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Showing papers on "Diplomacy published in 2008"


Journal ArticleDOI
Joseph S. Nye1
TL;DR: A smart power strategy combines hard and soft power resources as discussed by the authors, which is the ability to affect others to obtain the outcomes one wants through attraction rather than coercion or payment, is the capability of a country's soft power.
Abstract: Soft power is the ability to affect others to obtain the outcomes one wants through attraction rather than coercion or payment. A country's soft power rests on its resources of culture, values, and policies. A smart power strategy combines hard and soft power resources. Public diplomacy has a long history as a means of promoting a country's soft power and was essential in winning the cold war. The current struggle against transnational terrorism is a struggle to win hearts and minds, and the current overreliance on hard power alone is not the path to success. Public diplomacy is an important tool in the arsenal of smart power, but smart public diplomacy requires an understanding of the roles of credibility, self-criticism, and civil society in generating soft power.

1,138 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Public diplomacy, as the diplomacy of the public, not of the government, intervenes in this global public sphere, laying the ground for traditional forms of diplomacy to act beyond the strict negotiation of power relationships by building on shared... as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The public sphere is the space of communication of ideas and projects that emerge from society and are addressed to the decision makers in the institutions of society. The global civil society is the organized expression of the values and interests of society. The relationships between government and civil society and their interaction via the public sphere define the polity of society. The process of globalization has shifted the debate from the national domain to the global debate, prompting the emergence of a global civil society and of ad hoc forms of global governance. Accordingly, the public sphere as the space of debate on public affairs has also shifted from the national to the global and is increasingly constructed around global communication networks. Public diplomacy, as the diplomacy of the public, not of the government, intervenes in this global public sphere, laying the ground for traditional forms of diplomacy to act beyond the strict negotiation of power relationships by building on shared...

936 citations


02 Jan 2008
TL;DR: This article argued that as China gets more power and the United States' position erodes, two things are likely to happen: China will try to use its growing influence to reshape the rules and institutions of the international system to better serve its interests, and other states in the system especially the declining hegemon-will start to see China as a growing security threat.
Abstract: THE RISE of China will undoubtedly be one of the great dramas of the twenty-first century. China's extraordinary economic growth and active diplomacy are already transforming East Asia, and future decades will see even greater increases in Chinese power and influence. But exactly how this drama will play out is an open question. Will China overthrow the existing order or become a part of it? And what, if any thing, can the United States do to maintain its position as China rises? Some observers believe that the American era is coming to an end, as the Western-oriented world order is replaced by one increasingly dominated by the East. The historian Niall Ferguson has written that the bloody twentieth century witnessed "the descent of the West" and "a reorientation of the world" toward the East. Realists go on to note that as China gets more powerfiul and the United States' position erodes, two things are likely to happen: China will try to use its growing influence to reshape the rules and institutions of the international system to better serve its interests, and other states in the system especially the declining hegemon-will start to see China as a growing security threat. The result of these developments, they predict, will be tension, distrust, and conflict, the typical features of a power transition.

366 citations


Book
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: Andresen et al. as mentioned in this paper presented an analytic framework for the systematic and comparative study of NGO diplomacy in international environmental negotiations, and used the framework to evaluate the degree of NGO influence on specific negotiations on environmental and sustainability issues.
Abstract: Over the past thirty years nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have played an increasingly influential role in international negotiations, particularly on environmental issues. NGO diplomacy has become, in the words of one organizer, an "international experiment in democratizing intergovernmental decision making." But there has been little attempt to determine the conditions under which NGOs make a difference in either the process or the outcome of international negotiations. This book presents an analytic framework for the systematic and comparative study of NGO diplomacy in international environmental negotiations. Chapters by experts on international environmental policy apply this framework to assess the effect of NGO diplomacy on specific negotiations on environmental and sustainability issues. The proposed analytical framework offers researchers the tools with which to assess whether and how NGO diplomats affect negotiation processes, outcomes, or both, and through comparative analysis the book identifies factors that explain variation in NGO influence, including coordination of strategy, degree of access, institutional overlap, and alliances with key states. The empirical chapters use the framework to evaluate the degree of NGO influence on the first phase of the Kyoto Protocol negotiations on global climate change, the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety, the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification, negotiations within the International Whaling Commission that resulted in new management procedures and a ban on commercial whaling, and international negotiations on forests involving the United Nations, the International Tropical Timber Organization, and the World Trade Organization. ContributorsSteinar Andresen, Michele M. Betsill, Stanley W. Burgiel, Elisabeth Corell, David Humphreys, Tora Skodvin.

343 citations


Book
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: The history of U.S. foreign policy can be traced back to the birth of the Republic of the United States, 1776-1778 as mentioned in this paper, with the New Republic and the New World Order, 1789-1801.
Abstract: Maps Editor's Introduction Introduction 1. "To Begin the World Over Again": Foreign Policy and the Birth of the Republic, 1776-1778 2. "None Who Can Make Us Afraid": The New Republic in a Hostile World, 1789-1801 3. "Purified as by Fire": Republicanism Imperiled and Reaffirmed, 1801-1815 4. "Leave the Rest to Us": The Assertive Republic, 1815-1837 5. A Dose of Arsenic: Slavery, Expansion, and the Road to Disunion, 1837-1861 6. "Last Best Hope": The Union, the Confederacy, and Civil War Diplomacy, 1861-1877 7. "A Good Enough England": Foreign Relations in the Gilded Age, 1877-1893 8. The War of 1898, the New Empire, and the Dawn of the American Century, 1893-1901 9. "Bursting with Good Intentions": The United States in World Affairs, 1901-1913 10. "A New Age": Wilson, the Great War, and the Quest for a New World Order, 1913-1921 11. Involvement Without Commitment, 1921-1931 12. The Great Transformation: Depression, Isolationism, and War, 1931-1941 13. "Five Continents and Seven Seas": World War II and the Rise of American Globalism, 1941-1945 14. "A Novel Burden Far from Our Shores:" Truman, the Cold War, and the Revolution in U.S. Foreign Policy, 1945-1953 15. Coexistence and Crises, 1953-1961 16. Gulliver's Troubles: Kennedy, Johnson, and the Limits of Power, 1961-1968 17. Nixon, Kissinger, and the End of the Postwar Era, 1969-1974 18. Foreign Policy in an Age of Dissonance, 1974-1981 19. "A Unique and Extraordinary Moment": Gorbachev, Reagan, Bush, and the End of the Cold War, 1981-1991 20. "The Strength of a Giant": America as Hyperpower, 1992-2007 Bibliographical Essay Index

276 citations


Book
15 Jul 2008
TL;DR: This paper surveys the consequences of China's investment in Africa, concluding that China is engaged in a "scramble for Africa" and that we are now on the brink of a new Chinese imperialism.
Abstract: Chinese-African relations became an issue of increasing importance leading up to the 2006 China-Africa Summit in Beijing. Nevertheless, academics and policymakers have largely neglected China's expanding relationship with Africa. Scholars have yet to explore the concrete ways in which Chinese actors operate in different parts of Africa, and developmental policy advisors have yet to take the political dynamics and implications of this involvement into consideration when forming policy. China Returns to Africa addresses key issues in contemporary Chinese-African relations, examining the impact of this relationship in issues of diplomacy, trade, and development. Beginning with the assertion that China is engaged in a "scramble for Africa" and that we are now on the brink of a "new Chinese imperialism," the essays in this volume transcend narrow, media-driven concerns and offer one of the first far-ranging surveys of the consequences of China's investment in Africa.

240 citations


Book
31 Oct 2008
TL;DR: In this article, the impact of cheap Chinese goods on Africa's Africa policy in context is discussed. And the issue of human rights is discussed as well as China's Africa Policy in Context.
Abstract: China's Africa Policy in Context. Oil Diplomacy. The Impact of Cheap Chinese Goods. The Issue of Human Rights. The Arms Trade. Peacekeeping. What Does It All Mean?

158 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A variety of shifts emergent with globalization are explored as a critical discourse and intervention in global health diplomacy: the expansion in non-governmental organization participation in international health programs, the globalization of science and pharmaceutical research, and the use of militarized languages of biosecurity to recast public health programs.
Abstract: A variety of shifts emergent with globalization, which are reflected in part by nascent programs in "Global Public Health," "Global Health Sciences," and "Global Health," are redefining international public health. We explore three of these shifts as a critical discourse and intervention in global health diplomacy: the expansion in non-governmental organization participation in international health programs, the globalization of science and pharmaceutical research, and the use of militarized languages of biosecurity to recast public health programs. Using contemporary anthropological and international health literature, we offer a critical yet hopeful exploration of the implications of these shifts for critical inquiry, health, and the health professions.

143 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors focus on the motivations behind Russian military preparations for war and the political gains Moscow expected from such a broad offensive, and the role of military power in pursuing its revisionist stance in the international system.
Abstract: Russia's military incursion into Georgia in August 2008 and formal recognition of South Ossetia and Abkhazia raise fundamental questions about Russian regional policy, strategic objectives and attitudes to the use of armed force. The spectacle of maneouvre warfare on the periphery of Europe could form a watershed in post-Cold War Russian relations with its neighbourhood and the wider international community. The speed and scale with which Russia's initial ‘defensive’ intervention to ‘coerce Georgia to peace’ led to a broad occupation of many Georgian regions focuses attention on the motivations behind Russian military preparations for war and the political gains Moscow expected from such a broad offensive. Russia has failed to advance a convincing legal case for its operations and its ‘peace operations’ discourse has been essentially rhetorical. Some Russian goals may be inferred: the creation of military protectorates in South Ossetia and Abkhazia; inducing Georgian compliance, especially to block its path towards NATO; and creating a climate of uncertainty over energy routes in the South Caucasus. Moscow's warning that it will defend its ‘citizens’ (nationals) at all costs broadens the scope of concerns to Russia's other neighbour states, especially Ukraine. Yet an overreaction to alarmist scenarios of a new era of coercive diplomacy may only encourage Russian insistence that its status, that of an aspirant global power, be respected. This will continue to be fuelled by internal political and psychological considerations in Russia. Careful attention will need to be given to the role Russia attributes to military power in pursuing its revisionist stance in the international system.

129 citations


Book
30 Mar 2008
TL;DR: The second edition has been expanded to incorporate coverage of significant issues that have emerged in recent years including: growing tensions in the region over maritime territory and historical issues, competition regional free trade agreement negotiations, and impact of the global financial crisis on financial co-operation and engagement with global governance as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: East Asia is one of the world's most dynamic and diverse regions and is also becoming an increasingly coherent region through the inter-play of various integrative economic, political and socio-cultural processes. Fully updated and revised throughout, this new edition explores the various ways in which East Asian regionalism continues to deepen. The second edition has been expanded to incorporate coverage of significant issues that have emerged in recent years including: Growing tensions in the region over maritime territory and historical issues Competing regional free trade agreement negotiations The impact of the global financial crisis on financial co-operation and engagement with global governance Obama’s ‘pivot to Asia’ and developments in US relations with East Asia The influence of new technology and social media on micro-level regional relations The growing importance of ‘new diplomacy’ issues such as energy security, climate change, food security and international migration. Key pedagogical features include: end of chapter 'study questions' case studies that discuss topical issues with study questions also provided useful tables and figures which illustrate key regional trends in East Asia Extensive summary conclusions covering the chapter's main findings from different international political economy perspectives. East Asian Regionalism is an essential text for courses on East Asian regionalism, Asian politics and Asian economics.

121 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: An incident that involved withholding avian influenza virus samples illustrates the importance and limitations of international law in global health diplomacy.
Abstract: Indonesia’s decision to withhold samples of avian influenza virus A (H5N1) from the World Health Organization for much of 2007 caused a crisis in global health. The World Health Assembly produced a resolution to try to address the crisis at its May 2007 meeting. I examine how the parties to this controversy used international law in framing and negotiating the dispute. Specifically, I analyze Indonesia’s use of the international legal principle of sovereignty and its appeal to rules on the protection of biological and genetic resources found in the Convention on Biological Diversity. In addition, I consider how the International Health Regulations 2005 applied to the controversy. The incident involving Indonesia’s actions with virus samples illustrates both the importance and the limitations of international law in global health diplomacy.

Book ChapterDOI
01 Nov 2008
TL;DR: Public diplomacy deals with the influence of public attitudes on the formation and execution of foreign policies as discussed by the authors, and it encompasses dimensions of international relations beyond traditional diplomacy, including the cultivation by governments of public opinion in other countries; the interaction of private groups and interests in one country with another; the reporting of foreign affairs and its impact on foreign policy; communication between those whose job is communication, as diplomats and foreign correspondents; and the process of intercultural communications.
Abstract: Every academic discipline has its certainties, and in the small field of public diplomacy studies it is a truth universally acknowledged that the term “public diplomacy” was coined in 1965 by Edmund Gullion, dean of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University and a distinguished retired foreign service officer, when he established an Edward R. Murrow Center of Public Diplomacy. An early Murrow Center brochure provided a convenient summary of Gullion’s concept:Public diplomacy . . . deals with the influence of public attitudes on the formation and execution of foreign policies. It encompasses dimensions of international relations beyond traditional diplomacy; the cultivation by governments of public opinion in other countries; the interaction of private groups and interests in one country with another; the reporting of foreign affairs and its impact on policy; communication between those whose job is communication, as diplomats and foreign correspondents; and the process of intercultural communications.1

Book
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: Cooley et al. as mentioned in this paper examined how domestic politics in different host countries, especially in periods of democratic transition, affect the status of U.S. bases and the degree to which the U S. military has become a part of their local and national landscapes.
Abstract: According to the Department of Defense's 2004 Base Structure Report, the United States officially maintains 860 overseas military installations and another 115 on noncontinental U.S. territories. Over the last fifteen years the Department of Defense has been moving from a few large-footprint bases to smaller and much more numerous bases across the globe. This so-called lily-pad strategy, designed to allow high-speed reactions to military emergencies anywhere in the world, has provoked significant debate in military circles and sometimes-fierce contention within the polity of the host countries. In Base Politics, Alexander Cooley examines how domestic politics in different host countries, especially in periods of democratic transition, affect the status of U.S. bases and the degree to which the U.S. military has become a part of their local and national landscapes. Drawing on exhaustive field research in different host nations across East Asia and Southern Europe, as well as the new postcommunist base hosts in the Black Sea and Central Asia, Cooley offers an original and provocative account of how and why politicians in host countries contest or accept the presence of the U.S. military on their territory. Overseas bases, Cooley shows, are not merely installations that serve a military purpose. For host governments and citizens, U.S. bases are also concrete institutions and embodiments of U.S. power, identity, and diplomacy. Analyzing the degree to which overseas bases become enmeshed in local political agendas and interests, Base Politics will be required reading for anyone interested in understanding the extent-and limits-of America's overseas military influence.

Book
31 Mar 2008
TL;DR: The authors examines the interface between diplomacy and international assistance during the Oslo years and the intifada, and highlights the perverse effects such huge amounts of money has had on the Palestinian population and territory, on Israeli policies in the occupied Palestinian territory, and not least on the conflict itself.
Abstract: Why has the West disbursed vertiginous sums of money to the Palestinians after Oslo? What have been donors’ motivations and above all the political consequences of the funds spent? Based on original academic research and first hand evidence, this book examines the interface between diplomacy and international assistance during the Oslo years and the intifada. By exploring the politics of international aid to the Palestinians between the creation of the Palestinian Authority and the death of President Arafat (1994-2004), Anne Le More reveals the reasons why foreign aid was not more beneficial, uncovering a context where funds from the international community was poured into the occupied Palestinian territory as a substitute for its lack of real diplomatic engagement. This book also highlights the perverse effects such huge amounts of money has had on the Palestinian population and territory, on Israeli policies in the occupied Palestinian territory, and not least on the conflict itself, particularly the prospect of its resolution along a two-state paradigm. International Assistance to the Palestinians after Oslo gives a unique narrative chronology that makes this complex story easy to understand. These features make this book a classic read for both scholars and practitioners, with lessons to be learned beyond the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper examined the use and meaning of history in the construction of China's new activist foreign policy towards Africa and found that it is the persistence of its use and the concurrent claim of a continuity of underlying purpose that marks Chinese foreign policy out from western approaches which have by and large been content to avoid discussions of the past (for obvious reasons) or insist on any policy continuities.
Abstract: One of the most notable features of the forging of China's new activist foreign policy towards Africa is its emphasis on the historical context of the relationship. These invocations of the past, stretching back to the 15th century but rife with references to events in the 19th century and the cold war period, are regular features of Chinese diplomacy in Africa. Indeed, it is the persistence of its use and the concurrent claim of a continuity of underlying purpose that marks Chinese foreign policy out from western approaches which have by and large been content to avoid discussions of the past (for obvious reasons) or insisting on any policy continuities. However, beneath the platitudes of solidarity is a reading of Chinese historical relations with Africa emanating from Beijing that is, as any student of contemporary African history will know, at times at odds with the historical record of Chinese involvement on the continent. This article will examine the use and meaning of history in the construction o...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a Bourdieudian approach to national diplomacy in the EU is developed to explore how British and Danish officials handle their opt-outs, and it is demonstrated that the two opt-out champions employ various sophisticated strategies to overcome the dilemma between autonomy and influence.
Abstract: How are controversial national opt-outs managed and perceived in the EU? This article argues that the United Kingdom and Denmark compensate diplomatically for the exclusionary effects of their exemptions. A Bourdieudian approach to national diplomacy in the EU is developed to explore how British and Danish officials handle their opt-outs. By drawing on extensive interview data, it is demonstrated that the two opt-out champions employ various sophisticated strategies to overcome the dilemma between autonomy and influence. Some diplomatic strategies reduce marginalization while others enhance it. National opt-outs are ambiguous attempts at avoiding further European integration.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explain how this has happened, what the implications are for Asia's future and whether Southeast Asian states organized for the past forty years through the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) will be able to maintain their pivotal position in Asian affairs.
Abstract: From a geopolitical perspective, the Asian littoral divides into three subregions: Northeast Asia (the People's Republic of China, Japan, North and South Korea, Taiwan and the Russian Far East), Southeast Asia (Brunei, Cambodia, East Timor, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam) and South Asia (India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka). Both Northeast Asia and South Asia contain political and economic Great Powers. In the latter, India's economic activities and growing politico-security influence extend to all of Asia. In the former, Japan, China, South Korea and Taiwan play significant global economic roles, while Tokyo and Beijing are also major political-security players. By contrast, Southeast Asia contains no Great Powers with global reach. While the region consists of several states with vibrant economies--Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand--or economic potential--Vietnam and Indonesia--in geopolitical stature, Southeast Asia pales in comparison to its Northeast and South Asia neighbours. Yet Southeast Asia is where most Asian regional organizations originate and whose structures and procedures are determined by Southeast Asian preferences. The primary goal of this article is to explain how this has happened, what the implications are for Asia's future and whether Southeast Asian states organized for the past forty years through the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) will be able to maintain their pivotal position in Asian affairs. For the past several decades, the Asia-Pacific region has been marked by a difficult asymmetry: the most dangerous disputes lie in Northeast and South Asia while the region's multilateral institutions designed to manage and reduce conflict have originated in Southeast Asia. While ASEAN has maintained its organizational integrity, it has added new internal and external dimensions. The former include the incipient ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA), the ASEAN Interparliamentary Organization which has been particularly vocal in condemning Myanmar's human rights violations, and the "Track Three" ASEAN People's Assembly, an NGO that brings a variety of societal interest groups together to lobby ASEAN governments. ASEAN-dominated organizations encompass the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) on security matters, ASEAN+3 (Japan, South Korea and China), various ASEAN+1 dialogues with important states, the ASEAN-Europe meeting (ASEM), and most recently, regular dialogues with the Gulf Cooperation Council, Africa and Latin America. The newest and most contentious addition to the mix is the East Asian Summit (EAS) inaugurated in December 2005. The EAS brings ASEAN+3 countries together with India, Australia and New Zealand--all of which have signed ASEAN's Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) as a membership condition. Conceptualizing ASEAN The Asia-Pacific region has no hegemon. Instead, political, economic and social networks proliferate. Regional issues are addressed through collective action. The various frameworks have diminished the strength of the absolute sovereignty norm that dominated ASEAN at the time of its 1967 creation. Over the ensuing decades, security issues have become increasingly transnational. Money laundering, human trafficking, environmental degradation, multi-national river development, migratory maritime species, terrorism and piracy require multilateral regime building rather than ad hoc diplomacy. In theory, at least, organizations such as ASEAN have established procedures and decision-making rules in which all governmental stakeholders have a voice. (2) Conceptualizing ASEAN, International Relations theorists generally employ three analytical frameworks: neo-realism, neoliberalism and constructivism. (3) Neo-realists disdain ASEAN's role in regional security because, in their view, institutions are epiphenomenal. Stability depends on the distribution of power within the Asia-Pacific and not on an international organization of small and medium states confined to Southeast Asia. …

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the use of sport as a foreign policy and diplomatic tool on the politically divided Korean peninsula was examined and critically evaluated, focusing on sport's contribution to the improvement of inter-Korean relations and the reunification of the Korean nation.
Abstract: This article examines the use of sport as a foreign policy and diplomatic tool on the politically divided Korean peninsula. The recent increase in sport exchanges between the Republic of Korea (ROK) in the south and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) in the north offer a unique opportunity to analyse the changing role and efficacy of contemporary sport diplomacy. The research investigates and critically evaluates the political agenda of these events on the divided peninsula. The theoretical framework of this study derives from the pluralist paradigm of International Relations. Therefore this article does not only deal with state initiatives and governmental policies but also with non-state and non-governmental organizations. The article focuses on sport's contribution to the improvement of inter-Korean relations and the reunification of the Korean nation, a key policy objective of both countries, in one of the very few remaining politically divided societies. Due to sport's versatile symboli...

Book
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: Art of the First Cities as mentioned in this paper describes the extraordinary art created in the second millennium BC for royal palaces, temples, and tombs from Mesopotamia, Syria, and Anatolia to Cyprus, Egypt, and the Aegean Objects of the highest artistry reflect the development of a sophisticated trade network throughout the eastern Mediterranean region and the resulting fusion of Near Eastern, Mediterranean, and Egyptian cultural styles, documented in the precious materials sent to royal and temple treasuries and, most dramatically, in objects discovered on merchant shipwrecks off the shores of southern Anatolia
Abstract: This important volume describes the extraordinary art created in the second millennium BC for royal palaces, temples, and tombs from Mesopotamia, Syria, and Anatolia to Cyprus, Egypt, and the Aegean Objects of the highest artistry reflect the development of a sophisticated trade network throughout the eastern Mediterranean region and the resulting fusion of Near Eastern, Aegean, and Egyptian cultural stylesThe impact of these far-flung connections is documented in the precious materials sent to royal and temple treasuries and, most dramatically, in objects discovered on merchant shipwrecks off the shores of southern Anatolia The history of the period and the artistic creativity fostered by interaction among the powers of the ancient Near East, both great and small, are discussed by an international group of scholars in essays and entries on the more than 350 objects included in the exhibition, continuing the fascinating story begun in the landmark catalogue "Art of the First Cities" (2003)

Journal Article
TL;DR: Rising Star: China's New Security Diplomacy by Bates Gill as mentioned in this paper is a recent major contribution on the topic of China's "new security diplomacy" which is being played out in practice globally and regionally.
Abstract: Rising Star: China's New Security Diplomacy, by Bates Gill Washington: Brookings Institution Press, 2007 xii + 267 pp US$2895/£1799 (hardcover) Bates Gill is not the first but is the latest author to examine the broad motivations of what is termed China's grand strategy - Avery Goldstein's Rising to the Challenge is a recent major contribution on the topic Gill's book is an excellent companion to the Goldstein volume, but stands firmly on its own merits Its contribution is to analyze in more detail how China's "new security diplomacy" is being played out in practice globally and regionally It does this, in particular, by looking at China's changed approach in three case studies: China's involvement in regional security mechanisms; its attitudes to arms control and weapons of mass destruction; and its approach to sovereignty and intervention A view widely held among scholars, and reflected again in this book, is that a new Chinese grand strategy emerged in the mid-1990s How much this was in response to the diplomatic isolation that followed the Tiananmen Square crisis, the cross-Strait wake -up call for China over Taiwan, or a recognition that China's growth was being seen as threatening, is still debated In any case, China's policies became more pragmatic and (mostly) diplomatically more astute, with its economic growth offering opportunities (if also challenges) to neighbors and to the wider international community This new diplomacy became more evident - and more coherent - after 9/11 While that event facilitated a strengthening of US alliance relationships, at the same time it gave China greater diplomatic space Gill argues, however, that the new security diplomacy was not a result of the war on terror Before that, China had been concerned at US unipolarity and its assertive approach, particularly over Taiwan It had expected a more multipolar world to emerge with the end of the Cold War and its diplomacy initially sought to encourage this Such a world failed to appear and China came to accept not only the inevitability of US unipolarity but also the likelihood that the US would dominate militarily for a considerable time With its "peaceful rise" rhetoric and by acting as a "responsible great power", China has sought with considerable success to position itself as developing peacefully, fitting within the existing international system Its bilateral partnerships program, which Gill shows to be extensive, might be interpreted as a counter to the US alliance system, seeking close relations with countries which will not side against China Ultimately the objectives of China's new security concept are to ensure a peaceful external security environment to enable it to concentrate on domestic development, to reassure neighbors that its rise will be peaceful and to balance the power of the US without confronting it …


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine China's state-led search for energy security and its implications for China's relations with Asia-Pacific countries, especially those with border disputes over maritime territories which may have rich natural resources.
Abstract: China has adopted a state-centered approach towards energy security to deepen political and commercial relationships with all energy producing nations and to aggressively invest in oil fields and pipelines around the world. Applying this approach to its relations with its Asia–Pacific neighbors has produced mixed results. While China's energy diplomacy has brought about opportunities for cooperation with some of its neighbors, notably some countries in Central Asia and continental Southeast Asia, it has become a source of conflict with some other neighbors, especially those with border disputes over maritime territories which may have rich natural resources. This paper examines China's state-led search for energy security and its implications for China's relations with Asia–Pacific countries.

Book
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: In this article, the strength of the law and the Diplomacy of the future are discussed. But the focus is on the role of the international community in the development of a common European energy policy.
Abstract: Introduction: What is Energy Security? * Facing a New Energy Crisis * The Great Game for Measuring the World * Energy Superpower Russia * The Rise of Asia * A Common European Energy Policy * Defending the Last Paradise * Ways Out of Dependence: Solar or Nuclear? * The Strength of the Law and the Diplomacy of the Future * Index

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Jun 2008-Area
TL;DR: This article showed that the global pattern of diplomatic representation is significantly determined by geographical distance between countries, by the power of both sending and recipient countries and by the degree of their ideological affinity.
Abstract: Sending diplomatic missions abroad and receiving foreign missions at home is in the political and economic interests of countries. But such missions depend on domestic and foreign political will and they also cost scarce resources. This article demonstrates that the global pattern of diplomatic representation is significantly determined by geographical distance between countries, by the power of both sending and recipient countries and by the degree of their ideological affinity. The pattern of diplomatic representation is both a reflection of and a contributor to a world of nation-states dominated by geographical distance, unequal power and ideological division.

Book
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: Watanabe et al. as discussed by the authors discussed the impact of Japan-U.S. relations on the JET program as cultural diplomacy and the role of higher education as a projection of America's "soft power".
Abstract: Introduction, Yasushi Watanabe and David L. McConnell Part I: Perception 1. Anti-Americanism in Japan, Yasushi Watanabe 2. Japan's Image Problem and the Soft Power Solution: The JET Program as Cultural Diplomacy, David L. McConnell Part II: Higher Education 3. Higher Education as a Projection of America's "Soft Power," Philip G. Altbach and Patti McGill Peterson 4. Facing Crisis: Soft Power and Japanese Education in a Global Context, Akiyoshi Yonezawa 5. Nurturing Soft Power: The Impact of Japan-U.S. University Exchanges, Ellen Mashiko and Miki Horie Part III. Popular Culture 6. The Attractions of the J-Wave for American Youth, Anne Allison 7. Shared Memories: Japanese Pop Culture in China, Nakano Yoshiko 8. Japan's Creative Industries: Culture as a Source of Soft Power in the Industrial Sector, Sugiura Tsutomu 9. Baseball in U.S.-Japanese Relations: A Vehicle of Soft Power in Historical Perspective, Sayuri Guthrie-Shimizu 10. American Pop Culture as Soft Power: Movies and Broadcasting, Matthew Fraser Part IV: Public Diplomacy 11. Wielding Soft Power: The Key Stages of "Transmission" and "Reception," Seiichi Kondo 12. Official Soft Power in Practice: U.S. Public Diplomacy in Japan, William G. Crowell 13. Japan Does Soft Power: Strategy and Effectiveness of Its Public Diplomacy in the United States, Naoyuki Agawa Part V: Civil Society 14. Mr. Madison in the Twenty-First Century: Global Diffusion of the People's "Right to Know," Lawrence Repeta 15.Soft Power of NGOs: Growing Influence Beyond National Boundaries, Katsuji Imata and Kaori Kuroda Notes - Bibliography - About the Authors.

Book
01 Jul 2008
TL;DR: In "After the Taliban", Dobbins probes the relationship between the Afghan and Iraqi ventures and demonstrates how each damaged the other, with deceptively easy success in Afghanistan breeding overconfidence and then the latter draining essential resources away from the initial effort as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In October 2001, the Bush administration sent Amb. James F. Dobbins, who had overseen nation-building efforts in Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia, and Kosovo, to war-torn Afghanistan to help the Afghans assemble a successor government to the Taliban. From warlords to exiled royalty, from turbaned tribal chieftains to elegant emigre intellectuals, Ambassador Dobbins introduces a range of colourful Afghan figures competing for dominance in the new Afghanistan. His firsthand account of the post-9/11 American diplomacy also reveals how collaboration within Bush's war cabinet began to break down almost as soon as major combat in Afghanistan ceased. His insider's memoir recounts how the administration reluctantly adjusted to its new role as nation-builder, refused to allow American soldiers to conduct peacekeeping operations, opposed dispatching international troops, and short-changed Afghan reconstruction as its attention shifted to Iraq. In"After the Taliban", Dobbins probes the relationship between the Afghan and Iraqi ventures. He demonstrates how each damaged the other, with deceptively easy success in Afghanistan breeding overconfidence and then the latter draining essential resources away from the initial effort. Written by America's most experienced diplomatic troubleshooter, this important new book is for readers looking for insights into how government really works, how diplomacy is actually conducted, and, most importantly, why the United States has failed to stabilise either Afghanistan or Iraq.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examines and compares the protests surrounding two international summits held in Canada: the Vancouver Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit (1997) and the Kananaskis G8 summit (2002).
Abstract: Since the 1970s a growing body of literature has taken a ‘geographic turn’ and sought to incorporate the study of spatial factors into the social sciences. Building on this theoretical literature, this study undertakes a spatial analysis of the contentious politics that have become so closely and regularly linked to international summit diplomacy. The paper examines and compares the protests surrounding two international summits held in Canada: the Vancouver Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit (1997) and the Kananaskis G8 summit (2002). These two cases serve to demonstrate many of the important ways in which space is controlled and contested by both protesters and state actors such as the police.

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TL;DR: The Darfur referral to the International Criminal Court demonstrates the limits of international criminal justice as an agent of wartime deterrence evident in the experience of the ICTY in Bosnia as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The Darfur referral to the International Criminal Court demonstrates the limits of international criminal justice as an agent of wartime deterrence evident in the experience of the ICTY in Bosnia. First, international tribunals cannot deter criminal violence as long as states and international institutions are unwilling to take enforcement actions against perpetrators. Second, the key to ending impunity in an ongoing war lies less in legal deterrence than in political strategies of diplomacy, coercion, or force. Third, the contribution of criminal justice in aftermath of mass atrocity is dependent on which strategies are used to put it to an end.

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TL;DR: The authors argues that an increasingly sea-power-minded China will neither shelter passively in coastal waters, nor throw itself into competition with the United States in the Pacific Ocean, rather, Beijing will direct its energies toward South and Southeast Asia, where supplies of oil, natural gas, and other commodities critical to China's economic development must pass.
Abstract: This article argues that an increasingly sea-power-minded China will neither shelter passively in coastal waters, nor throw itself into competition with the United States in the Pacific Ocean. Rather, Beijing will direct its energies toward South and Southeast Asia, where supplies of oil, natural gas, and other commodities critical to China's economic development must pass. There China will encounter an equally sea-power-minded India that enjoys marked geostrategic advantages. Beijing will likely content itself with ‘soft power’ diplomacy in these regions until it can settle the dispute with Taiwan, freeing up resources for maritime endeavors farther from China's coasts.