Showing papers in "Social Work Research in 2011"

An Updated Measure for Assessing Subtle Rape Myths.

Abstract: Social workers responsible for developing rape prevention programs on college campuses must have valid evaluation instruments. This article presents the challenges encountered by the authors when they attempted to keep rape myth measures relevant to student populations by updating the language to reflect the subtleties involved with rape myths. The development of a modified version of the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale is described. Focus groups were conducted to gather feedback about the language used by college students related to sexual encounters and rape. The instrument was then tested with 951 undergraduate students at a large northeastern university. Exploratory structural equation modeling was used to assess the factor structure of the scale. In addition, multiple-indicators multiple-causes modeling was used to assess the potential differential item functioning of the measure's items by gender, previous experience with sexual assault prevention programming, and knowing someone who was sexually assaulted. A four-factor structure was hypothesized and a five-factor structure supported, indicating a separate factor that looks at alcohol and accountability. Implications for social workers are discussed, including the necessity of continuously updating rape myth measures to ensure validity. KEY WORDS: measurement; prevention; rape ********** According to the most recent National Violence Against Women Survey, 17.7 million women in the United States were raped at some point in their lives (Tjaden & Thoennes, 2006). The high number of victims has resulted in the implementation of rape prevention programs in a variety of social work practice settings, especially in high schools and on college campuses, where rape seems to be especially problematic. The primary focus of rape prevention programs in schools is often on changing individuals' beliefs in rape myths, defined as false beliefs about rape shaped by sexism and other prejudices individuals hold (Burt, 1980; Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994). Common rape myths cited over time include the belief that the way a woman dresses or acts indicates that she asked for it and that rape occurs because men cannot control their sexual impulses. Researchers have demonstrated that the acceptance of rape myths not only indicates problematic attitudes, but also is an explanatory predictor in the actual perpetration of sexual violence or proclivity to rape (Hinck & Thomas, 1999). The failure to have psychometrically sound outcome measures has hampered the accumulation of evidence-based practice knowledge in this area (Farmer & McMahon, 2005; Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1995). One of the major validity problems with rape myth measures hinges on the issue of language. The reliability and validity of surveys depends, in part, on questions being clear and relevant to the respondents, yet the language used in rape myth measures is often outdated, antiquated, and irrelevant to groups such as high school and college students. Many rape education prevention programs use instruments that were developed years or even decades ago, which raises serious concerns about their validity for high school and college students, as the instruments' language and context are not a part of current student culture. SUBTLE RAPE MYTHS Many of the measures currently used to assess rape myth attitudes fail to capture the more subtle and covert rape myths that have evolved. As many high schools and colleges have implemented some form of education on issues of sexual violence over the past decade, students have greater awareness that certain traditional rape myths are not socially acceptable (Frazier, Valtinson, & Candell, 1994). However, these myths may exist in various, more subtle and covert forms that are not being accurately assessed because of the phrasing of questions, language used, and subsequent social desirability bias. The complexity of rape myths is especially apparent among college students, who likely received exposure to rape prevention education in some shape or form by the time they graduated from high school. …

Rigor in Qualitative Social Work Research: A Review of Strategies Used in Published Articles

Abstract: This study was conducted to describe strategies used by social work researchers to enhance the rigor of their qualitative work A template was developed and used to review a random sample of 100 articles drawn from social work journals listed in the 2005 Journal Citation Reports: Science and Social Sciences Edition Results suggest that the most commonly applied strategies were use of a sampling rationale (67%), analyst triangulation (59%), and mention of methodological limitations (56%); the least common were negative or deviant case analysis (8%), external audit (7%), and specification of ontology (6%) Of eight key criteria, researchers used an average of 20 (SD = 15); however, the number used increased significantly between 2003 and 2008The authors suggest that for this trend to continue, social work educators, journal editors, and researchers must reinforce the judicious application of strategies for enhancing the rigor of qualitative work KEY WORDS: qualitative methods; research methods; rigor; social work research ********** The social nature of inquiry is an ongoing challenge to the production of good research in social work As the positivist belief in the potential objectivity of social work research has come into question, researchers using a range of paradigms have recognized the pervasive effects of human limitations and subjectivity This has motivated some postpositivist researchers to carefully design their studies, using quantitative methods to minimize "bias" or "subjectivity" Over time, these efforts have become standardized as criteria to ensure the rigor of the work In a postpositivist framework, these would be described as standards for establishing reliability and validity (Padgett, 2004) As social research using qualitative methods has moved beyond anthropology and into the social sciences, researchers have had to grapple with the meanings of terms such as "objectivity," "reliability," and "validity" (among others) in a completely new context--one that insists on recognition of the interactive dimension of social inquiry How can social work researchers using qualitative methods produce credible work when objectivity is no longer assumed or even pursued (Kincheloe, 2001; Padgett, 2004; Rolfe, 2004)? Sometimes referred to as "criteriology," this question has been a conundrum for qualitative researchers for at least three decades It has given rise to a substantial body of literature on criteria: whether they are needed, what they should be called, how and when they should be implemented, and whether they can be used to evaluate the quality of the work (Caelli, Ray, & Mill, 2003; Davies & Dodd, 2002; Emden & Sandelowski, 1998, 1999; Kincheloe, 2001; Marshall, 1989; Rolfe, 2004, Seale, 1999, 2002;Whittemore, Chase, & Mandle, 2001) We discuss the main points of this literature here as background to the present study Dialogue about criteria started in the early 1980s as qualitative methods became more visible in the social sciences (LeCompte & Goetz, 1982; Lincoln, 1995; Lincoln & Guba, 1985) Early discussions about criteria, such as Kirk and Miller's (1986) Reliability and Validity in Qualitative Research, were based on postpositivist research assumptions Lincoln and Guba proposed criteria based on the terms "credibility," "transferability," "dependability," and "confirmability," which were based on the postpositivist concepts of internal validity, external validity, reliability, and objectivity Lincoln (1995) rightly calls these early efforts, including her own, "foundationalist": "These criteria rested in assumptions that had been developed for an empiricist philosophy of research, and spoke to the procedural and methodological concerns that characterize empiricist and post-empiricist research" (p 276) Although some objected to the use of these parallel terms, they did offer a useful vocabulary for qualitative researchers to speak about their work with those unfamiliar with qualitative methods and perspectives …

Parental Involvement and the Academic Achievement of Mexican American Youths: What Kinds of Involvement in Youths' Education Matter Most?.

Abstract: Parental involvement in education is a key focus of current policies and programs aimed at improving the academic outcomes of students at risk for academic underachievement. This study examines six forms of parental involvement in education to determine which forms of involvement have the strongest relationships with youths' academic outcomes. Using nationally representative data (N = 1,609) from the National Education Longitudinal Survey, this study focuses specifically on Mexican American families and youths, a population at high risk for academic underperformance. Findings show that the positive effects of parental involvement among Mexican American parents occur through involvement in the home, whereas parental involvement in school organizations is not associated with youths' achievement. Parents' investment of financial resources in their children's education was found to have a somewhat higher impact on achievement than forms of involvement that require parents' investment of time. Findings also suggest that the impact of these forms of parental involvement occurs prior to high school. KEY WORDS: academic achievement; Mexican American youths; parent involvement ********** Policy and program interventions aimed at improving children's academic outcomes often focus on increasing parental involvement. The federal No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 (RL. 107-110) highlights parental involvement as a key factor in improving academic outcomes, particularly for children attending schools that serve high proportions of low-income children (Title 1 schools). Indeed, parental involvement appears to be an important factor in improving children's academic outcomes, and a sizeable body of work generally points to the positive effects of parents' naturally occurring involvement (for a recent review, see Pomerantz, Moorman, & Litwack, 2007). However, less is known about the effects of parental involvement on academic outcomes among children of color, particularly Latino children (Jeynes, 2003). Effects of parental involvement in academics appear to differ among racial-ethnic groups (Desimone, 1999) and among different Latino nationality groups (Figueroa-Moseley, Ramey, Keltner, & Lanzi, 2006). In addition, different types of parental involvement have distinct relationships with academic outcomes (Domina, 2005; Jeynes, 2003; Pomerantz et al., 2007). Consequently, to understand the role of parental involvement and its potential utility for intervention in promoting academic achievement among children of color, and particularly Latino children, more studies that carefully examine the role of multiple forms of involvement with diverse samples are needed. Of critical importance are studies focused on Mexican American families, both those that have recently migrated and those that have resided in the United States for generations. Mexican Americans are by far the largest and fastest growing population of Latinos in the United States, accounting for 65% of U.S. Latinos and 9.7% of the entire U.S. population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2009). Among Latino groups, Mexican Americans are at gravest risk for living in poverty, in part because of lower rates of high school completion and college attendance within this group (U.S. Census Bureau, 2002). The likelihood of high school dropout is two to four times higher for Mexican American students than for Cuban and South American youths, even after controlling for factors such as socioeconomic status (Driscoll, 1999; Landale, Oropesa, & Llanes, 1998). Indicators of academic achievement, such as grades and performance on standardized tests, are, on average, lower among Mexican American children than among children from other immigrant and native-born groups (Ferguson, 2001; Kao & Thompson, 2003; Portes & Rumbaut, 2001). Thus, interventions to address the academic disparities faced by Mexican American children and youths are much needed. …

Measuring Empathy in the 21st Century: Development of an Empathy Index Rooted in Social Cognitive Neuroscience and Social Justice.

Abstract: Instruments currently being used to measure empathy do not reflect the recent neuroscientific scholarship on mirror neurons and the importance of self-awareness and emotion regulation in experiencing the fullest extent of empathy. The authors describe a theoretical framework for the initial development and pilot application of an empathy self-report instrument, the Empathy Assessment Index (EAI). The EAI is based on a comprehensive definition of empathy that is rooted in social cognitive neuroscience, developmental psychology, and social work's commitment to social justice. The authors present reliability, concurrent validity, and data reduction and refinement results from the first administration of the index. Four of the five EAI subscales had excellent internal consistency and test-retest reliability. Three subscales were tested for concurrent validity. The exploratory factor analysis identified six factors that explained over 43% of the variance. KEY WORDS: affective response; emotion regulation; empathic attitudes; empathy; self-awareness ********** Recent breakthroughs in neuroscience, particularly social cognitive neuroscience, have given social scientists unprecedented opportunities to observe and attempt to measure various aspects of human thought, feeling, and behavior (Doidge, 2007). Among these psychological phenomena is empathy. The importance of empathy for effective social work practice is commonly accepted within the profession (Hepworth, Rooney, Rooney, Strom-Gottfried, & Larsen, 2006; Shulman, 2009) .Twenty-first century technology has allowed neuroscientists to demonstrate that empathy can be empirically observed and quantified (Jackson, Brunet, Meltzoff, & Decety, 2006; Lamm, Batson, & Decety, 2007; Schulte-Ruther, Markowitsch, Shah, Fink, & Piefke, 2008). Zaki, Weber, Bolger, and Ochsner (2009) conducted one of the first studies to cross-check and validate the correlation between three different empathy-related phenomena: (1) the subjective experience of people telling an emotional autobiographical story, (2) the empathic response of people watching the storytellers, and (3) the brain activity of the story viewers. This study suggests that brain activity can be used as an empirical measure of affective sharing and cognitive processing and that "accurate" empathy may be physically differentiated from projection or other emotional reactions. Such research can enrich our ability to cultivate greater empathy in social workers and their clients. As all the social sciences reorient themselves to accommodate the mounting empirical evidence of the brain's neuroplasticity (Rakio, 2002) and the interpersonal neurobiology of empathy, we would like to help open social work research to a richer, more multifaceted examination of empathy. Most social workers do not have access to technologies like functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) machines, nor do they have sufficient funds for expensive and labor-intensive neurological workups of themselves or their clients. In an ideal world, social workers would have a reasonably accurate, affordable, and user-friendly way of quantifying empathy that incorporates new findings from social cognitive neuroscience. We believe the best initial approach is the development of a self-report index that can be tested and validated by ongoing correlation of phenomenological observation, self-report responses, and specific brain activity. The findings reported in this article represent a first step toward that end. We describe a theoretical framework for the initial development and pilot application of an empathy self-report instrument, the Empathy Assessment Index (EAI). The EAI is based on a comprehensive definition of empathy that is rooted in social cognitive neuroscience, developmental psychology, and social work's commitment to social justice. Finally, we present reliability, concurrent validity, and data reduction and refinement results from the first administration of the index. …

Defining Neighborhood Boundaries for Social Measurement: Advancing Social Work Research

Abstract: Much of the current neighborhood-based research uses variables aggregated on administrative boundaries such as zip codes, census tracts, and block groups. However, other methods using current technological advances in geographic sciences may broaden our ability to explore the spatial concentration of neighborhood factors affecting individuals and groups. This article builds on extant neighborhood-based research methods and proposes using a geographic information system (GIS) to explore a conceptually new method of defining neighborhood boundaries for social measurement. Geospatial factors are important in the formation of neighborhoods, and a GIS can be used to define neighborhood boundaries that account for the spatial factors influencing the natural flow and pattern of neighbor interactions. Georeferenced data from the 2000 U.S. census for a midwestern city are presented to elucidate the potential aggregation problems and theoretical arguments. Moran's I statistics show that administrative boundaries may not be valid aggregate measures of neighborhoods or their effects. KEY WORDS: geographic information system; measurement; neighborhood boundaries; neighborhood effects ********** The effects of place on social outcomes have long been an interest of social work research. Much of the current neighborhood-based research uses variables aggregated on administrative boundaries such as census tracts, block groups, and zip codes to explore phenomena occurring within these geospatially bound social networks (Coulton, 2005; Coulton, Cook, & Irwin, 2004; Coulton, Korbin, Chan, & Su, 2001; Coulton, Korbin, & Su, 1999; Dietz, 2002; Grannis, 1998, 2005; Mayer & Jencks, 1989; Raudenbush & Sampson, 1999; Sampson, Morenoff, & Gannon-Rowley, 2002; Sampson & Raudenbush, 1999). Census tract- and similar-level data have a place in social work research; however, novel methods using current technological advances in geographic sciences may broaden our ability to explore the spatial concentration of neighborhood factors affecting individuals and groups. BACKGROUND Neighborhoods are geographically bounded groupings of households and institutions connected through structures and processes (Coulton et al., 1999). Collective attributes of neighborhoods are important to measure because of their potential to elucidate how ecological factors moderate the effects of other variables or interventions. The homological problem, hence a problem of social measurement, inherent in this approach is the assumption that aggregate data based on administratively defined neighborhoods are an accurate and adequate representation of the "true" neighborhood (Coulton, 2005; Coulton et al., 2001, 2004; Sampson et al., 2002). Approaches that disregard how individuals themselves define the neighborhoods in which they live may introduce significant measurement error (Coulton et al., 2001). In addition, misspecified boundaries result in ambiguities that "have undermined the authenticity and statistical power of community studies and biased downward the estimates of community effects" (Coulton, 2005, p. 75). It is argued here that neighborhoods are more than a summary of attributes; they are collectives that grow out of and share an ecological context with certain geospatial boundaries. The literature on neighborhood effects points to the challenges of accurately defining neighborhood boundaries for social work research. Accurate specification of boundaries in research is necessary to meet the basic statistical and measurement principal of maximizing between-group variance and minimizing within-group variance. Inaccurately specified boundaries may lead to excessive variance within the groups (problematic heterogeneity), increased measurement error, and unreliable results. Limited between-group variance (problematic homogeneity) may show little differences across groups and yield spurious null results. …

Religion and Substance Use among Youths of Mexican Heritage: A Social Capital Perspective.

Abstract: Despite elevated levels of substance use among many Latino youths, there has been little research on protective factors against such use. In keeping with federal commitments to address health disparities, this prospective study examined the protective influence of religion on substance use among a school-based sample (N = 804) of youths of Mexican heritage in the American Southwest. Drawing from the social capital literature, the authors posited that both integration into religious networks and trust in religious values at time 1 (Tl) would predict less likelihood of using substances at time 2 (T2) but that exposure to religious norms at Tl would not predict subsequent substance use at T2. The hypotheses regarding religious networks and religious norms were largely confirmed, whereas little support emerged for the hypothesis regarding religious values. The results are discussed in light of the various pathways through which religion may exhibit a protective influence.

Parenting Practices among Depressed Mothers in the Child Welfare System

Abstract: The purpose of this study was to analyze a nationally representative sample of families referred to Child Protective Services (CPS) agencies, the National Survey of Child and Adolescent Well-Being, to examine the association between maternal depression and parenting practices over a 36-month follow-up period. Three hypotheses were tested: (1) Depressed mothers are more likely to demonstrate harsh parenting than are nondepressed mothers; (2) depressed mothers are more likely to demonstrate neglectful parenting than are nondepressed mothers; and (3) depressed mothers are more likely to demonstrate emotional maltreatment than are nondepressed mothers. The interaction between depression and time was also analyzed for each parenting practice to determine how changes in maternal depression affected changes in parenting. The sample for this study was 1,536 mother--child dyads in which the child was age three to 10 years and remained in the home after a CPS investigation. Depression remained high across time points and was associated with increased risk of emotional maltreatment and neglect over a 36-month period. In addition, self-reported emotional maltreatment remained high across time points. Implications of this work are the needs for better identification of mental health needs for mothers entering the child welfare system and parent training to specifically address positive parenting. KEY WORDS: child welfare; maternal depression; National Survey of Child and Adolescent Well-Being; parenting ********** Maternal depression, a critical public health concern, is prevalent among mothers referred to Child Protective Services (CPS) agencies. In fact, nearly a quarter of adults entering the child welfare system meet the diagnostic criteria for a major depressive episode in the preceding 12 months (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Administration on Children, Youth and Families [HHS, ACYF], 2005), compared with only 7% of adults in the general population (Kessler, Chiu, Demler, & Walters, 2005). Furthermore, women have an increased likelihood of experiencing depression compared with men (Kessler et al., 2003), and women exposed to a high number of chronic stressors--as many women referred to CPS agencies are--are three times more likely than women with less exposure to stressors to experience maternal depression (Orr, James, Burns, & Thompson, 1989). Given that women comprise the vast majority of primary caregivers among the child welfare population (HHS, ACYF, 2005), it is important to understand how maternal depression affects outcomes after a CPS referral. The high rate of maternal depression in the child welfare system is a concern given its influence on parenting practices. Symptoms of depression may impede a woman's capacity to provide care for her children, placing her at risk to engage in neglectful parenting practices. For instance, depressed mothers may lack sensitivity to their children's physical and emotional needs (Campbell et al., 2004; Trapolini, Ungerer, & McMahon, 2008) or may be unavailable or otherwise unresponsive to their children (Cummings & Cicchetti, 1993). The literature also demonstrates that maternal depression is related to a higher risk of other harmful parenting behaviors, including emotional maltreatment and harsh parenting. Depressed mothers are more likely than are nondepressed mothers to have conflict-related interactions with their children, including feeling aggravated with the child, yelling at the child, and spanking the child (Lyons-Ruth, Wolfe, Lyubchik, & Steingard, 2002). Maternal depression increases the likelihood of corporal punishment toward children (Chung, McCollum, Elo, Lee, & Culhane, 2004; Shin & Stein, 2008). Using meta-analysis techniques to examine reported findings about maternal depression and parenting behavior across 46 studies, Lovejoy, Craczyk, O'Hare, and Neuman (2000) found a moderate effect size (d = . …

Keeping "Community" in a Community Land Trust

Abstract: This instrumental case study examined the role of grassroots community organizing in a community land trust (CLT) in a southern U.S. city. Twenty-nine homeowners, renters, board members, community members, and current and former CLT employees were interviewed. In addition, two focus groups of 11 and six participants composed of CLT residents and other neighborhood residents were conducted. All comments were recorded, transcribed, and analyzed using NVivo software. Analysis revealed that community organizing was helpful if not necessary for community building in the subject CLT. This study enhances our knowledge of CLTs and the ways they contribute to community change and offers lessons learned to other, especially budding, CLTs. KEY WORDS: affordable housing; community land trusts; community organizing ********** The primary focus of community land trusts (CLTs) is affordable housing for individuals and communities. In the "classic" CLT model, a low-income individual or family becomes a member of the CLT, buys a house in the CLT, and leases the land on which the house sits from the CLT. A primary concern of the CLT is ownership for the common good rather than what is best for individuals (Krinsky & Hovde, 1996). Thus, CLTs offer a unique form of community development. Although the primary focus of CLTs is affordable housing, it is important to understand that they are also meant to meet other core principles outlined by the National Community Land Trust network, including "to increase long-term community control of neighborhood resources [and] to empower residents through involvement and participation in the organization" (National Community Land Trust Network, n.d., para. 2). An article-length overview of CLTs is available (Gray, 2008), as is a book-length document (Davis, 2006) for readers who wish to learn more about CLTs. There have been very few empirical studies of CLTs, and there is even less in the literature on the role of community organizing in CLTs. The Dudley Street Neighborhood Initiative used community organizing quite effectively to build its organization and empower its residents; most notably, the city of Boston granted them the authority of eminent domain, and they remain the only nonprofit in the country to hold this power (Medoff & Sklar, 1994). Other research on CLTs has not specifically discussed community organizing (Angotti, 2007; Davis & Demetrowitz, 2003; Davis & Stokes, 2009; Krinsky & Hovde, 1996; Packnett, 2005). A 2007 survey of CLTs asked one question regarding community organizing, framed as "anti-crime organizing" (Sungu-Eryilmaz & Greenstein, 2007). Three of 120 CLTs reported anti-crime organizing as a major component of their program activities, and 23 reported it was a minor component. Also examined was the involvement of the CLT in "policy advocacy," which was not defined (and policy advocacy may or may not involve community organizing). More CLTs than not were involved in policy advocacy: 23 reported it as a major component, and 58 reported it as a minor one. There are nonempirical accounts of CLTs using community organizing. For example, the Sawmill CLT in Albuquerque, New Mexico, formed out of a long history of community organizing against nearby factory pollution (Davis, 2006). Although community organizing is not the only means to achieve the core principles of long-term community control and empowerment of residents that the National Community Land Trust Network endorses, it is certainly a proven model for doing so. Community organizing has a long, solid history of teaching people how to gain power to achieve the changes they want and need (Rubin & Rubin, 2008). Community organizing builds leaders and relationships, empowers individuals, and creates organizations that act for social change (Bobo, Kendall, & Max, 1991; Kahn, 1991; Rubin & Rubin, 2008). "In the United States community development stands in stark contrast to community organizing" (Stoecker, 2003, p. …

Nonlinearity in Social Service Evaluation: A Primer on Agent-Based Modeling.

Abstract: Measurement of nonlinearity in social service research and evaluation relies primarily on spatial analysis and, to a lesser extent, social network analysis. Recent advances in geographic methods and computing power, however, allow for the greater use of simulation methods. These advances now enable evaluators and researchers to simulate complex adaptive systems (CASs) by applying agent-based modeling (ABM). CASs reflect the interactions of competitive and cooperative tendencies found in agents. ABM simulations create and test generated observable patterns using the fewest number of plausible decision rules and agents. This primer presents essential concepts for understanding ABM as social service applications of complexity theory shift from a metaphorical perspective to a formalized evaluation method. Further developments in ABM methods need to focus on concepts emanating from the study of complexity science, including the concepts of the wisdom of groups, strengths found in diverse perspectives, robustness, interconnectedness, sustainability, and conflict and cooperation. Appropriate software programs for developing and testing agent-based models are provided.

Personality and Parenting Processes Associated with Problem Behaviors: A Study of Adolescents in Santiago, Chile.

Abstract: Considerable research in the U.S. has established that adolescent antisocial, aggressive, and attention problems have a negative influence on adolescents' ability to become productive members of society. However, although these behaviors appear in other cultures, little is known about the development of these problems among adolescents in countries other than the U.S.. This study contributes to our understanding of personality and parenting factors associated with adolescent problem behaviors using an international sample. Data are from a NIDA-funded study of 884 community-dwelling adolescents in Santiago, Chile (Mean age=14, SD=1.4, 48% females) of mid-to-low socioeconomic status. Results revealed that rule-breaking and aggressive behaviors were both associated with greater levels of adolescent drive but lower levels of parental monitoring and positive parenting by both parents. Adolescents who reported more attention problems were more likely to exhibit driven behavior, more behavioral inhibition, to report lower levels of parental monitoring, and positive parenting by mother and father. Results of interactions revealed that the influences of positive parenting and parental monitoring on adolescent aggressive behaviors varied as a function of the gender of the adolescent. Helping parents build on their parenting skills may result in important reductions in adolescent problem behaviors among U.S. and international adolescents. Language: en

Understanding the Dimensions of Parental Influence on Alcohol Use and Alcohol Refusal Efficacy among African American Adolescents.

Abstract: Empirical evidence indicates that parental factors may be important protective factors for adolescents. Less is known about the dimensions of parental influence on alcohol use among African American adolescents. The purpose of this investigation was to examine parental influence and its relationship to alcohol refusal efficacy and use among African American adolescents and how it differs according to community type, gender, and age. A total of 564 African American fifth-, eighth-, and 12th-grade students participated in this study. The findings suggest that several dimensions of parenting affect alcohol use of children in both direct and indirect ways. Parental monitoring and control, parental disapproval of alcohol use, and relationships with mothers and fathers directly affected alcohol use, alcohol refusal efficacy, or both. Several of the direct effects were attenuated by community type, gender, and age, suggesting the need to examine the context and conditions under which alcohol is more likely to be consumed by African American youths. Implications for research and prevention programming are offered. KEY WORDS: drugs; substance use; youths ********** Most adolescent drug prevention programs are school based and teach youths strategies to manage peer pressure to refuse drugs. However, the number of family-based prevention programs that include both parents and children is growing. These programs are based on evidence that factors such as parental drug use (Brook, Whiteman, Balka, & Cohen, 1997), parental monitoring (Stattin & Kerr, 2000), quality of the parent-adolescent relationship (Bahr, Hoffman, & Yang, 2005), and parental attitudes concerning drug use (Yu, 2003) have direct effects on drug use and buffer against the negative influence of peers during adolescence. Yet little research has been devoted to studying the dimensions of parental influence and its relationship to drug use in general and alcohol use in particular among African American adolescents. Understanding what contributes to alcohol use (or nonuse) is important because alcohol is a "legal" drug (albeit not for those under 21) that is readily accessible in many African American neighborhoods and communities (Wallace & Muroff, 2002). A need exists to identify how parents can use their influence to reduce domain-specific peer risk factors on the attitudes and behaviors of their children (Brooks-Gunn & Markman, 2005; Chapple, Hope, & Whiteford, 2005; Drapela & Mosher, 2007). This is especially important for youths who may not have access to extracurricular, faith-based, or community programs that often provide protective buffers against peer and community risks (Brooks-Gunn & Markman, 2005; Burlew et al., 2009; Drapela & Mosher, 2007; Hirschi, 1969). In these cases, parental influences may be the lone or strongest protective factor against not only alcohol and drug use, but other youth risk behaviors, including premature sexual behaviors and delinquency (Brooks-Gunn & Markman, 2005; Chapple et al., 2005; Drapela & Mosher, 2007; Hirschi, 1969; Patterson, DeBaryche, & Meece, 1989). In this study, we focused on alcohol use because it is one of the primary drugs of choice among youths, it is easily accessible, and African American youths are exposed to alcohol advertising at substantially higher rates than youths from other ethnic groups (Wallace & Muroff, 2002).We explored how dimensions of parental influence on alcohol refusal efficacy and use among African American adolescents differs according to community type (that is, urban or rural), gender, and age. Previous studies have found differences in the prevalence and patterns of predictors of alcohol use among African American adolescents living in rural and urban communities. In a study of 907 African American students in grades 10 and 12, Clark, Nguyen, and Belgrave (in press) found that peer and individual risk/protective factors were more influential for urban youths and that family and community risk/protective factors were more influential for rural youths. …

A Confirmatory Factor Analysis of Home Environment and Home Social Behavior Data from the Elementary School Success Profile for Families.

Abstract: The purpose of the current study was to test the factor structure and scale quality of data provided by caregivers about the home environment and child behavior at home using the Elementary School Success Profile (ESSP) for Families. The ESSP for Families is one component of the ESSP, an online social–environmental assessment that also collects information from students and teachers. Confirmatory factor analyses with Mplus and weighted least squares means and variances adjusted estimation took into account the hierarchical nature and ordinal level of the data. The sample comprised caregivers of 692 third- through fifth-grade students from 13 elementary schools in four districts. A primary model and an alternative model were tested. Models were tested on a random calibration sample and validated with another sample. A nine-factor first-order solution demonstrated superior fit to the data. Scores from the nine scales also demonstrated acceptable internal consistency reliability. Implications for practice and further research are presented.

Assessing the Impact of Ongoing National Terror: Social Workers in Israel

Abstract: The main goal of this study was to explore the connections between social workers' personal and professional exposure to national terror in Israel and their professional and personal distress experienced due to ongoing terror attacks. Data were collected from 406 social workers from Israel who worked in agencies that provide help to victims of terror and their families. The social workers reported low levels of burnout, low levels of stress, and medium- high levels of intrusive memories. Levels of personal and professional exposure were not associated with burnout, intrusive memories, or stress level. However, professional distress (burnout and intrusive memories) was positively associated with personal distress. In addition, a two-step hierarchical regression was conducted, revealing that when burnout and intrusive memories were added to the regression equation, the explained variance of the stress level increased. Neither burnout nor intrusive memories were found to be significant mediators between the independent variables and personal stress level, except in one case. Although the social workers coped relatively well with ongoing terror, it was clear that professional distress was associated with their personal stress. KEY WORDS: burnout; national terror; resilience; social workers; stress ********** The present study focused on the impact of ongoing national terror on social workers in Israel providing help to terror victims, their families, and communities. Living under the threat and horror of national terror attacks has been part of Israelis' daily experience in recent years, especially between 2000 and 2004, a period known as the "Second Intifada" (the Palestinian Uprising). The reality of national terror attacks in Israel places social workers on the frontline at three types of agencies: (1) municipal social service departments, where their tasks are to assist families searching for missing loved ones following a terror attack, accompany them to the morgue, make funeral arrangements, and offer crisis intervention to individuals, families, and communities; (2) hospital social service departments, where their tasks include informing families about injured relatives and intervening with the injured and their families during hospitalization; and (3) the National Insurance Institute, where they engage with a victim's family several days after injury or a funeral and offer long-term intervention, including supportive treatment and case management tailored to rehabilitation process requirements. Due to the continuous threat of national terror, most of the agencies have already developed organized operational procedures for such situations. Attention is also paid to the impact of these tasks on social workers. However, existing knowledge fails to address several main issues: What happens to social workers who intervene in an ongoing situation of terror attacks? What happens to those who have the same reality as their clients? How does the penetration of terror into the supposedly safe setting of psychosocial intervention affect social workers' professional roles and personal stress levels? Thus, the main goal of this study was to explore the connections between social workers' professional and personal exposure to national terror and the professional and personal distress they experienced due to ongoing terror attacks. IMPACT OF TERROR National terror is defined as an act or threat of violence against noncombatants that has the objective of exacting revenge, intimidating, or otherwise influencing an audience (Primoratz, 1990; Stern, 1999). This definition highlights the two main elements that distinguish terrorism from other forms of violence: First, it is aimed at noncombatants and, therefore, differs from conventional military action; second, it uses violence for dramatic purposes, usually to instill fear in a targeted population. Studies of direct victims of national terror attacks confirm that these individuals are at high risk of suffering from a distress reaction. …

Changing Roles of Parental Economic Resources in Children's Educational Attainment

Abstract: The authors investigated whether the relationship between parents' economic resources and children's educational attainment had changed over time by comparing two cohorts from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics. Using probit regressions and Chow tests, they examined multiple measures of economic resources, including income, net worth, liquid assets, and home ownership. Results show that the associations between parents' liquid assets and college attendance became significantly stronger among the latter cohort, suggesting the increasing importance of liquid assets. Of particular interest is a change in the role of negative liquid assets (unsecured debt exceeding savings) in high school graduation: Among the former cohort, there was no difference in likelihood of graduation between students from families with negative liquid assets and those from families with zero liquid assets, but among the latter cohort, the former were more likely to graduate than the latter. Results demonstrate the importance of using diverse measures of economic resources in studying associations between parents' resources and children's educational attainment. KEY WORDS: assets and debt; cohort; education; income; inequality ********** Equal educational opportunity is considered a key indicator of a society's fairness. It is a deep-rooted belief in U.S. culture that every child should have an equal opportunity to receive the best possible education. Educational opportunity is of particular importance to social workers, whose mission is "to enhance human well-being and help meet the basic human needs of all people, with particular attention to the needs and empowerment of people who are vulnerable, oppressed, and living in poverty" (NASW, 2008, p. 1). Although it is generally recognized that education is a crucial path toward future well-being, it is not clear whether equal educational opportunity exists in the United States. The existing literature indicates that parents' economic resources are strong predictors of educational attainment: Children from high-income and wealthy families are likely to achieve better educational outcomes than are economically disadvantaged children (Conley, 2001; Ellwood & Kane, 2000; Mare, 1981). Accordingly, measuring the association between parents' economic resources and children's educational attainment over time should provide a way to gauge the United States' progress toward the ideal of equal educational opportunity. This study investigated changes in the role of parents' economic resources over time by comparing two cohorts of children from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) data. Given that household wealth is not perfectly correlated with income (Wolff, 1990), we paid special attention to parents' assets and used diverse measures of economic resources: income, net worth, liquid assets, and home ownership. BACKGROUND Recent decades have witnessed socioeconomic changes that may have affected educational opportunities. First, the cost of college education has risen rapidly, whereas financial aid has shifted more toward non-need-based aid (Kane, 2004). These changes are expected to exacerbate the burden of low-income children in financing college education. Second, the value of a college education has increased continuously since the late 1970s, as reflected in growing earning gaps between workers with and without college degrees (Acemoglu, 2002). The increased value of education will heighten the impact of economic resources if parents with low resources are unable to increase investment in their children's education. It is also plausible that it would motivate low-resource parents to shift their resources toward children's education (Nam, 2004). Third, income and wealth inequalities have widened in the past few decades (Neckerman & Torche, 2007), and geographic concentration of wealth and poverty has intensified (Massey, 1996). Higher levels of income inequality may have contributed to growing educational gaps, improving high-income children's educational outcomes while lowering those of low-income children (Mayer, 2001). …

A Kappa related decision: K, Y, G or AC1?

Abstract: In the process of conducting a meta-analysis regarding the effectiveness of field instruction in social work (Holden, Barker, Rosenberg, Kuppens, & Ferrel, 2011), our research group encountered an issue that has not been widely discussed in the social work literature. This issue has interesting implications for the use of kappa ([kappa]) in many areas of research beyond systematic reviews and meta-analyses. Our struggle with this issue resulted in the writing of this research note. Early in the meta-analytic process, after searching 25 databases, we compiled a set of 1,680 records to review (Holden et al., 2011). Two team members independently reviewed this set of records, each making an exclude/include decision. Next, the level of agreement was determined (even though a vote for inclusion of a record by either team member resulted in the record going into the final set for full review).The results of this process are displayed in Table 1. Although the percentage of agreement was 95.5 (94.8 + 0.7), the associated [kappa] value was .22. Recall that a value for [kappa] "is one when perfect agreement occurs, zero when observed agreement equals chance agreement, and less than zero when observed agreement is less than chance agreement. Therefore, [kappa] is interpreted as agreement in excess of chance agreement" (Orme & Gillespie, 1986, p. 166). How should one interpret these findings that at first glance appear "discrepant"? That is, how does a researcher resolve the gratifying finding of agreement in nearly 96% of the coding decisions when that finding is accompanied by a "low" [kappa] value? In the course of answering this question, we wondered if this issue was well documented among social work scholars. A review of the indexes of a convenience sample of textbooks covering research methods, statistics, or both in social work failed to uncover a single discussion of this topic (Blanksby & Barber, 2006; Bloom, Fischer, & Orme, 2009; Drake & Jonson-Reid, 2008; Grinnell & Unrau, 2008; Montcalm & Royse, 2002; Royse, Thyer, & Padgett, 2010; Rubin, 2007, 2008; Rubin & Babbie, 2007; Unrau, Gabor, & Grinnell, 2007; Weinbach & Grinnell, 2004; York, 2009). A key word search of Social Work Abstracts using "kappa" produced 16 hits. Review of these titles revealed that all focused on the use of kappa (or weighted kappa) in specific assessments of interrater or intermeasure reliability, and only one briefly mentioned the issues discussed here (Fisher, Evans, Muller, & Lombard, 2004). This article was published by a group of authors that did not appear to contain social workers and appeared in a non-social work journal (Journal Citation Reports, 2008). Although we did not intend for this to be a comprehensive search, given Social Work Abstracts' performance deficits (for example, Holden, Barker, Covert-Vail, Rosenberg, & Cohen, 2008, 2009; Shek, 2008), two additional strategies were used. First, a scan of records obtained from a search of Social Services Abstracts did not produce any additional articles related to our focus. In addition, we approached both traditional (that is, other scholars working in the area) and electronic invisible colleges (that is, professional Listservs) to further explore the level of familiarity with this kappa interpretation issue (Cooper, 2010). A mailing to the MSWEDUCATION Listserv resulted in one response that noted awareness among experienced qualitative researchers of alternative measures to kappa (personal communication with D. Fitch, assistant professor, School of Social Work, University of Missouri, Columbia, March 13, 2010). Queries directed to a group of research colleagues also lent support to the conclusion that this issue is not well known in social work. Two of these contacts (personal communication with S. Kirk, professor, Social Welfare, University of California, Berkeley, January 26, 2010; personal communication with J. …

Predictors of drop-in center attendance among substance-abusing homeless adolescents

Abstract: Homeless youths comprise a vulnerable and disenfranchised group. They experience social exclusion and inadequate access to health and social services and are at risk of sexual assault and other trauma (Gaetz, 2004). Because of the vulnerability of homeless youths, engaging them into reintegration services is a priority. Although surveys have provided important information regarding demographic characteristics and problem behaviors among homeless youths (for example, Rachlis, Wood, Zhang, Montaner, & Kerr, 2009), no study that we are aware of has delineated predictors of drop-in center use among these youths. Such information can inform service providers about what youths are likely to be receptive to drop-in center assistance and what youths might need modified services to increase service engagement. Even though evaluations of the impact of drop-in centers are sparse, one study showed that youths who accessed substance abuse, mental health, and case management services through a drop-in center had significant improvements in mental health and housing stability, as well as reduced substance abuse (Slesnick, Kang, Bonomi, & Prestopnik, 2008). Similarly, adult studies have shown that those with access to a social services worker or those who use community services are more likely to exit homelessness (Zlotnick, Tam, & Robertson, 2003). In sum, drop-in centers might ease the challenge of meeting engagement and, ultimately, reintegration goals. However, more research is needed on factors that inhibit or facilitate the use of drop-in centers among homeless youths. As no studies have examined predictors of drop-in center use, we did not have prior research to guide our hypotheses. Some research indicates that homeless youths who are cut off from their family experience more depression and hopelessness than those who are eventually reunited with their family (Teare, Furst, Peterson, & Authier, 1992). Even in the case of parental abuse or parental problems such as substance use or incarceration, when youths cannot or do not want to return home, the loss of family is still profound (Bowen, 1978). Thus, in the present study, we examined depressive symptoms and unavailability of parents (either through substance use, incarceration, or some other factor) as well as age, gender, length of homelessness, difficulties meeting basic needs, and alcohol and drug use as predictors of drop-in center attendance among homeless youths in Columbus, Ohio. METHOD Participants Data were collected as part of a larger, ongoing study comparing treatment interventions for substance-abusing homeless youths. To be eligible for participation, youths had to meet criteria for homelessness, which was defined as lack of a fixed, regular, or adequate night-time residence (McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act, 2002); being between the ages of 14 and 20 years; and meeting DSM-IV-TR (American Psychiatric Association, 2000) criteria for alcohol or other psychoactive substance use disorder. Participants (n = 82) were recruited from local soup kitchens, parks, and libraries and through referrals from other clients and social service agencies. Youths ranged in age from 15 to 20 years (M = 18.6, SD = 1.4), and the majority of them (63.4%) were male. Youths' ethnic composition was African American (57%), white/non-Hispanic (24.1%), and mixed race/ethnicity or other (18.9%). Procedure Eligible youths signed an assent/consent statement, which was approved by the Ohio State University's institutional review board. Youths who did not meet formal eligibility criteria were provided with referrals within the community and told that they could access the drop-in center even though they were not eligible for the larger study. The baseline assessment battery was administered at the drop-in center, and each youth was compensated with a $25 gift card to a local retail store. Follow-up assessments were completed at three, six, and 12 months. …

Understanding Alcohol Consumption and Its Correlates among African American Youths in Public Housing: A Test of Problem Behavior Theory

Abstract: African American youths are overrepresented in urban public housing developments characterized by violence, poverty, and alternative market activities. Using Jessor and Jessor's problem behavior theory (PBT), the authors examined alcohol use and its correlates in a sample of African American youths from three public housing developments (N = 403). Multiple logistic regression analyses were performed to estimate the relative contributions of demographics, personality, environment, and behavior system variables in predicting past-year alcohol use. Results provide support for PBT. Depressive effects and causes were significant predictors of adolescent alcohol use. Delinquent behavior and affiliation with delinquent peers were also associated with alcohol use. Furthermore, age was related to alcohol use. Implications for practice and future inquiry are suggested. KEY WORDS: African American youths; alcohol use; disaggregated effects; problem behavior theory; public housing development ********** African American youths are overrepresented in urban public housing developments characterized by violence, poverty, and alternative market activities. In the past few years, research has begun to focus specifically on this vulnerable population of youths. This research has contributed to our understanding of how various domains relate to African American adolescents' symptoms and behaviors, especially in the context of public housing neighborhoods. Alcohol use or misuse is a common maladaptive behavior in the United States (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2001). Research evidence shows that problems associated with excessive alcohol consumption--for example, liver disease, cardiovascular disease, neurological damage, and psychiatric problems--tend to be exacerbated in youths reporting early initiation (Odgers et al., 2008). In particular, evidence suggests that alcohol is the most widely used drug by youths (Office of Juvenile .Justice and Delinquency Prevention [OJJDP], 2008). African American youths drink less than other youths on average (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration [SAMHSA], 2009). However, results of national surveys reveal that while frequent heavy drinking among white male individuals ages 18 to 29 continued to drop, rates of heavy drinking and alcohol-related problems remained high among African Americans in the same age group (see, for example, SAMHSA, 2009). Consequently, the age-adjusted death rate from alcohol-related diseases for African Americans is 10% greater than it is for the general population (Kochanek, Murphy, Anderson, & Scott, 2004). Furthermore, alcohol use is related to the four leading causes of death among African Americans ages 12 to 20: homicide, unintentional injuries, car accidents, and suicide (National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, 2006). In this group, alcohol consumption has also been linked to depressive symptoms (Grant, 1997). Other consequences of alcohol use or misuse include later adolescent predicaments, inhibiting acquisition of skills necessary for employment, and heightened health risks. We used Jessor and Jessor's (1977) problem behavior theory to help understand and explicate adolescent alcohol use in a sample of African American youths in public housing. The conceptual structure of the theory consists of three major systems that explain problem behavior: personality, perceived environment, and the behavior system. The theory asserts that each system serves either as instigator for or control against engaging in problem behavior. Proneness to problem behavior is determined by the balance between instigators and controls across the three systems. This study may guide development of interventions with greater potential to prevent the emergence of alcohol abuse and dependence during adolescence and early adulthood. This overview provides a context for understanding the significance of the social ecology in understanding African American adolescents' behavior in urban public housing. …

Harmful Effects of Federal Research Grants

Abstract: The past two decades have seen an increasing emphasis on the importance of university faculty obtaining external funding to support their research efforts. Social work faculty have not been exempt from this pressure, especially within the network of programs housed in so-called research universities. The Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching currently designates 96 universities as Research Universities--Very High (RU/VH), meaning they annually award at least 20 doctoral degrees a year. These RU/VH institutions particularly value faculty obtaining federal research grants, although the pressure to do so is percolating throughout academe. Of the 203 Council on Social Work Education-accredited MSW programs, 47 are located in RU/VH universities. Federal research grants are among the most highly sought sources of external funding, for several reasons. One is prestige, in that the competition for such grants is very keen, with a rigorous peer-review process used to exclude all but the highest quality research proposals from being funded. A second reason is that certain forms of important research can only be undertaken with substantial funding. A third factor (perhaps paramount) is that universities are allowed to attach a percentage of the research expenses to the total amount of the grant, expenses called "administrative overhead" or "indirect costs." My own university charges a 47% overhead rate for federally funded research conducted on campus. What this means is that if a research project is budgeted at $100,000 a year, the grant will receive its $100,000 to conduct the research, and the university will receive an additional $47,000 for indirect costs. (Indirect cost recovery rates do vary across funding sources and funding mechanisms.) This overhead is used to help provide the physical plant, personnel, and other resources needed to keep the university up and running. A portion of it is usually divided between the college and department from which the grant originated, and perhaps a small amount is awarded to the principal investigator (PI) of the grant itself, to provide supplemental research funds. In 2009, my university received over $142 million in federal contracts or grants. Thus, the grant overhead income received by research-oriented universities can be a major source of institutional revenue. In this era of shrinking resources and cutbacks in state and private funding, university administrators increasingly encourage faculty to seek lucrative federal grants. Although hard data are difficult to obtain, it seems as if the profession of social work has been only modestly successful in this regard. The Society for Social Work and Research (SSWR) now publishes a directory of social work grants funded annually by the National Institutes of Health (NIH) (see https://htmldbprod.bc.edu/ pls/htmldb/f?p=545:1:2378998554668479::NO:1). A histogram of these social work grants awarded from 1987 to 2009 looks rather like a normal curve, peaking in 2002 with 53 awards and declining yearly to 28 in 2009, about the same number as in 1996 (30 awards). It is by no means an accelerating curve, sloping ever upward. Despite the pressures from within the discipline and those imposed by upper level university administrators, the writing, receipt, and execution of federally funded research grants is not an unalloyed benefit to social work faculty and other personnel involved in preparing grants, and some consequences may be positively harmful. In the following sections I present some possibly deleterious consequences of seeking federal grant funding, which are worthy of consideration by social work faculty contemplating preparing grant applications and by deans and directors who may considering ways to try and motivate their faculty to submit grants. WRITING GRANTS WASTES RESOURCES The most obvious waste of resources is in that a majority of federal research grant applications will not be funded. …

The English Translation and Testing of the Problems after Discharge Questionnaire.

Abstract: The quality of hospital discharge planning assessments determines whether patients receive the health and social services they need or are sent home with unmet needs and without services. There is a valid and reliable Dutch instrument that measures problems and unmet needs patients encounter after discharge. This article describes the translation and testing of the English version of the Problems after Discharge Questionnaire for use in evaluating hospital discharge planning. Internal consistency reliability of multiple item subscales was assessed with Cronbach's alpha (>.70 for four of six subscales where alpha could be computed [two others were single items only]). Subscales were correlated with similar constructs corresponding to the same problem areas in the theoretical model. The goal was to use the questionnaire with English-speaking patients to capture a comprehensive picture of physical, social, and psychological problems and unmet needs that patients encounter after hospital discharge. (aut. ref.)

The Latina Caregiver Burden Scale: Assessing the Factor Structure for Rapid Clinical Assessment

Abstract: The study of caregiver burden is important for those faced with chronic illnesses such as AIDS as caregivers are the first line of care provision, sustaining care recipients in the home. Because perception of burden may vary across caregiver cultural groups, accurate measurement of burden is crucial to offer culturally sensitive services for those providing in-home care. The purpose of this study was to test the factor structure of a rapid assessment instrument, the Latina Caregiver Burden Scale, in a sample of 154 newly immigrated Latina caregivers primarily of Mexican descent. Face-to-face interviews were conducted in Spanish and English by bilingual, bicultural interviewers. The findings suggest that aspects of caregiver burden for these low-income women are tied to factor structures associated with depression and guilt mentality, socioeconomic stress, and stigma linked with HIV/AIDS. Social workers have greater likelihood of accurate cultural assessment of caregiver burden in similar groups when using such research-supported measures. KEY WORDS: assessment scale; burden; caregiver ; Latina / Latino ; women ********** Although burdens associated with extended caregiving for an ill relative have been well documented with valid and reliable measures in white groups, these same burdens have been little studied in ethnic minority samples (Awad & Voruganti, 2008; Land & Hudson, 2004). Such measures are needed as social workers in the health arena may find caregiver perceptions of burdens, and the emotional response to different aspects of the caregiving role, to be extremely valuable in comprising ongoing service plans. Moreover, caregivers' perceptions of burden may vary across cultural and ethnic groups; thus, accurate assessment of burden is crucial if social workers are to provide culturally sensitive services to relieve caregiver stress. BACKGROUND With the rapid rise of immigration, especially in California, recent attention has turned to family caregiving in Latino cultures, where family values are strong and women constitute the backbone of caregiving (de Figueiredo & Turato, 2001; Madianos et al., 2004; Magana, 2006; Oliveros, 2008). Especially among newly emigrated Latinos, caregiving tasks fall to Latinas because of strong cultural role expectations and limited services for care outside the home (Oliveros, 2008). Nonetheless, adequate culturally sensitive measures of caregiver burden are lacking (Janevic & Connel, 2001; Neff, Amodei, Valescu, & Pomeroy, 2003; Shurgot & Knight, 2004). The present study tested the factor structure of a rapid assessment instrument measuring burden in a sample of 154 newly immigrated Latina caregivers, a population underserved in both practice and research. Burden and Caregiving in Latino Cultures Studies reveal that Latina female caregivers dedicate an enormous portion of their lives to the caregiving role and provide substantial assistance to ill, orphaned, and elderly relatives (Choppelas & Wilson, 2006; Shurgot & Knight, 2004; Wight, Aneshensel, & LeBlanc, 2003). For a variety of reasons, these tasks may be more burdensome for some Latino groups, such as caregivers who are poorer, recently emigrated, undocumented women of Mexican and Central American origin who have traveled North across the border in search of a better life in California. To meet the needs of a relative with a complex chronic illness, such as HIV or Alzheimer's disease, caregivers are often required to have knowledge of multiple services to promote disease management (Oliveros, 2008). Caregivers must understand the illness, facilitate the required services, and likewise become familiar with the service systems and individuals involved in the care of the patient (Choppelas & Wilson, 2006; Magana, Ramirez Garcia, Hernandez, & Cortez, 2007; Oliveros, 2008). Concomitantly, many female caregivers of Mexican and Central American origin often cope with the burdens of acculturation, lack of documentation and accompanying fear of deportation, and resulting isolation (County of Los Angeles, Department of Public Health, HIV Epidemiology Program, 2009) and may not be knowledgeable about health care services (Flaskerud & Nyamanthi, 1990; Land & Hudson, 1997, 2004). …

Our Best Schools of Social Work: How Good Are They?

Abstract: Few topics in social work are as contentious as graduate program rankings. If history is any guide, publication of the 2012 U.S. News & World Report rankings will lead to a predictable set of behaviors on the part of social work schools and departments. Top-ranked programs will trumpet their rankings far and wide while schools with low rankings grouse about the methodological inadequacies and sheer absurdity of the rankings enterprise or ignore them altogether. Schools with mediocre rankings will reframe them as stellar achievements, declaring, for example, that they are the "tenth-ranked public school of social work in the western U.S. region." Although they may disdain them, it is clear from these reactions that many social work deans, directors, and faculty members consider rankings influential. Rankings of social work graduate programs were first published by Margulies and Blau (1973) and Jarayatne (1979). Since that time, programs have been ranked with regard to the publishing prowess of their faculties (for example, Lignon, Jackson, & Thyer, 2007), student selectivity (Kirk, Kil, & Corcoran, 2009), academic reputation (for example, Green, Baskind, Fassler, & Jordan, 2006), and other purported indicants of scholarly productivity, influence, arid excellence (for example, Feldman, 2006).The most prominent of these efforts are the U.S. News & World Report rankings, which were first published in 1994 and have been published subsequently in 2000, 2004, and 2008 (data collection is underway for the 2012 rankings). In 2008, the five top-ranked programs (of more than 200 Council on Social Work Education [CSWE]-accredited graduate programs) were, in descending order, Washington University in St. Louis, the University of Michigan, University of Chicago, Columbia University, and University of Washington (the latter two schools tied for fourth). GRADUATE SOCIAL WORK PROGRAM QUALITY: A MULTIDIMENSIONAL CONSTRUCT Prior investigations suggest that social work graduate program quality is a multidimensional construct. For example, Kirk et al.'s (2009) study of student selectivity indicated that, of 128 MSW programs examined between 1990 and 2004,Washington University in St. Louis, the University of Michigan, University of Chicago, Columbia University, and University of Washington were ranked 119th, 70th, 34th, 89th, and 15th, respectively. The percentages of MSW program applicants accepted by these schools during this interval were 86.2%, 70.1%, 59.9%, 75.4%, and 46.2%, respectively. The five top-ranked programs in the United States during this period vis-a-vis MSW student selectivity were San Francisco State University, University of California at Berkeley, Brigham Young University, Southern Connecticut State University, and University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, with admissions rates ranging from 17.4% to 34.3%. Kirk et al. (2009) found that social work doctoral program admissions selectivity between 1990 and 2004 yielded findings generally consistent with the 2008 U.S. News and World Report rankings. The University of Michigan, University of Chicago, Washington University in St. Louis, University of Washington, and Columbia University Schools of Social Work were ranked first, second, third, eighth, and 19th, respectively, out of 61 social work doctoral programs. These five schools admitted 20.7%, 22.5%, 30.0%, 33.6%, and 52.1% of doctoral program applicants, respectively, between 1990 and 2004. The U.S. News & World Report's rankings have been criticized for many reasons, including the low response rate to the survey on which they are based, corollary potential for sample selection bias, and reliance on a single-item omnibus reputational measure of "academic quality." However, Green et al. (2006) reported that the 2004 U.S. News & World Report rankings were highly correlated with the number of articles published by social work program faculty over a nearly four-year period preceding the rankings (r = . …

Harmful Effects of Federal Research Grants: A Rejoinder

Abstract: Professorial life in research universities has changed markedly over the past quarter-century (Tuchman, 2009) Some academics decry the "corporatization" of the university and the growing emphasis on the bottom line (Donoghue, 2008) Others argue that "entrepreneurial" universities will be "engines of innovation" in the future (Thorp & Goldstein, 2010) Most observers agree, however, that financial considerations of all sorts are increasingly prominent in university affairs One university recently became the first to examine each professor in its employ in terms of their net contribution to the university's balance sheet (Mangan, 2010) Given these developments, it is not surprising that pressures to acquire federal research funding have increased dramatically in recent years A faculty member awarded a $25 million National Institutes of Health (NIH) grant will garner an additional ~$1,250,000 for the university coffers in indirect cost reimbursement Federal grants can thus provide generous direct funding for social work pre- and postdoctoral research fellowships and important research infrastructure and help to cover school of social work and university administrative overhead and physical plant costs via indirect cost reimbursement Deans who lead social work faculties that are successful in bringing in substantial federal grant monies are typically well regarded and recompensed by central university administrators Thyer (2011) has adroitly elucidated many of the key costs associated with federal grant applications and funding It is certainly true that most applications are not funded Furthermore, opportunity costs associated with unfunded applications are likely to grow significantly in the current economic downturn, as NIH and other funding bodies cope with constrained budgets and ever more applications It is also true that federal funding can, in some cases, distort scientific priorities That said, it still seems appropriate to me for the federal government to prioritize and incentivize research on the most pressing research issues of the day and to provide some oversight of this process Of course, the influence of prestige and other nonscientific considerations on federal funding decisions should be minimized to the fullest extent possible Thyer's (2011) assertion that excessive emphasis on acquisition of federal funding can diminish the pleasures of academic life is surely accurate Some research areas and issues do not lend themselves to federal funding Investigators who leave research areas about which they are passionate for those that are "fundable" may find themselves existentially unfilled or disgruntled …

Are Social Workers Ignoring the “Cornerstone of Science” by Failing to Replicate Their Research?

Abstract: Aspirited debate is occurring in the popular press on social science and the scientific method. Jonah Lehrer (2010b) published an article in the New Yorker whose primary topic was the "decline effect," where initial estimates of interventions' effectiveness weaken when replicated. Lehrer's examples came from pharmacology, medicine, psychology, zoology, and more. A debate was ignited, largely on the Internet (for example, "Neurological blog," "Respectful Insolence," "Science Based Medicine," "Psychology Today," "ABC News"). In the next issue of the New Yorker, Lehrer (2011) responded to letters and e-mails in another article as well as an article in Wired (Lehrer, 2010a). Issues raised by the debate deserve consideration by social work researchers. This editorial explains the decline effect and presents comments on replications, failure to submit, publication bias, and "a fundamental cognitive flaw" (Lehrer, 2010b). The term "decline effect" has not appeared in social work literature, nor have estimates of the number of replications, the extent of failing to report research, or evidence of journals' publication bias, with the exception of Dickersin (1997). I base my comments on almost 30 years in academic social work at four universities, extensive reading of our research literature, teaching research, reviewing manuscripts, and publishing. THE DECLINE EFFECT The "decline effect" is a phrase attributed to Rhine (1938) in research on extrasensory perception describing the situation in which a research participant guessed a hidden card at a rate beyond chance. Alter repeated testing, however, "the effect dramatically diminished" (Rhine, 1938). Lehrer (2010b) reported a similar pattern in research about antipsychotic medications. Early clinical trials documented the medications' positive impact on psychiatric symptoms, but recent research indicates that "the therapeutic power of the drugs appeared to be steadily waning" (Lehrer, 2010b, para. 2). Another researcher, Jonathon Schooler, attempted to replicate Rhine's finding of a decline effect by studying precognition. At first, Schooler found higher than expected precognition, "'but then, as we kept on running subjects, the effect size'--a standard statistical measure--'kept getting smaller and smaller'" (Lehrer, 2010b, p. 6-7). Lehrer (2010b) described similar results in research on language and memory, zoology, biology, and epidemiology. He described a study in which the researcher identified the 49 most frequently cited clinical research studies and reviewed the subsequent research literature to see if there might be a decline effect (Ioannidis, 2005).The sampled studies had to have 1,000 or more citations. In 45 of the sampled studies the intervention in question was found to be effective. (It is interesting to note that the four studies in the sample that showed no efficacy for the intervention being studied were contradicting earlier claims of efficacy). Thirty-four of the studies in the sample had been replicated: 21% were contradicted by subsequent research, and 21% had weaker effects. One should not conclude, Ioannidis (2005) pointed out, "that the original studies were totally wrong and the newer ones are correct simply because they are larger or better controlled" (p. 224). To what degree has the decline effect been observed in social work? A literature search reveals no reference to it as such. The prior question, however, and the one of central concern here is this: How frequently are replication studies done in social work? Without replications, decline effects cannot be observed. Replication studies seem to be fairly rare in social work; if they occur, it is likely to happen with more heavily funded and broadly implemented interventions. Failure to replicate intervention studies is costly for reasons far beyond documenting decline effects: Replication, widely acknowledged as the cornerstone of science, brings many benefits to the discipline that embraces it. …

Bayesian Analysis for Evidence-based Practice in Social Work

Abstract: As evidence-based practice (EBP) continues gaining prominence in the professional literature, at least two overlapping challenges make it difficult for mainstream social workers to accept EBP as the primary mode for practice. Social workers need a robust pool of intervention research on which to base practice decisions. The research must remain current; be well formulated, for instance, conforming to the Consolidated Standards of ReportingTrials guidelines (the gold standard for reporting clear, transparent, and sufficiently detailed conference abstracts and journal articles); and be focused on ascertaining the most appropriate interventions that attain the desired outcomes for specific clients with specific problems (Hopewell et al., 2008; Thyer, 2001). Social workers also need research that values knowledge derived from clinical expertise or practice wisdom. Any apprehension social workers have with adopting the kind of transparent EBP put forward by Gambrill (2007) may be attributed in part to the lack of appreciation for practice wisdom that is hard to observe and quantify as a valid source of evidence. Over the past few years, other professions have found Bayesian analysis useful across many disciplines where data collection is difficult or expensive, most notably medicine and pharmacology. The application of Bayesian analysis to adaptive designs in clinical trials has allowed trials to stop sooner, thus getting patients on an effective medicine or off of a harmful medicine much faster than in the past (see, for instance, Giles et al., 2003, and Krams, Lees, Hacke, & Grieve, 2003). This article introduces Bayesian analysis as a statistical paradigm conducive to addressing the challenges of EBP in social work research and practice. In contrast to classical statistical methods, Bayesian analysis allows researchers to translate practice wisdom into evidence and incorporate data from past and present studies. The article begins with a brief introduction to Bayes's theorem, followed by a discussion and comparison of classical and Bayesian approaches. Finally, we provide a practical example of Bayesian analysis to assess the clinical improvement of youths receiving children's psychosocial rehabilitation (CPSR) from a mental health clinic that specializes in the treatment of youths with severe emotional disturbance (SED). STATISTICAL APPROACHES Classical Statistical Analysis Most statistical analysis done in social work has tended to be in the classical (also called the "frequentist") paradigm. In the frequentist approach to statistics, parameters are assumed to be fixed, unknown quantities. A sample is taken from the population, and inference is generally accomplished through either hypothesis testing or confidence intervals. There are actually several difficulties with frequentist inference, but one problem in particular is that it relies on what is termed the "repeated sampling paradigm," which makes interpretation of results difficult and quite nonintuitive. For instance, suppose interest lies in the proportion of clients therapeutically discharged from a state-supported intensive outpatient treatment program for mental health and substance abuse disorders. We denote this unknown proportion p. The frequentist confidence interval (CI) found in most introductory textbooks is of the form [??] [+ or -] [z.sub.[alpha]/2 [square root of ([??](1 - [??]/n)], where [??] is the estimated proportion of positive responses, found by taking the number of positive responses divided by the sample size n, and [z.sub.[alpha]/2] is the value of the standard normal distribution that leaves (1 - [alpha]/2) * 100 in the upper tail of the distribution. The common value for [alpha] is .05 which leads to a value [z.sub.[alpha]/2] = 1.96. The interpretation of this interval is not the desired one of the "probability" that p in the interval is 95%. Instead, we have to imagine repeating the experiment essentially an infinite number of times and interpreting the interval by saying that 95% of these "repeated sampling" intervals would contain the true parameter p. …

Is the Life History Calendar a Valid Measure of Child Custody Loss among Birth Mothers with Serious Mental Illness

Abstract: As of October 9, 2009, 463,000 children were receiving care in the public foster care system (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2009). Parental rights to 75,000 (16%) had been terminated. Parents with serious mental illness (SMI) are confronted with increased risk of involvement with the child welfare system and of having their children placed in out-of-home care (Park, Solomon, & Mandell, 2006; Sands, Koppelman, & Solomon, 2004). In fact, five states (Alaska, Arizona, California, Kentucky, and North Dakota) and Puerto Rico list mental illness or disability as grounds for not providing reasonable efforts toward reunification (Kaplan, Kottsieper, Scott, Salzer, & Solomon, 2009). The reality of threats to the parenting status of people with mental illness, particularly the influence of stigma on policy and services decisions, makes this an important area for social work research. Because much of the research on custody loss among women with SMI is dependent on self-reports, valid measures are imperative. In the present study, we were interested in discovering whether a Life History Calendar (LHC) would provide a valid measure of custody loss. Using a sample from a longitudinal study of women with SMI who were parents, we compared their responses on an LHC with their responses to a standard structured interview questionnaire. METHOD Sampling The Birth Mothers. The longitudinal study in which participants were involved was a study (RO1-54321) of the parenting history of women with SMI. Serious mental illness was defined as having been diagnosed with schizophrenia, schizoaffective disorder, bipolar disorder (with or without psychosis), or major depression (with or without psychosis). Participants were recruited from 12 community mental health centers and from the inpatient psychiatric units of three hospitals, all in southeast Michigan. Eligibility criteria were as follows: being 18 to 55 years of age, having primary care responsibility for at least one child four to 16 years of age, having a severe mental illness lasting at least one year and producing major dysfunction in one or more life areas, and being in active mental health treatment. Of 379 participating at baseline, 324 were interviewed at wave 2 and 322 at wave 3. Wave 2 and wave 3 participants did not differ significantly demographically from those at wave 1. (Demographic data are provided for wave 3 participants.) All participants provided voluntary informed consent according to the criteria of our university human subjects review board. Wave 3 participants had a mean age of 40 years and 3.24 children on average. Sixty percent were black/African American; the next largest racial group (30%) was white/Caucasian. Among birth mothers still participating at wave 3, 36% had less than a 12thgrade education, 23% had completed high school, and 41% had completed education beyond high school. Diagnosis was measured at wave 1 only, at which time information from 28 interviews was not sufficient to reach a diagnosis. Of the remaining, 10% of the wave 3 participants had had a wave 1 diagnosis of schizophrenia/schizophreniform disorder, 11% of schizoaffective disorder, 40% of major depression, 12% of major depression with psychosis, 12% with bipolar 1 disorder, and 15% with bipolar 1 disorder with psychosis. Seventy-four percent considered themselves still receiving mental health services at wave 3, and 70% said they were being prescribed medication for their psychiatric disorder. The Children. In the study, 575 children were represented. (This excludes children who were not the mothers' birth children, were older than 18, or, in one instance, for which no custody loss information was available.) Of the 575, 56% were boys; the mean age was 10.6 years. At wave 2, birth mothers reported currently having custody of 84% of their children. Procedure Data Collection. Interviews were conducted in participants' homes. …