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Showing papers on "Democracy published in 2003"


Book
01 Jan 2003
TL;DR: Alba and Nee as mentioned in this paper show that immigrants, historically and in the contemporary world, have profoundly changed American society and culture in the process of becoming Americans, and they predict that it will blur the boundaries among the major, racially defined populations as non-whites and Hispanics are increasingly incorporated into the mainstream.
Abstract: In this age of multicultural democracy, the idea of assimilation - that the social distance separating immigrants and their children from the mainstream of American society closes over time - seems outdated and, in some forms, even offensive. But, as Richard Alba and Victor Nee show in their systematic treatment of assimilation, it continues to shape the immigrant experience, even though the geography of immigration has shifted from Europe to Asia, Africa and Latin America. Institutional changes, from civil rights legislation to immigration law, have provided a more favourable environment for non-white immigrants and their children than in the past. Assimilation is still driven, in claim, by the decisions of immigrants and the second generation to improve their social and material circumstances in America. But they also show that immigrants, historically and in the contemporary world, have profoundly changed American society and culture in the process of becoming Americans. Surveying a variety of domains - language, socio-economic attachments, residential patterns and inter-marriage - Alba and Nee demonstrate the continuing importance of assimilation in American life. They predict that it will blur the boundaries among the major, racially defined populations, as non-whites and Hispanics are increasingly incorporated into the mainstream.

2,634 citations


Book
01 Jan 2003
TL;DR: In this article, Carles Boix offers a complete theory of political transitions, in which political regimes ultimately hinge on the nature of economic assets, their distribution among individuals, and the balance of power among different social groups.
Abstract: When do countries democratize? What facilitates the survival of authoritarian regimes? What determines the occurrence of revolutions, often leading to left-wing dictatorships, such as the Soviet regime? Although a large literature has developed since Aristotle through contemporary political science to answer these questions, we still lack a convincing understanding of the process of political development. Employing analytical tools borrowed from game theory, Carles Boix offers a complete theory of political transitions, in which political regimes ultimately hinge on the nature of economic assets, their distribution among individuals, and the balance of power among different social groups. Backed up by detailed historical work and extensive statistical analysis that goes back to the mid-nineteenth century, this 2003 book explains why democracy emerged in classical Athens. It also discusses the early triumph of democracy in both nineteenth-century agrarian Norway, Switzerland and northeastern America and the failure in countries with a powerful landowning class.

1,867 citations


Book
01 Jan 2003
TL;DR: The cultural politics in foreign policies, with historian lisa duggan is a system. But economic changes like this are a system, not a set of individuals as discussed by the authors. But more information click here tricia rose author of money allied to tell! The shocking redistribution of power.
Abstract: By now, we've all heard about the shocking redistribution of wealth that's occurred during the last thirty years, and particularly during the last decade. But economic changes like this The cultural politics in foreign policies, with historian lisa duggan is a system. But more information click here tricia rose author of money allied to tell! The shocking redistribution of power and the book in institutionalised racism. If I would have divided into the camp she's aligned with one.

1,364 citations


Book
24 Feb 2003
TL;DR: The fight for public space: What has changed? Chapter 1. To Go Again to Hyde Park: Public Space, Rights, and Social Justice Chapter 2. Making Dissent Safe for Democracy: Violence, Order, and the Legal Geography of Public Space as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Introduction. The Fight for Public Space: What Has Changed? Chapter 1. To Go Again to Hyde Park: Public Space, Rights, and Social Justice Chapter 2. Making Dissent Safe for Democracy: Violence, Order, and the Legal Geography of Public Space Chapter 3. From Free Speech to People's Park: Locational Conflict and the Right to the City Chapter 4. The End of Public Space?: People's Park, the Public, and the Right to the City Chapter 5. The Annihilation of Space by Law: Anti-Homeless Laws and the Shrinking Landscape of Rights Chapter 6. No Right to the City: Anti-Homeless Campaigns, Public Space Zoning, and the Problem of Necessity Conclusion. The Illusion and Necessity of Order: Toward a Just City Postscript (2014): Now What Has Changed? References Index

1,320 citations


Book
01 Jan 2003
TL;DR: In Diminished Democracy, Theda Skocpol shows that this decline in public involvement has not always been the case in this country - and how, by understanding the causes of this change, we might reverse it as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Pundits and social observers have voiced alarm each year as fewer Americans involve themselves in voluntary groups that meet regularly Thousands of nonprofit groups have been launched in recent times, but most are run by professionals who lobby Congress or deliver social services to clients What will happen to US democracy if participatory groups and social movements wither, while civic involvement becomes one more occupation rather than every citizen's right and duty? In Diminished Democracy, Theda Skocpol shows that this decline in public involvement has not always been the case in this country - and how, by understanding the causes of this change, we might reverse it

1,075 citations


Book
01 Mar 2003
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explore four contemporary empirical cases in which the principles of such a democracy have been at least partially instituted: the participatory budget in Porto Alegre, the school decentralization councils and community policing councils in Chicago; stakeholder councils in environmental protection and habitat management; and new decentralised governance structures in Kerala.
Abstract: The institutional forms of liberal democracy developed in the nineteenth century seem increasingly ill-suited to the problems we face in the twenty-first. This dilemma has given rise in some places to a new, deliberative democracy, and this volume explores four contemporary empirical cases in which the principles of such a democracy have been at least partially instituted: the participatory budget in Porto Alegre; the school decentralization councils and community policing councils in Chicago; stakeholder councils in environmental protection and habitat management; and new decentralised governance structures in Kerala. In keeping with the other Real Utopias Project volumes, these case studies are framed by an editors' introduction, a set of commentaries, and concluding notes.

1,068 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For example, this article found that democratic countries attract as much as 70 percent more FDI than their authoritarian counterparts, and that democratic political systems attract higher levels of FDI inflows both across countries and within countries over time.
Abstract: Foreign direct investment (FDI) is an important element of the global economy and a central component of economic development strategies of both developed and developing countries. Numerous scholars theorize that the economic benefits of attracting multinational corporations come at tremendous political costs, arguing that democratic political systems attract lower levels of international investment than their authoritarian counterparts. Using both cross-sectional and time-series cross-sectional tests of the determinants of FDI for more than 100 countries, I generate results that are inconsistent with these dire predictions. Democratic political systems attract higher levels of FDI inflows both across countries and within countries over time. Democratic countries are predicted to attract as much as 70 percent more FDI than their authoritarian counterparts. In a final empirical test, I examine how democratic institutions affect country credibility by empirically analyzing the link between democracy and sovereign debt risk for about eighty countries from 1980 to 1998. These empirical tests challenge the conventional wisdom on the preferences of multinationals for authoritarian regimes.

898 citations


Book
13 Oct 2003
TL;DR: New Zealand was the last country in the world to be discovered and settled by humankind as discussed by the authors, and it was also the first country to introduce a full democracy, and in the century that followed the franchise, the movements and the conflicts of human history have been played out more intensively and more rapidly in New Zealand than anywhere else on Earth.
Abstract: New Zealand was the last country in the world to be discovered and settled by humankind. It was also the first to introduce a full democracy. Between those events, and in the century that followed the franchise, the movements and the conflicts of human history have been played out more intensively and more rapidly in New Zealand than anywhere else on Earth. This title tells that story in all its colour and drama. The narrative that emerges is an inclusive one about men and women, Maori and Pakeha. It shows that British motives in colonizing New Zealand were essentially humane; and that Maori, far from being passive victims of a "fatal impact", coped heroically with colonization and survived by selectively accepting and adapting what Western technology and culture had to offer. The latter part of the book reveals how an insulated and dependent British colony transformed itself into an independent nation, open to and competing with technological and cultural influences sweeping the globe.

851 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Archon Fung1
TL;DR: Hochschild, Sanjeev Khagram, Jane Mansbridge, Nancy Rosenblum, Charles Sabel, Lars Torres, participants in the Democracy Collaborative’s “State of Democratic Practice” conference, and two anonymous reviewers for generous comments on previous drafts of this article as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Hochschild, Sanjeev Khagram, Jane Mansbridge, Nancy Rosenblum, Charles Sabel, Lars Torres, participants in the Democracy Collaborative’s “State of Democratic Practice” conference, and two anonymous reviewers for generous comments on previous drafts of this article. Habermas 1989. Putnam 1993, 2000; Skocpol 1999. Cohen and Rogers 1992; Hirst 1994. Survey Article: Recipes for Public Spheres: Eight Institutional Design Choices and Their Consequences*

749 citations


MonographDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine three constitutional courts in Asia: Taiwan, Korea and Mongolia, and argue that the design and functioning of constitutional review are largely a function of politics and interests.
Abstract: New democracies around the world have adopted constitutional courts to oversee the operation of democratic politics. Where does judicial power come from, how does it develop in the early stages of democratic liberalization, and what political conditions support its expansion? This book answers these questions through an examination of three constitutional courts in Asia: Taiwan, Korea, and Mongolia. In a region that has traditionally viewed law as a tool of authoritarian rulers, constitutional courts in these three societies are becoming a real constraint on government. In contrast with conventional culturalist accounts, this book argues that the design and functioning of constitutional review are largely a function of politics and interests. Judicial review - the power of judges to rule an act of a legislature or national leader unconstitutional - is a solution to the problem of uncertainty in constitutional design. By providing 'insurance' to prospective electoral losers, judicial review can facilitate democracy.

737 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examine the origins of the recent shift towards e-government in three cases: the United States, Britain, and the European Union, and conclude that the democratic potential of the Internet has been marginalized as a result of the ways in which government use of such technology has been framed since the early 1990s.
Abstract: We examine the origins of the recent shift towards “e-government” in three cases: the United States, Britain, and the European Union. We set out three heuristic models of interaction between states and citizens that might underpin the practice of “e-government.” Focusing on U.S., British, and European Union initiatives, we undertake a comparative analysis of the evolution of key policy statements on e-government reform in national (and supranational) government. We conclude that the democratic potential of the Internet has been marginalized as a result of the ways in which government use of such technology has been framed since the early 1990s. An executive-driven, “managerial” model of interaction has assumed dominance at the expense of “consultative” and “participatory” possibilities.

Book
Amy Chua1
01 Jan 2003
TL;DR: Chua as discussed by the authors argues that free markets have concentrated disproportionate, often spectacular wealth in the hands of resented ethnic minorities - "market-dominant minorities". Adding democracy to this volatile mix can unleash suppressed ethnic hatred and bring to power 'ethno-nationalist' governments that pursue aggressive policies of confiscation and revenge.
Abstract: Amy Chua's remarkable and provocative book explores the tensions of the post-Cold War globalising world. As global markets open, ethnic conflict worsens and democracy in developing nations can turn ugly and violent. Chua shows how free markets have concentrated disproportionate, often spectacular wealth in the hands of resented ethnic minorities - 'market-dominant minorities'. Adding democracy to this volatile mix can unleash suppressed ethnic hatred and bring to power 'ethno-nationalist' governments that pursue aggressive policies of confiscation and revenge. Chua also shows how individual countries may be viewed as market-dominant minorities, a fact that could help to explain the rising tide of anti-American sentiment around the world and the visceral hatred of Americans expressed in recent acts of terrorism. Chua is not an anti-globalist. But in this must-read bestselling book she presciently warns that, far from making the world a better and safer place, democracy and capitalism - at least in the raw, unrestrained form in which they are currently being exported - are intensifying ethnic resentment and global violence, with potentially catastrophic results.

Posted Content
TL;DR: The EU's appearance of exceptional insulation reflects the subset of functions it performs - central banking, constitutional adjudication, civil prosecution, economic diplomacy and technical administration - for normatively justifiable reasons as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Concern about the EU's "democratic deficit" is misplaced. Judged against existing advanced industrial democracies, rather than an ideal plebiscitary or parliamentary democracy, the EU is legitimate. Its institutions are tightly constrained by constitutional checks and balances: narrow mandates, fiscal limits, super-majoritarian and concurrent voting requirements and separation of powers. The EU's appearance of exceptional insulation reflects the subset of functions it performs - central banking, constitutional adjudication, civil prosecution, economic diplomacy and technical administration. These are matters of low electoral salience commonly delegated in national systems, for normatively justifiable reasons. On balance, the EU redresses rather than creates biases in political representation, deliberation and output.

Book
01 Jan 2003
TL;DR: The authors assesses the consequences of new information technologies for American democracy in a way that is theoretical and also historically grounded, arguing that new technologies have produced the fourth in a series of information revolutions in the US, stretching back to the founding.
Abstract: This book assesses the consequences of new information technologies for American democracy in a way that is theoretical and also historically grounded. The author argues that new technologies have produced the fourth in a series of 'information revolutions' in the US, stretching back to the founding. Each of these, he argues, led to important structural changes in politics. After re-interpreting historical American political development from the perspective of evolving characteristics of information and political communications, the author evaluates effects of the Internet and related new media. The analysis shows that the use of new technologies is contributing to 'post-bureaucratic' political organization and fundamental changes in the structure of political interests. The author's conclusions tie together scholarship on parties, interest groups, bureaucracy, collective action, and political behavior with new theory and evidence about politics in the information age.

Book
01 Jan 2003
TL;DR: Parker as discussed by the authors made a unique and thoughtful contribution to the hot debate between proponents of multicultural education and those who favor a cultural literacy approach, and conclusively demonstrated that educating for democratic citizenship in a multicultural society includes a fundamental respect for diversity.
Abstract: In "Teaching Democracy, Walter Parker makes a unique and thoughtful contribution to the hot debate between proponents of multicultural education and those who favor a cultural literacy approach Parker conclusively demonstrates that educating for democratic citizenship in a multicultural society includes a fundamental respect for diversity

Book
01 Jan 2003
TL;DR: Fernández as discussed by the authors argues that the British Empire should be regarded not merely as vanished Victoriana but as the very cradle of modernity, and that far from being a subject for nostalgia, the story of the Empire is pregnant with lessons for the United States as it stands on the brink of a new kind of imperial power based once again on economic and military supremacy.
Abstract: A grand narrative history of the world's first experiment in globalization, with lessons for an ever-expanding American Empire--from England's most talented young historian. The British Empire was the largest in all history, its reach the nearest thing to world domination ever achieved. By the eve of the Second World War, over a fifth of the world's land surface and nearly a quarter of the world's population were under some form of British rule. Yet for today's generation, the British Empire has come to stand for nothing more than a lost Victorian past--one so remote that it has ceased even to be a target for satire. The time is ripe for a reappraisal. In this major new work of synthesis and revision, Niall Ferguson argues that the British Empire should be regarded not merely as vanished Victoriana but as the very cradle of modernity. Nearly all the key features of the twenty-first-centu ry world can be traced back to the extraordinary expansion of Britain's economy, population, and culture from the seventeenth century until the mid-twentieth--economic globalization, the communications revolution, the racial make-up of North America, the notion of humanitarianism, the nature of democracy. Displaying the originality and rigor that have made him the brightest light among British historians, Ferguson shows that far from being a subject for nostalgia, the story of the Empire is pregnant with lessons for the world today--in particular for the United States as it stands on the brink of a new kind of imperial power based once again on economic and military supremacy.

Book
01 Jan 2003
TL;DR: In this article, the Common Good is considered in the context of Democratic Theory and a discussion of the state of the Democratic Theory is presented, with a focus on power and Democratic competition.
Abstract: Preface ix Introduction 1 CHAPTER ONE: The Common Good 10 CHAPTER TWO: Deliberation against Domination?35 CHAPTER THREE: Power and Democratic Competition 50 CHAPTER FOUR: Getting and Keeping Democracy 78 CHAPTER FIVE: Democracy and Distribution 104 CHAPTER SIX: Reconsidering the State of Democratic Theory 146 Bibliography 153 Index 173

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a critical investigation of one indicator of support for democracy frequently used by comparativists is presented, and a critical analysis of the indicator is made of the number of people who support a particular candidate.
Abstract: This article offers a critical investigation of one indicator of support for democracy frequently used by comparativists Departing from a theoretical multidimensional model of political support, a

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the sustainability of food and agriculture systems is a contested concept because it inevitably involves both conflicts over values and uncertainty about outcomes, which make democracy the method of choice for the alternative agro-food movement, and discuss the emerging concept of food democracy in order to elaborate upon its practical utility with respect to collective action.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper examined the causal logics that underpin the theory to determine whether they offer compelling explanations for the finding of mutual democratic pacifism, and they found that they do not, since democratic states do not reliably externalize their domestic norms of conflict resolution and do not trust or respect one another when their interests clash.
Abstract: Democratic peace theory is probably the most powerful liberal contribution to the debate on the causes of war and peace. In this paper I examine the causal logics that underpin the theory to determine whether they offer compelling explanations for the finding of mutual democratic pacifism. I find that they do not. Democracies do not reliably externalize their domestic norms of conflict resolution and do not trust or respect one another when their interests clash. Moreover, elected leaders are not especially accountable to peace loving publics or pacific interest groups, democracies are not particularly slow to mobilize or incapable of surprise attack, and open political competition does not guarantee that a democracy will reveal private information about its level of resolve thereby avoiding conflict. Since the evidence suggests that the logics do not operate as stipulated by the theory's proponents, there are good reasons to believe that while there is certainly peace among democracies, it may not be caused by the democratic nature of those states.

Book
01 Jan 2003
TL;DR: Catherine Boone as mentioned in this paper examines political regionalism in Africa and how it affects forms of government, and prospects for democracy and development, and places African political development in the mainstream of studies of state-formation in agrarian studies.
Abstract: Catherine Boone examines political regionalism in Africa and how it affects forms of government, and prospects for democracy and development. Boone's study is set within the context of larger theories of political development in agrarian societies. It features a series of compelling case studies that focus on regions within Senegal, Ghana, and Cote d'Ivoire and ranges from 1930 to the present. The book will be of interest to readers concerned with comparative politics, Africa, development, regionalism and federalism, and ethnic politics. Multi-country study of politics and political development in Africa. Book places African political development in the mainstream of studies of state-formation in agrarian studies. Study combines macrosociology with choice-theoretic perspectives in Political Science.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that the spirit of multiculturalism in education has shifted from a concern with the formation of tolerant and democratic national citizens who can work with and through difference, to a more strategic use of diversity for competitive advantage in the global marketplace.
Abstract: The paper is a broad, comparative investigation of shifts in the educational rhetoric and policy of three countries over the past two decades. Using England, Canada and the United States as case studies, I argue that the spirit of multiculturalism in education has shifted from a concern with the formation of tolerant and democratic national citizens who can work with and through difference, to a more strategic use of diversity for competitive advantage in the global marketplace. This shift is directly linked with and helps to facilitate the entrenchment of neoliberalism as it supports a privatization agenda, reduces the costs of social reproduction for the government, and aids in the constitution of subjects oriented to individual survival and/or success in the global economy.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors used a comprehensive list of Russia's regional elections and regional monthly panel data between 1996 and 2001 to find strong evidence of very short opportunistic political cycles and provide evidence and explanation why many previous attempts to find evidence failed.
Abstract: Despite the fact that theoretical research on opportunistic political cycles is very intuitive and well developed, empirical literature has found fairly weak evidence of opportunistic political cycles. This Paper tests the theory in a decade-old democracy - Russia. We find strong evidence of very short opportunistic political cycles and provide evidence and explanation why many previous attempts to find evidence failed. Using a comprehensive list of Russia's regional elections and regional monthly panel data between 1996 and 2001, we find that: (1) opportunistic political cycles in regional fiscal policies are sizable and short-lived on average; (2) the magnitude of opportunistic cycles decreases with voters' rationality and awareness (measured by urbanization, computerization, education, and freedom of media); (3) there is a learning curve for voters: cycles become smaller with time; (4) cycles in fiscal policies increase political popularity and the re-election chances of incumbent governors. Our results confirm that maturity of democracy as well as rationality and awareness of the electorate are very important factors in determination of the scope for opportunistic cycles.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This chapter examines why political theorists have started to explore the justifications for minority language rights claims, and to consider how different models of language rights relate to broader political theories of justice, freedom, and democracy.
Abstract: After years of neglect, political theorists in the last few years have started to take an interest in issues of language policy, and to explore the normative issues they raise. In this chapter, we examine why this interest has arisen and provide an overview of the main approaches that have been developed. A series of recent events has made it clear that language policy is central to many of the traditional themes and concepts of political theory, such as democracy, citizenship, nationhood, and the state. The rise of ethnolinguistic conflict in Eastern Europe, the resurgence of language-based secessionist movements in Catalonia, Flanders, and Quebec, the backlash against immigrant multiculturalism, and the difficulties in building a pan-European sense of European Union citizenship—in all of these cases, linguistic diversity complicates attempts to build stable and cohesive forms of political community. In the past, political theorists have often implicitly assumed that this sort of linguistic diversity would disappear, as a natural concomitant of processes of modernization and nation-building. However, it is now widely accepted that linguistic diversity is an enduring fact about modern societies. As a result, political theorists have started to explore the justifications for minority language rights claims, and to consider how different models of language rights relate to broader political theories of justice, freedom, and democracy.

Posted Content
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a method integrating interactive experiments and representative surveys to overcome crucial weaknesses of both approaches, which allows for the integration of experiments, which require interaction among the participants, with a survey of non-interacting respondents in a smooth and inexpensive way.
Abstract: Typically, laboratory experiments suffer from homogeneous subject pools and self-selection biases. The usefulness of survey data is limited by measurement error and by the questionability of their behavioural relevance. Here we present a method integrating interactive experiments and representative surveys thereby overcoming crucial weaknesses of both approaches. One of the major advantages of our approach is that it allows for the integration of experiments, which require interaction among the participants, with a survey of non-interacting respondents in a smooth and inexpensive way. We illustrate the power of our approach with the analysis of trust and trustworthiness in Germany by combining representative survey data with representative behavioural data from a social dilemma experiment. We identify which survey questions intended to elicit people’s trust correlate well with behaviourally exhibited trust in the experiment. People above the age of 65, highly-skilled workers and people living in bigger households exhibit less trusting behaviour. Foreign citizens, Catholics and people favouring the Social Democratic Party or the Christian Democratic Party exhibit more trust. People above the age of 65 and those in good health behave more trustworthy or more altruistically, respectively. People below the age of 35, the unemployed and people who say they are in favour of none of the political parties behave less trustworthy or less altruistically, respectively.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors found that the effect of democracy on economic growth is largely indirect through increased life expectancy in poor countries and increased secondary education in non-poor countries and that there are important indirect effects of democracy that are manifested through public health and education.
Abstract: Democracy is more than just another brake or booster for the economy. We argue that there are significant indirect effects of democracy on growth through public health and education. Where economists use life expectancy and education as proxies for human capital, we expect democracy will be an important determinant of the level of public services manifested in these indicators. In addition to whatever direct effect democracy may have on growth, we predict an important indirect effect through public policies that condition the level of human capital in different societies. We conduct statistical investigations into the direct and indirect effects of democracy on growth using a data set consisting of a 30-year panel of 128 countries. We find that democracy has no statistically significant direct effect on growth. Rather, we discover that the effect of democracy is largely indirect through increased life expectancy in poor countries and increased secondary education in nonpoor countries. T he relationship between democracy and economic growth has received considerable attention in recent years. As yet, however, there is no consensus among analysts on the relationship between these two widely studied variables. Sound theoretical positions have been advanced suggesting that democracy is both an impediment and facilitator of growth. Careful quantitative tests of the relationship have produced contradictory results. In our view, existing studies fail to develop an adequate political theory of growth and as a result their empirical models are typically misspecified. With competing arguments on both sides of the question, many analysts merely add a variable for democracy to existing economic models and then look at the sign of the coefficient and its significance. This is inadequate. Democracy is more than just another brake or booster for the economy. We argue that there are important indirect effects of democracy on growth that are manifested through public health and education. Where economists typically use life expectancy and secondary school enrollment as proxies for human capital, we expect that democracy will itself be an important determinant of the level of public services captured in these indicators. Thus, in

BookDOI
01 Mar 2003
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss how online activists have changed the definitions of activism, community, collective identity, and democratic change, and discuss the growing importance of activism taking place through the Internet.
Abstract: From the Publisher: Cyberactivism documents and critiques the growing importance of activism taking place through the Internet. Mixing theory with practical activist approaches, the contributors show not only how activists have incorporated recent technology as a tool for change, but also how online activists have changed the definitions of activism, community, collective identity, and democratic change. Topics addressed range from the Zapatista movement's use of the Web to promote its cause globally to the establishment of alternative media sources like indymedia.org to the direct action of "hacktivists" who disrupt commercial computer networks. Cyberactivism is essential reading for anyone interested in understanding the impact of the Internet on politics today.

Book
01 Jan 2003
TL;DR: Gans argues that journalism also suffers from assembly-line modes of production, with the major product being publicity for the president and other top political officials, the very people citizens most distrust as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: American democracy was founded on the belief that ultimate power rests in an informed citizenry. But that belief appears naive in an era when private corporations manipulate public policy and the individual citizen is dwarfed by agencies, special interest groups, and other organisations that have a firm grasp on real political and economic power. In Democracy and the News, one of America's most astute social critics explores the crucial link between a weakened news media and weakened democracy. Building on his 1979 classic media critique Deciding What's News, Herbert Gans shows how, with the advent of cable news networks, the internet, and a proliferation of other sources, the role of contemporary journalists has shrunk, as the audience for news moves away from major print and electronic media to smaller and smaller outlets. Gans argues that journalism also suffers from assembly-line modes of production, with the major product being publicity for the president and other top political officials, the very people citizens most distrust. In such an environment, investigative journalism-which could offer citizens the information they need to make intelligent critical choices on a range of difficult issues-cannot flourish. But Gans makes several incisive suggestions about what the news media can do to recapture its role in American society and what political and economic changes might move us closer to a true citizen's democracy. Touching on questions of critical national importance, Democracy and the News sheds new light on the vital importance of a healthy news media for a healthy democracy.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Norris and Inglehart as mentioned in this paper argue that Islam lacks the core political values that gave birth to representative democracy in Western civilization: separation of religious and secular authority, rule of law and social pluralism, parliamentary institutions of representative government, and protection of individual rights and civil liberties as the buffer between citizens and the power of the state.
Abstract: Condoleezza Rice, President George W. Bush's national security advisor, promised last September that the United States is committed to "the march of freedom in the Muslim world." But does the Muslim world march to the beat of a different drummer? Despite Bush's optimistic pronouncement that there is "no clash of civilizations" when it comes to "the common rights and needs of men and women," others are not so sure. Samuel Huntington's controversial 1993 thesis-that the cultural division between "Western Christianity" and "Orthodox Christianity and Islam" is the new fault line for conflict-resonates more loudly than ever since September 11. Echoing Huntington, columnist Polly Toynbee argued in the British Guardian last November, "What binds together a globalized force of some extremists from many continents is a united hatred of Western values that seems to them to spring from Judeo-Christianity." Meanwhile, on the other side of the Atlantic, Democratic Rep. Christopher Shays of Connecticut, after sitting through hours of testimony on U.S.-Islamic relations on Capitol Hill last October, testily blurted, "Why doesn't democracy grab hold in the Middle East? What is there about the culture and the people and so on where democracy just doesn't seem to be something they strive for and work for?" Huntington's response would be that the Muslim world lacks the core political values that gave birth to representative democracy in Western civilization: separation of religious and secular authority, rule of law and social pluralism, parliamentary institutions of representative government, and protection of individual rights and civil liberties as the buffer between citizens and the power of the state. This claim seems o Ronald Inglehart is program director at the Center for Political Studies at the University of Michigan's Institute for Social Research and directs the World Valu s Survey. Pippa Norris is the McGuire lecturer in comparative politics at Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of Government. They are the authors of Rising Tide: Gender Equali y and Cultural Change Around the World (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003).

Book
01 Jan 2003
TL;DR: One of the most important African American leaders of the 20th century and perhaps the most influential woman in the civil rights movement, Ella Baker (1903-1986) was an activist whose remarkable career spanned 50 years and touched thousands of lives.
Abstract: One of the most important African American leaders of the 20th century and perhaps the most influential woman in the civil rights movement, Ella Baker (1903-1986) was an activist whose remarkable career spanned 50 years and touched thousands of lives. A gifted grassroots organizer, Baker shunned the spotlight in favour of vital behind-the-scenes work that helped power the black freedom stuggle. She was a national officer and key figure in the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, one of the founders of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, and a prime mover in the creation of the Studetn Noviolent Co-ordinating Committee. Baker made a place for herself in the predominantly male political circles that included W.E.B. Du Bois, Thurgood Marshall and Martin Luther King Jr, all the while maintaining relationships with a vibrant group of women, students and activists both black and white. In this deeply researched biography, Barbara Ransby chronicles Baker's long and rich political career as an organizer, an intellectual and a teacher, from her early experiences in depression-era Harlem to the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s. Ransby shows Baker to be a complex figure whose radical, democratic worldview, commitment to empowering the black poor, and emphasis on group-centred, grassroots leadership set her apart from most of her political contemporaries. Beyond documenting an extraordinary life, the book paints a vivid picture of the African American fight for justice and its intersections with other progressive struggles worldwide across the 20th century.