the South Carolina primary and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) began an economic boycott of the state. The debate over the Confederate flag was also part of the 2004 presidential campaign when Vermont Governor Howard proclaimed that ‘‘white folks in