Showing papers on "Elitism published in 2020"
24 Mar 2020
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present the first comprehensive study of how technocracy currently challenges representative democracy and asks how technocratic politics undermines democratic legitimacy, and how strong is its challenge to democratic institutions.
Abstract: This book represents the first comprehensive study of how technocracy currently challenges representative democracy and asks how technocratic politics undermines democratic legitimacy. How strong is its challenge to democratic institutions?
The book offers a solid theory and conceptualization of technocratic politics and the technocratic challenge is analyzed empirically at all levels of the national and supra-national institutions and actors, such as cabinets, parties, the EU, independent bodies, central banks and direct democratic campaigns in a comparative and policy perspective. It takes an in-depth analysis addressing elitism, meritocracy, de-politicization, efficiency, neutrality, reliance on science and distrust toward party politics and ideologies, and their impact when pitched against democratic responsiveness, accountability, citizens' input and pluralist competition. In the current crisis of democracy, this book assesses the effects of the technocratic critique against representative institutions, which are perceived to be unable to deal with complex and global problems. It analyzes demands for competent and responsible policy making in combination with the simultaneous populist resistance to experts.
The book will be of key interest to scholars and students of comparative politics, political theory, policy analysis, multi-level governance as well as practitioners working in bureaucracies, media, think-tanks and policy making.
35 citations
TL;DR: The authors argue that the appeal of meritocracy is plain to see, because it appears to promote equality of opportunity, and that people see their own lives as ''meritocratic'' rather than ascribed, and argue that such values are deeply embedded in popular life.
Abstract: The appeal of meritocracy is plain to see, because it appears to promote equality of opportunity.
However, in this paper we argue that meritocracy is also a deeply elitist project. Firstly,
we place Michael Young in context to show how his critique of meritocracy should be understood
as a socialist vision to ameliorate class divides. Secondly, we show how economic
inequality in the UK has not generated systematic resistance: in fact, inequality and belief in
meritocracy have gone hand in hand. Thirdly, we argue that people see their own lives as
meritocratic rather than ascribed, and that such values are deeply embedded in popular life.
We offer two explanations for how such views have come about, and show how they have
helped construct a more unequal society.
28 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explored empirical evidence taken from a large-scale longitudinal investigation based in Spain to shed light on the question of elitism in CLIL by exploring empirical evidence.
Abstract: This article aims to shed light on the question of elitism in CLIL by exploring empirical evidence taken from a large-scale longitudinal investigation based in Spain. To this end, it report...
25 citations
23 citations
01 Jan 2020
TL;DR: In this article, the authors analyze the Faculty of Engineering at the University of Dar es Salaam as an "arena" of competing interests in which actors of different generational, national, ideological, and class backgrounds struggled over the meaning of the engineering profession, which has traditionally been at the heart of modernization projects.
Abstract: Higher education was a central concern of postcolonial governments as they set out to produce national academic elites. In socialist Tanzania, the elitism inherent to systems of higher education was challenged by policies aiming to create an egalitarian society. This chapter analyzes the Faculty of Engineering at the University of Dar es Salaam as an “arena” of competing interests in which actors of different generational, national, ideological, and class backgrounds struggled over the meaning of the engineering profession, which has traditionally been at the heart of modernization projects, and the allocation of resources. It discusses how the faculty was established and run with foreign (particularly West German) aid and personnel, what critiques were brought forward against this orientation, and how the economic crisis and engineers’ peculiar position eventually provided a pretext for the commercialization of the faculty—a process that signaled the gradual demise of Tanzanian socialism in the late 1970s and 1980s.
17 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that a reorientation of policy, which is upheld through an initiative known as the Higher Education Sprout Project, indicates the fundamental shift in higher education internationalisation in Taiwan.
Abstract: The literature suggests that recent years have witnessed a fundamental shift in higher education internationalisation. This paper argues that a reorientation of policy, which is upheld through an initiative known as the Higher Education Sprout Project, indicates the fundamental shift in higher education internationalisation in Taiwan. The paper begins with an explanation of how the notion of world-class university induced elitism in East Asian higher education. Next, it reviews the last two decades of Taiwan’s efforts on developing world-class universities. In particular, the paper explains how perceived domestic problems in higher education, such as an overemphasis on certain performance indicators and the resulting effects of homogenisation, and the phenomenon of emphasising research but neglecting teaching, are considered the consequences of emphasising global competition and the associated quest for building world-class universities. The paper argues that the recent policy change reveals an intention to uphold egalitarianism, thereby reaching a balance between fulfilling global ambition and addressing local needs in higher education. This intention highlights the political essence of internationalisation policy for higher education. It also reaffirms the significance of the global–local dynamics in higher education policy.
16 citations
TL;DR: In a post-truth era of fake news and alternative facts, it is relatively commonplace for people to question established authority and perhaps especially the surrogates of authority such as academic degrees and credentials that are often equated with elitism as discussed by the authors.
10 citations
TL;DR: The authors argue that in place of either penal populism or penal elitism, academics should engage in democratically grounded practices to reverse harsh justice by including the public in a reformulated politics of punishment.
Abstract: In recent decades, many scholars have invoked the concept of penal populism to explain the adoption of “tough on crime” measures and a wider politics of “law and order” across the post-industrialized world. But scholars who invoke the concept often betray an implicit commitment to its twin ideology—penal elitism—the belief that penal policymaking should not be subjected to public debate and that matters pertaining to crime control and punishment should be left to experts or specialists. The doctrine contains four key properties: isolationism; scientism; a narrow notion of “the political”; and a thin conception of “populism.” Isolationism involves creating buffers around arenas of social life—including criminal justice systems—to remove them from what is held to be undue democratic influence. Scientism is the overvaluation of scientific reason and the dismissal of a public believed to be emotional, irrational, or exceedingly simplistic. Politics conceived narrowly limits “the political” to that which takes place within the formal political system, ignoring the wider notion of politics as the exercise of symbolic power in everyday life, which extends far beyond the political system as such. The thin conception of “populism” ignores the fact that populism is an ideology promising to protect the public from harms of neoliberal capitalism that nevertheless fails to offer a plausible alternative to market rule. In this article, I argue that in place of either penal populism or penal elitism, academics should engage in democratically grounded practices to reverse harsh justice by including the public in a reformulated politics of punishment.
8 citations
12 Nov 2020
TL;DR: It is argued that through the World Festivals of Youth and Students, the Soviet Union harnessed the universal language of sport as a tool of cultural diplomacy with which to expand develop an international socialist sports youth network.
Abstract: During the first decade of the Cold War, the communist-sponsored World Festivals of Youth and Students included a program of international sports events that provided elite athletes with a self-standing arena of international competition. They also encouraged mass participation in sports, without social, racial, or political discrimination, thereby implicitly questioning elitism in sport. The present paper argues that through the World Festivals of Youth and Students, the Soviet Union harnessed the universal language of sport as a tool of cultural diplomacy with which to expand develop an international socialist sports youth network. The Festival sporting events represented an alternative model of international sport, run in parallel to the Olympics, whose ideals of peace, friendship, and mutual understanding they shared.
7 citations
01 Jan 2020
TL;DR: In this article, the authors define the construct of the international school by pointing out the somewhat contradictory nature of its ideological and administrative purpose, and emphasize the relationship such schools tend to have with their local communities, showing there is a gap between discourse and practice.
Abstract: This chapter defines the construct of the international school by pointing out the somewhat contradictory nature of its ideological and administrative purpose. In analyzing the troublesome construct of the international school, emphasis is placed on the relationship such schools tend to have with their local communities, showing there is a gap between discourse and practice. This opens the debate on the construct of global citizenship and global citizenship education (GCE). The two tensions that run through all of these different notions (international school, global citizenship, GCE) are, on the one hand, tension between local and global affiliations and, on the other, tension between a human rights rhetoric dedicated to sustainability and privileged cosmopolitan elitism. The chapter concludes with examples and suggestions of international school curricular directions that have the potential to unify the local with the global, thereby reducing the distance between mission and reality.
TL;DR: A recent survey on behalf of the French Society of Astronomy and Astrophysics highlights the elitism and gender discrimination faced by women when applying for permanent positions in astronomy in France.
Abstract: A recent national survey on behalf of the French Society of Astronomy and Astrophysics highlights the elitism and gender discrimination faced by women — particularly women educated in universities rather than grandes ecoles — when applying for permanent positions in astronomy in France.
Posted Content•
TL;DR: The flow of elite mathematicians between countries and lingo-ethnic identity is shown, using network analysis and natural language processing on 240,000 mathematicians and their advisor–advisee relationships and increases in pluralism among major countries, though Arabic, African, and East Asian identities remain under-represented at the elite level.
Abstract: The Fields Medal, often referred as the Nobel Prize of mathematics, is awarded to no more than four mathematician under the age of 40, every four years. In recent years, its conferral has come under scrutiny of math historians, for rewarding the existing elite rather than its original goal of elevating mathematicians from under-represented communities. Prior studies of elitism focus on citational practices and sub-fields; the structural forces that prevent equitable access remain unclear. Here we show the flow of elite mathematicians between countries and lingo-ethnic identity, using network analysis and natural language processing on 240,000 mathematicians and their advisor-advisee relationships. We found that the Fields Medal helped integrate Japan after WWII, through analysis of the elite circle formed around Fields Medalists. Arabic, African, and East Asian identities remain under-represented at the elite level. Through analysis of inflow and outflow, we rebuts the myth that minority communities create their own barriers to entry. Our results demonstrate concerted efforts by international academic committees, such as prize-giving, are a powerful force to give equal access. We anticipate our methodology of academic genealogical analysis can serve as a useful diagnostic for equality within academic fields.
TL;DR: In the past ten years, fast-track social work qualifying training routes have been introduced and rapidly expanded in England as mentioned in this paper, and these programmes justify their existence through rhetoric that impli...
Abstract: Over the past ten years, fast-track social work qualifying training routes have been introduced and rapidly expanded in England. These programmes justify their existence through rhetoric that impli...
TL;DR: In modern times, loyalty to the nation state, particularly a relatively universal nation-state able to assimilate diverse groups like the U.S., tended to tend to... as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: In modern times, loyalty to the nation state, particularly a relatively universal nation-state able to assimilate diverse groups like the U.S., what Amy Chua (2018) calls a “super-group,” tended to...
TL;DR: The plausibility of explanatory elitism, the view that a good scientific explanation of an outcome will show that it was highly probable as mentioned in this paper, was examined in the context of the election of Donald Trump.
Abstract: I evaluate the plausibility of explanatory elitism, the view that a good scientific explanation of an outcome will show that it was highly probable. I consider an argument from Michael Strevens tha...
TL;DR: The authors investigated how political, sociocultural and economic dimensions impacted on the development and initial implementation of the Social Workers Registration Act (2003) and how key actors at the time were affected.
Abstract: INTRODUCTION: The Aotearoa New Zealand social work professionalisation project disrupted underpinning grassroots narratives of the profession and led to decades of debate and conflict. Social work emphasises egalitarian approaches and, during the 1980s and 1990s, social workers responded to internal and external challenges of elitism, racism, and sexism. However, the ongoing professionalisation project has been at times, at odds with social justice imperatives and undermined by neoliberal drivers. METHODS: This research investigated how political, sociocultural and economic dimensions impacted on the development and initial implementation of the Social Workers Registration Act (2003) and how key actors at the time were affected. A qualitative realist research methodology has been utilised, analysing qualitative interviews with 22 participants, policy documents and archival data to clarify discourses of power and capture the voices and rich stories of those involved in the debates at the time. FINDINGS: A sociological lens was utilised to focus and frame the coalescing political, socio-cultural and economic forces that contributed to the problematising of social work professionalisation and the determining of the need for registration. Insight from some key actors at the time, including educators, the profession, tangata whenua, employers, practitioners, the State, and the public were considered. CONCLUSIONS: Examining these forces behind the professionalisation project provides a platform to consider if social work in Aotearoa New Zealand has been strengthened with registration. There are ongoing challenges and threats to the independence and social justice focus of the profession that grew alongside the grassroots of social work.
TL;DR: In particular, the sociology of education is often suspicious about educators when they describe their ideal students and tends to see these descriptions as euphemisations, s... as discussed by the authors, which is not the case here.
Abstract: Critical, and in particular Bourdieusian, sociology of education is often suspicious about educators when they describe their ideal students. It tends to see these descriptions as euphemisations, s...
01 Jan 2020
TL;DR: The work of as mentioned in this paper sheds light on Walter Benjamin's and Antonio Gramsci's treatments of elitist traditions and provides a historical contextualization and brief comparison of the theoretical and political developments of the two contemporaries under this aspect.
Abstract: The article sheds light on Walter Benjamin’s and Antonio Gramsci’s treatments of elitist traditions. It provides a historical contextualization and brief comparison of the theoretical and political developments of the two contemporaries under this aspect. In the Origin of the German Trauerspiel (1924/25), Benjamin’s historical-philosophical aesthetics are enriched by a history of concepts which increasingly takes up socio-historical aspects. This approach goes beyond Benjamin’s programmatic formulations at the beginning of the 1920s, in which he regarded the work of art as a privileged medium of historical insight that, in theory and method, had to be isolated from history. As for Gramsci, the article elaborates an increasing mediation between social and literary history. This is done, on the one hand, by comparing Gramsci’s statements on Italian Futurism between 1913 and 1922 and, on the other hand, by tracing and examining Gramsci’s criticism of Benedetto Croce’s assessment of the reasons leading to World War I in his History of Europe in the Nineteenth Century (1932) in the Prison Notebooks (Quaderno 10). Despite their differences, the examination of these developments in Benjamin and Gramsci shows three common features in their works of the 1930s: Firstly, both of them change their relation to radical democratic, Jacobin traditions. Secondly, they both display an increasingly historical understanding of concepts of literary intelligence under the aspect of their relationship to the reading public. Thirdly, this understanding led both of them to analyze the rise of fascism in Italy and Germany with regard also to ‘elitist traditions’ in which intellectuals distance themselves from the public for various reasons and motives, but with the consequence that an understanding of their participation in discourses and traditions becomes impossible.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that one does not have to base egalitarian democracy on postmodernist ideas that reject the truth-tracking potential of democratic procedures, and that egalitarian democracy is perfectly compatible with the idea of truth in politics.
Abstract: In his influential book Disagreement: Politics and Philosophy Jacques Ranciere builds a substantial critique of liberal regimes present in most Western countries. He finds them defective because: (1) they allow wealth and economic power of groups and individuals to influence public decision-making, making those with economic power an elite group; (2) they allow knowledge and expertise of groups and individuals to influence public decision-making, making those with epistemic power an elite group; (3) they allow and encourage social and economic conditions that make people inappropriate for decision-making on important issues, making those with certain characteristics thus acquired an inferior group. We focus on the Ranciere’s second objection by relying on Estlund’s epistemic proceduralis approach and claim that one does not have to embrace postmodernist idea of reducing reason to relations of power in order to present a substantial critique of our contemporary society. Furthermore, we argue that one does not have to base egalitarian democracy on postmodernist ideas that reject the truth-tracking potential of democratic procedures – egalitarian democracy is perfectly compatible with the idea of truth in politics.
TL;DR: The authors discuss what scholars in both the global North and South can do to reform the discipline to address May's concerns, in terms of 1 action those in the global South must consistently attempt, and 4 responsibilities of those in global North.
Abstract: In volume 103 of Modern Language Journal, Stephen May suggested that the multilingual turn has not fully delivered on its promises, pointing out second language acquisition (SLA) researchers? continued focus on parallel monolingualisms rather than on dynamic bi/multilingualism, the lack of theorization of historicity in sociolinguistic research on the latter, the balkanization of academic knowledge preventing transdisciplinary scholarship, and West-centered methodological nationalism. While I agree with his points, I believe the solution requires more than critical reflexivity, reading beyond our areas of interest, and relinquishing fast-held methodological principles. Scholarly hegemony and disciplinary elitism exist because we are more than minds touting theories and epistemologies. We must acknowledge how we, as researchers, seek cultural prestige and economic well-being by affiliating with the global North and its mechanisms for knowledge production. Given this, I discuss what scholars in both the global North and South can do to reform the discipline to address May's concerns, in terms of 1 action those in the global South must consistently attempt, and 4 responsibilities of those in the global North.
Posted Content•
TL;DR: This article developed a model that highlights two forces behind electoral success: numbers and knowledge, and identified conditions under which a left-behind majority encourages entry by a party offering an anti-elite platform.
Abstract: Two common characteristics of populism are anti-elitism and favoring popular will over expertise. The recent successes of populists are often attributed to the common people, the majority of voters, being left behind by mainstream parties. This paper shows that the two characteristics of populism are responses to the common people being left behind. We develop a model that highlights two forces behind electoral success: numbers and knowledge. Numbers give the common people an electoral advantage, knowledge the elite. We show that electoral competition may lead parties to cater to the elites interest, creating a left-behind majority. Next, we identify conditions under which a left-behind majority encourages entry by a party offering an anti-elite platform. Finally, we identify conditions under which parties follow the opinion of the common people when that group would benefit from parties relying on experts.
01 Jan 2020
TL;DR: Demeter as discussed by the authors discusses the dynamics behind the problem of inequality through a discussion of economic, epistemic, moral and institutional problems, including those directly linked to the global academy, and presents the main economic, moral, and epistemic problems of Western elitism that not only totally exclude the periphery, but also lead to serious fallback in global knowledge production.
Abstract: This chapter deals with the dynamics behind the problem of inequality through a discussion of economic, epistemic, moral and institutional problems, including those directly linked to the global academy. The author introduces the main processes that have historically led to a core-periphery structure in international science. This chapter also discusses the network-based operation of the elite academic institutions which they use to systematically overvalue one another’s academic capital of each other and to constitute an excluding elitism that the author calls (paraphrasing Bourdieu’s state nobility) the development of a Global Nobility. Finally, Demeter presents the main economic, moral and epistemic problems of Western elitism that not only totally exclude the periphery, but also lead to serious fallback in global knowledge production.
15 Apr 2020
TL;DR: The authors argue for the importance of defending the free time of the university and school against a "time of production" as a defining characteristic of a university and a school, and show how a time of production undermines the very possibility of education, and therefore also tends to negate pluralist democracy.
Abstract: In this article I address education beyond individualism, elitism and instrumentalism and instead understand education as central for a democratic way of life. I discuss the role of education in the making of democratic forms of life in the university, in the school as well as in other contexts outside institutions. I argue for the importance of defending the “free time” of the university and school against a “time of production” as a defining characteristic of university and school. I will show how a time of production undermine the very possibility of education, and which therefore also tends to negate pluralist democracy.
TL;DR: The dean narrated this story half-jokingly, apparently feeling it was funny as mentioned in this paper, but he might not fully understand the roots of this student's complaint, as the qualities of those Chinese undergraduates, in his opinion, were no comparison to his.
Abstract: At an academic conference, I chatted with the Dean of Admissions from a prestigious public university in the mid-West and was struck by a story he told me: A Chinese doctoral student walked into his office one day and blasted him for admitting so many undergraduates from China, saying that this devalued his own credentials, as the qualities of those Chinese undergraduates, in his opinion, were no comparison to his.
The dean narrated this story half-jokingly, apparently feeling it was funny. However, he might not fully understand the roots of this student’s complaint. In a test-oriented Chinese education system, students are ranked by test scores, and by test scores only. In this student’s eyes, he had been able to score high on the competitive Gaokao, and then was selected by an equally, if not more, competitive screening to study at this famous U.S. university (Liu 2016). In his view, he had abilities superior to those who were not able to score high on the Gaokao but, instead, paid to study at the same university he had tried so hard to get into. This student’s statements may sound crude and cruel, but they are based on the perspective from his small world.
However, the larger world is changing and getting flatter (Friedman 2005). In part, that means an increasing number of Chinese students have access to world-class universities. Despite the massive growth of higher education sector in China, only two Chinese universities are ranked among the top 100 best universities in the world, while 41 out of these top 100 are located in the United States (Times higher education 2018). With the increasing proportion of upper middle-class families in today’s China, more and more Chinese students do not have to rely on American scholarships to study at American institutions. The recent history of Chinese students’ dependency on full American scholarships to study abroad was merely a reflection of the economic deprivation and limited education opportunities of the country at that time. This gave rise to the mindset of academic elitism exhibited by this doctoral student, which sees prestigious universities as belonging to the few students who can outscore the masses. Perhaps, instead, he should feel happy for the younger generation of Chinese students who have the freedom to choose.
This change, of Chinese international students’ academic and social backgrounds and their ensuing experiences abroad, has motivated my research over the past 7 years. My book (Ma 2020) Ambitious and Anxious has shown a diverse set of Chinese students in terms of both family backgrounds and education trajectories. Their capacity to pay for the overseas education has often obscured their socioeconomic diversity, the parental sacrifices and their own academic and social challenges and struggles.
In other words, this freedom to choose and access a wider set of education options overseas is backed by economic resources that are vastly unequally distributed among Chinese students and their families. Perhaps this doctoral student is frustrated partly because American universities often admit Chinese undergraduates who have the resources to study here.
This touches upon a thorny identity issue that American universities, particularly selective ones, have to grapple with. How can they avoid being considered bastions of privilege and wealth? Over the past few decades, American universities have made efforts to recruit students from humble backgrounds. However, these efforts have been almost exclusively limited to domestic students. For many institutions, the tuition dollars of international students are a key revenue source for funding financial aid for domestic students. This logic may help balance the books, but it runs the risk of challenging institutions’ meritocratic ideals. The increasing concentration of economic elites from foreign countries may not enter into the diversity metrics of campus administrators, but surely it tacitly reinforces the culture of privilege and wealth that our universities strive to break out of.
TL;DR: In this paper, an ethnographic analysis of the socio-cultural life of the heirs of the Israeli economic elite and the boundary-making processes that philanthropy allows them as they face internal and external challenges is presented.
Abstract: The crisis of neoliberalism and the upsurge of populist politics have renewed interest in how contemporary economic elites justify their privileged position, trying to be “moral” and “rich” in an era of increasing inequality and an anti-elite climate. We addressed this question through an ethnographic analysis of the socio-cultural life of the heirs of the Israeli economic elite and of the boundary-making processes that philanthropy allows them as they face internal and external challenges. Adopting analytical tools from a cultural process approach to inequality and a contextual approach to elite distinction, we suggest that the heirs generate distinct social and symbolic position within a changing field of power by presenting themselves as an “elite without elitism.” This is accomplished through a mutually reinforcing interplay between intra-elite distinctions and “inter-class inconspicuous distinction.” We contribute to the current analysis of elite reproduction “beyond Bourdieu” first by pointing at the (re)production of power and difference within the elite, and second by showing that where distinctions are drawn, matters.
TL;DR: Roadside Theater as mentioned in this paper is a populist theatre company that refuses liberal elitism, activist vanguardism, and the authoritarian pseudo-populism of Donald Trump, and works in grassroots partnerships that...
Abstract: Roadside Theater is a populist theatre company. Refusing liberal elitism, activist vanguardism, and the authoritarian pseudo-populism of Donald Trump, Roadside works in grassroots partnerships that...
30 Jun 2020
01 Jan 2020
TL;DR: In this article, the authors put forward the value of education in terms of deep-level individual development, and the role of culture, creativity and imagination are proposed as worth pursuing following early ideas about learning and spiritual development.
Abstract: This chapter posits the transition into academia as entailing tension between the attraction of intellectualism/historical elitism and the sometimes illogical pedantry. It considers what this means for teachers who care about first-in-the-family students and for first-in-the-family academics developing their careers. The role of culture, creativity and imagination are proposed as worth pursuing following consideration of early ideas about learning and spiritual development. The chapter puts forward the value of education in terms of deep-level individual development. The metacognitive work undertaken by learning advisors and academic developers is acknowledged as extremely valuable in the current secular educational environment. Textual self-construction in research writing is factored into academic development. Consideration of life’s demands frames emphasis on holistic development, with a story demonstration of that mesh.
Journal Article•
TL;DR: In this article, the authors analyzed the current, but insufficiently researched problems regarding the role of the scientific elite in the processes of establishment, formation and development of the principles of e-government.
Abstract: Purpose: The purpose of the article to determine the philosophical and legal content and the essence of the concept of “scientific elite” and its role in the formation of e-government as one of the main factors of the information society. Methodology: The methodological basis for the Article is a system of philosophical approaches, general scientific, special scientific and legal methods. The interdisciplinary approach has ensured multifaceted research of the development of the information society. Besides, dialectical, synergetic, systematic, historical, comparative and prognostic methods were used in the course of the study. Results of the study: The article analyzes the current, but insufficiently researched problems regarding the role of the scientific elite in the processes of establishment, formation and development of the principles of e-government. The emphasis is placed on clarifying the features of one of the main components of the information society on the way to its transformation into a knowledge society-the introduction of e-government as an effective means of implementing the constitutional right of citizens to participate in public administration. Practical implications: According to the results, it was concluded that in the context of egovernment (in the information society) a person, whose level of knowledge and intelligence does not meet the requirements of the time, cannot belong to the elite. The knowledge of computer science and other modern areas of knowledge does not make a person elitist. It seems that the signs of elitism should first of all remain high spirituality, nobility, sophistication, deep inner need to be useful to people and the Motherland. Value/Originality: The authors emphasizes the fact that only those whose level of knowledge and intelligence meet the criteria put forward by modern civilization can belong to the elite in the information age. Thus, the key role of the scientific elite in the further development of the information society in Ukraine is substantiated.