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Showing papers on "Ideology published in 2000"


Journal Article
TL;DR: Using critical race theory as a framework, the authors provided an examination of racial microaggressions and how they influence the collegiate racial climate using focus group interview data from African American students at three universities.
Abstract: Microaggressions are subtle insults (verbal, nonverbal, and/or visual) directed toward people of color, often automatically or unconsciously. Using critical race theory as a framework, the study described in this article provides an examination of racial microaggressions and how they influence the collegiate racial climate. Using focus group interview data from African American students at three universities, it reveals that racial microaggressions exist in both academic and social spaces in the collegiate environment. The study shows how African American students experience and respond to racial microaggressions. It also demonstrates how racial microaggressions have a negative impact on the campus racial climate. ... one must not look for the gross and obvious. The subtle, cumulative miniassault is the substance of today's racism... (Pierce, 1974, p. 516) In and of itself a microaggression may seem harmless, but the cumulative burden of a lifetime of microaggressions can theoretically contribute to diminished mortality, augmented morbidity, and flattened confidence. (Pierce, 1995, p. 281) These two epigraphs by psychiatrist Chester Pierce over a 21-year period speak volumes about an important, persistent, and underresearched social problem in the United States: racial microaggressions. Little is known about microaggressions, and yet this subtle form of racism has a dramatic impact on the lives of African Americans. Pierce and his colleagues have defined racial microaggressions as "subtle, stunning, often automatic, and nonverbal exchanges which are 'put downs' of blacks by offenders" (Pierce, Carew, Pierce-Gonzalez, & Wills, 1978, p. 66). They further maintain that these "offensive mechanisms used against blacks often are innocuous" and that the "cumulative weight of their never-ending burden is the major ingredient in black-white interactions" (p. 66). Additionally, Davis (1989) defined racial microaggressions as "stunning, automatic acts of disregard that stem from unconscious attitudes of white superiority and constitute a verification of black inferiority" (p. 1576). Racial microaggressions, or unconscious and subtle forms of racism, though pervasive, are seldom investigated (Delgado & Stefancic, 1992; Johnson, 1988; Lawrence, 1987; Sol6rzano, 1998). Occasionally, African American students get a glimpse into the world of unconscious racism as demonstrated in comments such as those related to us by students who participated in the study described in this article: "When I [a White person] talk about those Blacks, I really wasn't talking about you," "You [a Black person] are not like the rest of them. You're different," "If only there were more of them [Black people] like you [a Black person]," and "I don't think of you [a Black person] as Black." Referring to White authority figures in particular (i.e., judges and other criminal justice authorities), Davis (1989) has suggested that Whites are capable of such utterances because "cognitive habit, history, and culture [have made them] unable to hear the range of relevant voices and grapple with what reasonably might be said in the voice of discrimination's victims" (p. 1576). Subsequently, as Pierce (1974) maintained, each Black person "must be taught to recognize these microaggressions and construct his future by taking appropriate action at each instance of recognition" (p. 520). RACE, RAcism, AND RACIAL MICROAGGRESSIONS Our study of the collegiate racial climate and the effect of racial microaggressions begins by defining race and racism. One can argue that dominant groups often attempt to legitimate their position via ideological means or a set of beliefs that explains or justifies some actual or potential social arrangement. According to Banks (1995), an examination of U.S. history reveals that the "color line" of race is a socially constructed category, created to differentiate racial groups and to show the superiority or dominance of one race-in particular, Whites-over others. …

2,144 citations


Book
01 Jan 2000
TL;DR: In this paper, David Harvey brings an exciting perspective to two of the principal themes of contemporary social discourse: globalization and the body, and places the working body in relation to this new geography, finding in Marx's writings a wealth of relevant analysis and theoretical insight.
Abstract: As the twentieth century drew to a close, the rich were getting richer; power was concentrating within huge corporations; vast tracts of the earth were being laid waste; and, three quarters of the earth's population had no control over its destiny and no claim to basic rights. There was nothing new in this. What was new was the virtual absence of any political will to do anything about it. "Spaces of Hope" takes issue with this. David Harvey brings an exciting perspective to two of the principal themes of contemporary social discourse: globalization and the body. Exploring the uneven geographical development of late-twentieth-century capitalism, and placing the working body in relation to this new geography, he finds in Marx's writings a wealth of relevant analysis and theoretical insight. In order to make much-needed changes, Harvey maintains, we need to become the architects of a different living and working environment and to learn to bridge the micro-scale of the body and the personal and the macro-scale of global political economy. Utopian movements have for centuries tried to construct a just society. Harvey looks at their history to ask why they failed and what the ideas behind them might still have to offer. His devastating description of the existing urban environment (Baltimore is his case study) fuels his argument that we can and must use the force of utopian imagining against all who say 'there is no alternative'. He outlines a new kind of utopian thought, which he calls dialectical utopianism, and refocuses our attention on possible designs for a more equitable world of work and living with nature. If any political ideology or plan is to work, he argues, it must take account of our human qualities. Finally, Harvey dares to sketch a very personal utopian vision in an appendix, one that leaves no doubt about his own geography of hope.

1,989 citations


Book ChapterDOI
TL;DR: In the past two decades, the ideology of shareholder value has become entrenched as a principle of corporate governance among companies based in the United States and Britain this article and has become prominent in the corporate governance debates in European nations such as Germany, France and Sweden.
Abstract: Over the past two decades the ideology of shareholder value has become entrenched as a principle of corporate governance among companies based in the United States and Britain. Over the past two or three years, the rhetoric of shareholder value has become prominent in the corporate governance debates in European nations such as Germany, France and Sweden. Within the past year, the arguments for ‘maximizing shareholder value’ have even achieved prominence in Japan. In 1999 the OECD issued a document, The OECD Principles of Corporate Governance, that emphasizes that corporations should be run, first and foremost, in the interests of shareholders (OECD, 1999)

1,533 citations


Book ChapterDOI
TL;DR: The term ''neo-liberalism'' denotes new forms of political-economic governance premised on the extension of market relationships as discussed by the authors, and is more widely used than its counterparts including, for example, economic rationalism, monetarism, neo-conservatism, managerialism and contractualism.
Abstract: The term ''neo-liberalism'' denotes new forms of political-economic governance premised on the extension of market relationships. In critical social science literatures, the term has usurped labels referring to specific political projects (Thatcherism, Regeanomics, Rogernomics), and is more widely used than its counterparts including, for example, economic rationalism, monetarism, neo-conservatism, managerialism and contractualism.

1,220 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: These results challenge prevailing notions of prejudice as an antipathy in that BS (an affectionate, patronizing ideology) reflects inequality and is a cross-culturally pervasive complement to HS.
Abstract: The authors argue that complementary hostile and benevolent components of sexism exist across cultures. Male dominance creates hostile sexism IHS), but men's dependence on women fosters benevolent sexism (BS)-subjectively positive attitudes that put women on a pedestal but reinforce their subordination. Research with 15,000 men and women in 19 nations showed that (a) HS and BS are coherent constructs that correlate positively across nations, but (b) HS predicts the ascription of negative and BS the ascription of positive traits to women, (c) relative to men, women are more likely to reject HS than BS, especially when overall levels of sexism in a culture are high, and (d) national averages on BS and HS predict gender inequality across nations. These results challenge prevailing notions of prejudice as an antipathy in that BS tan affectionate, patronizing ideology) reflects inequality and is a cross-culturally pervasive complement to HS.

1,036 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the effects of ideological control in conventional entrepreneurial discourses and praxis are discussed, and it is shown that the concept of entrepreneurship is discriminatory, gender-biased, ethnocentrically determined and ideologically controlled.
Abstract: This article discusses the effects of ideological control in conventional entrepreneurial discourses and praxis. Following postmodernist, deconstructionist and critical theory traditions, the ideas expressed about the phenomenon of entrepreneurship, and its contiguous notions and concepts, are deconstructed to reveal the dysfunctional effects of ideological control both in research and in praxis. It is shown that the concept of entrepreneurship is discriminatory, gender-biased, ethnocentrically determined and ideologically controlled, sustaining not only prevailing societal biases, but serving as a tapestry for un- examined and contradictory assumptions and knowledge about the reality of entrepreneurs.

686 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For instance, the authors found that both husbands and wives are acting to neutralize a nonnormative provider role when they do housework, and that the phenomenon is more likely one of deviance neutralization than of gender display.
Abstract: The fundamental question in the study of the gendered division of household labor has come to be why, in the face of dramatic changes in women's employment and earnings, housework remains “women's work.” As a possible answer to this question, Brines (1994) presented a provocative conceptual model of the relationship between economic dependence and the performance of housework by wives and husbands. She concluded that the link between economic dependence and housework follows rules of economic exchange for wives, but among husbands, a gender display model is operative. This paper replicates and extends Brines' model by (a) replicating her work using a different data set; (b) adding additional controls to the model, including a measure of gender ideology; and (c) modeling a distributional (as opposed to absolute) measure of housework. For a measure of hours spent doing housework, the results of my analyses are consistent with Brines' suggestion of separate gender-specific processes linking economic dependence and amount of housework performed. For a distributional measure of housework, on the other hand, my analyses contradict Brines' findings and suggest that both husbands and wives are acting to neutralize a nonnormative provider role when they do housework. Further analyses suggest that the phenomenon is more likely one of deviance neutralization than of gender display.

678 citations


Book
08 May 2000
TL;DR: The authors in this paper conclude that low public confidence in democratic leaders and institutions is a function of actual performance, changing expectations, and the role of information, and that the sources of the problem include governments' diminished capacity to act in an interdependent world and a decline in institutional performance, in combination with new public expectations and uses of information.
Abstract: It is a notable irony that as democracy replaces other forms of governing throughout the world, citizens of the most established and prosperous democracies (the United States and Canada, Western European nations, and Japan) increasingly report dissatisfaction and frustration with their governments. Here, some of the most influential political scientists at work today examine why this is so in a volume unique in both its publication of original data and its conclusion that low public confidence in democratic leaders and institutions is a function of actual performance, changing expectations, and the role of information. The culmination of research projects directed by Robert Putnam through the Trilateral Commission and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, these papers present new data that allow more direct comparisons across national borders and more detailed pictures of trends within countries than previously possible. They show that citizen disaffection in the Trilateral democracies is not the result of frayed social fabric, economic insecurity, the end of the Cold War, or public cynicism. Rather, the contributors conclude, the trouble lies with governments and politics themselves. The sources of the problem include governments' diminished capacity to act in an interdependent world and a decline in institutional performance, in combination with new public expectations and uses of information that have altered the criteria by which people judge their governments. Although the authors diverge in approach, ideological affinity, and interpretation, they adhere to a unified framework and confine themselves to the last quarter of the twentieth century. This focus--together with the wealth of original research results and the uniform strength of the individual chapters--sets the volume above other efforts to address the important and increasingly international question of public dissatisfaction with democratic governance. This book will have obvious appeal for a broad audience of political scientists, politicians, policy wonks, and that still sizable group of politically minded citizens on both sides of the Atlantic and Pacific.

573 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the real myth of the globalisation discourse is part of an intensifying ideological, political, socioeconomic, and cultural struggle over the organisation of society and the position of the citizen therein.
Abstract: In this paper I critically assess the alleged process of globalisation of the world economy. Five interrelated themes are addressed. First, I argue that the ‘real’ myth of the globalisation discourse is part of an intensifying ideological, political, socioeconomic, and cultural struggle over the organisation of society and the position of the citizen therein. Second, the ‘mythical’ resurrection of the ‘local’ or ‘regional’ scale—both in theory and in practice—is an integral part of the ‘myth’ of globalisation. Third, the preeminence of the ‘global’ in much of the literature and political rhetoric obfuscates, marginalises, and silences an intense and ongoing sociospatial struggle in which the reconfiguration of spatial scales of governance takes a central position. Fourth, the ‘rhetoric’ of globalisation is paralleled by and facilitates the emergence of more authoritarian or at least autocratic forms of governance. Fifth, the proliferation of new modes and forms of resistance to the restless process of det...

560 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, it is suggested that the new institutionalism contains ambiguous and contradictory notions of change, and that a patchwork of exogenous factors such as technology, culture, and ideology feed into institutional change in unclear ways.
Abstract: It is suggested that the new institutionalism contains ambiguous and contradictory notions of change. By setting up a model that explains institutional constraints on decision makers, the new institutionalism correctly points out the limits of a rational choice framework of economic decision making. However, by failing to explain the sources and avenues of modifications of those constraints, the new institutionalism is unable to provide a satisfactory explanation of change. Instead, a patchwork of exogenous factors is found, such as technology, culture, and ideology, which feed into institutional change in unclear ways. Those factors for change should be examined directly, rather than through the proxy of institutions.

559 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper found that White respondents appear to be more prejudiced in the interviews than in the survey, use a new racetalk to avoid appearing 'racist', and that the themes and arguments that they mobilize are congruent with what other analysts have labeled as ''laissez faire'' or ''competitive' racism.
Abstract: Survey-based research on Whites' racial attitudes in the USA has characterized their views as either `tolerant' or `ambivalent'. We argue that surveys on racial attitudes have systematically underestimated the extent of prejudice in the White population. The legal and normative changes created by the civil rights movement of the 1960s brought a new racial ideology (`color blind racism'), with new topics and a new form. These matters were examined by collecting survey and interview data from college students in three universities. The main findings were that White respondents appear to be more prejudiced in the interviews than in the survey, use a new racetalk to avoid appearing `racist', and that the themes and arguments that they mobilize are congruent with what other analysts have labeled as `laissez faire' or `competitive' racism.

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Mar 2000
TL;DR: Frame theory is often credited with "bringing ideas back in" social movement studies, but frames are not the only useful ideational concepts as discussed by the authors, and there is more to ideology than framing.
Abstract: Frame theory is often credited with "bringing ideas back in" social movement studies, but frames are not the only useful ideational concepts. The older, more politicized concept of ideology needs to be used in its own right and not recast as a frame. Frame theory is rooted in linguistic studies of interaction, and points to the way shared assumptions and meanings shape the interpretation of events. Ideology is rooted in politics and the study of politics, and points to coherent systems of ideas which provide theories of society coupled with value commitments and normative implications for promoting or resisting social change. Ideologies can function as frames, they can embrace frames, but there is more to ideology than framing. Frame theory offers a relatively shallow conception of the transmission of political ideas as marketing and resonating, while a recognition of the complexity and depth of ideology points to the social construction processes of thinking, reasoning, educating, and socializing. Social...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors developed a cleavage account of party response to new political issues and hypothesize that European integration is assimilated into pre-existing ideologies of party leaders, activists and constituency that reflect long-standing commitments on fundamental domestic issues.
Abstract: This article explains the positions taken by national political parties on the issue of European integration over the period 1984–96. Based on the theory of party systems developed by Lipset and Rokkan, we develop a cleavage account of party response to new political issues. We hypothesize that European integration is assimilated into pre-existing ideologies of party leaders, activists and constituencies that reflect long-standing commitments on fundamental domestic issues.

Book
15 May 2000
TL;DR: In this paper, Latham reveals how social science theory helped shape American foreign policy during the Kennedy administration, from such programs as the Peace Corps and Alliance for Progress to an eventual recasting of Manifest Destiny and imperlalism.
Abstract: Providing new insight on the intellectual and cultural dimensions of the Cold War, Michael Latham reveals how social science theory helped shape American foreign policy during the Kennedy administration. He shows how, in the midst of America's protracted struggle to contain communism in the developing world, the concept of global modernization moved beyond its beginnings in academia to become a motivating ideology behind policy decisions. After tracing the rise of modernization theory in American social science, Latham analyzes the way its core assumptions influenced the Kennedy administration's Alliance for Progress with Latin America, the creation of the Peace Corps, and the strategic hamlet program in Vietnam. But as he demonstrates, modernizers went beyond insisting on the relevance of America's experience to the dilemmas faced by impoverished countries. Seeking to accelerate the movement of foreign societies toward a liberal, democratic, and capitalist modernity, Kennedy and his advisers also reiterated a much deeper sense of their own nation's vital strengths and essential benevolence. At the height of the Cold War, Latham argues, modernization recast older ideologies of Manifest Destiny and imperialism. |Explores how the social science concept of global modernization shaped American foreign policy in the Kennedy administration, from such programs as the Peace Corps and Alliance for Progress to an eventual recasting of Manifest Destiny and imperlalism.

Book
01 Jan 2000
TL;DR: A blind spot? The birth of an ideology clearing away the rubbish print culture nationalising religion the culture of science anatomising human nature the science of politics secularising modernising happiness from good sense to sensibility nature did the mind have a sex? education - a panacea the vulgar the pursuit of wealth reform progress the revolutionary era - "modern philosophy" lasting light as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: A blind spot? the birth of an ideology clearing away the rubbish print culture nationalising religion the culture of science anatomising human nature the science of politics secularising modernising happiness from good sense to sensibility nature did the mind have a sex? education - a panacea the vulgar the pursuit of wealth reform progress the revolutionary era - "modern philosophy" lasting light?

Book
01 Jan 2000
TL;DR: Fukuyama as discussed by the authors argued that the current world situation is neither "new" nor "worldly" and "orderly" in the sense that it had not yet seen the profound changes that had transformed first world-second world relationships.
Abstract: Our pro forma geopolitical worldview that served for fifty years of the Cold War was thoroughly shattered with the fall of the Berlin Wall and the subsequent collapse of the Soviet Union in 1990 While there is political and ideological discourse about its nature and purpose, it is arguable that the bipolar Cold War world has been replaced by a “new world order” This term is used here descriptively, not prescriptively as some foreign policy gurus might in advocating a particular configuration of power with the United States, or some other power, at its center To describe is not to advocate, and my use of the “new world order,” as is Kaplan’s use of the term “coming anarchy,” is purely descriptive Following my presentation on “the new world order” for faculty at an East African university in the mid-1990s, a faculty member from the university responded He began by stating, “I will have to argue that the current world situation is neither ‘new’ nor ‘worldly’ nor ‘orderly’ Otherwise, I agree with you completely” He went on to suggest that from his East African perspective domination of the international political system by major powers persisted as it had throughout the previous world order, the post-World War II era Change was not “worldly,” ie global, because his part of the world had not seen the profound changes that had transformed first world-second world relationships Finally, with the current disorder in Africa, he concluded that the situation was hardly “orderly” Into this implicit discussion of the nature of the postCold War international system have come several bold descriptions of the nature of the evolving system Three explicit examples were first put forward in journal or magazine articles followed by books that expanded upon the theme (and capitalized upon the substantial intellectual excitement generated by the original publication) First came Francis Fukuyama, formerly of the Reagan State Department and now at James Mason University, with his reassuring

Book
18 Nov 2000
TL;DR: In this article, the authors introduce discourse theory and political analysis, and discuss the political frontiers of the social Argentine politics after Peronism (1955-1973) - Sebastian Barros & Gustavo Castagnola 3.
Abstract: 1. Introducing discourse theory and political analysis - David Howarth & Yannis Stavrakakis 2. The political frontiers of the social Argentine politics after Peronism (1955-1973) - Sebastian Barros & Gustavo Castagnola 3. Inter-war French Fascism and the Neo-Socialism of Marcel Deat: The emergence of a 'Third Way' - Steve Bastow 4. New environmental movements and direct action protest: The campaign against Manchester Airport's second runway - Steven Griggs & David Howarth 5. Provisionalism and the (im)possibility of justice in Northern Ireland - Anthony Clohesy 6. The Mexican revolutionary mystique - Rosa Nidia Buenfil Burgos 7. On the emergence of Green ideology: The dislocation factor in Green politics - Yannis Stavrakakis 8. The construction of Romanian social democracy, 1989-1996 - Kevin Adamson 9. Beyond being gay: The proliferation of political identities in Hong Kong - P. Sik-Ying Ho & A. Kat Tat Tsang 10. The secret and the promise: Women's struggles in Chiapas - Neil Harvey & Chris Halverson 11. The difficult emergence of a democratic imaginary: Black consciousness and non-racial democracy in South Africa - David Howarth 12. Democracy as the limit of Kemalist hegemony - Nur Betul Celik 13. Sex and the limits of discourse - Jason Glynos 14. Future trajectories of research in discourse theory: Political frontiers, myths and imaginaries, hegemony - Aletta Norval

Book
01 Jan 2000
TL;DR: Reinventing India as discussed by the authors offers an analytical account of the history of modern India and of its contemporary reinvention, focusing on both economic and political developments, and engaging with the interpretations of India's recent history through key writers such as Francine Frankel, Sudipta Kaviraj and Partha Chatterjee.
Abstract: When India was invented as a "modern" country in the years after Independence in 1947 it styled itself as a secular, federal, democratic Republic committed to an ideology of development. Nehru's India never quite fulfilled this promise, but more recently his vision of India has been challenged by two "revolts of the elites": those of economic liberalization and Hindu nationalism. These revolts have been challenged, in turn, by various movements, including those of India's "Backward Classes". These movements have exploited the democratic spaces of India both to challenge for power and to contest prevailing accounts of politics, the state and modernity.Reinventing India offers an analytical account of the history of modern India and of its contemporary reinvention. Part One traces India's transformation under colonial rule, and the ideas and social forces which underlay the deliberations of the Constituent Assembly in 1946 to consider the shaping of the post-colonial state. Part Two then narrates the story of the making and unmaking of this modern India in the period from 1950 to the present day. It pays attention to both economic and political developments, and engages with the interpretations of India's recent history through key writers such as Francine Frankel, Sudipta Kaviraj and Partha Chatterjee. Part Three consists of chapters on the dialectics of economic reform, religion, the politics of Hindu nationalism, and on popular democracy. These chapters articulate a distinct position on the state and society in India at the end of the century, and they allow the authors to engage with the key debates which concern public intellectuals in contemporary India.Reinventing India is a lucid and eminently readable account of the transformations which are shaking India more than fifty years after Independence. It will be welcomed by all students of South Asia, and will be of interest to students of comparative politics and development studies.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper argued that post-development is a radical reaction to the dilemmas of development and argued that discourse analysis from a methodology turns into an ideology, and the difference between alternative development and "alternatives to development" is examined.
Abstract: Along with 'anti-development' and 'beyond development', post-de- velopment is a radical reaction to the dilemmas of development. Post-develop- ment focuses on the underlying premises and motives of development; what sets it apart from other critical approaches is that it rejects development. The question is whether this is a tenable and fruitful position. Taken up first in this article are major overt positions of post-development-the problematisation of poverty, the portrayal of development as Westernisation, and the critique of modernism and science. The argument then turns to discourse analysis of development; it is argued that, in post-development, discourse analysis from a methodology turns into an ideology. Next the difference between alternative development and 'alternatives to development' is examined. The reasons why this difference is made out to be so large are, in my interpretation, anti-manage- rialism and dichotomic thinking. The article closes with a discussion of the politics of post-development and a critical assessment.

Book
02 Oct 2000
TL;DR: Ando argues that the longevity of the Roman empire rests not on Roman military power, but on a gradually realized consensus that Roman rule was justified as mentioned in this paper, and investigates the mechanisms that sustained this conversation, explores its contribution to the legitimation of Roman power, and reveals as its product the provincial absorption of the forms and content of Roman political and legal discourse.
Abstract: The Roman empire remains unique Although Rome claimed to rule the world, it did not Rather, its uniqueness stems from the culture it created and the loyalty it inspired across an area that stretched from the Tyne to the Euphrates Moreover, the empire created this culture with a bureaucracy smaller than that of a typical late-twentieth-century research university In approaching this problem, Clifford Ando does not ask the ever-fashionable question, Why did the Roman empire fall? Rather, he asks, Why did the empire last so long? "Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire" argues that the longevity of the empire rested not on Roman military power but on a gradually realized consensus that Roman rule was justified This consensus was itself the product of a complex conversation between the central government and its far-flung peripheries Ando investigates the mechanisms that sustained this conversation, explores its contribution to the legitimation of Roman power, and reveals as its product the provincial absorption of the forms and content of Roman political and legal discourse Throughout, his sophisticated and subtle reading is informed by current thinking on social formation by theorists such as Max Weber, Jurgen Habermas, and Pierre Bourdieu

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors distinguish between globalization as a contemporary political ideology and what they call structural globalization, the increasing worldwide density of large-scale interaction networks relative to the density of smaller networks.
Abstract: The term globalization as used by social scientists and in popular discourse has many meanings. We contend that it is important to distinguish between globalization as a contemporary political ideology and what we call structural globalization - the increasing worldwide density of large-scale interaction networks relative to the density of smaller networks. We study one type of economic globalization over the past two centuries: the trajectory of international trade as a proportion of global production. Is trade globalization a recent phenomenon, a long-term upward trend, or a cyclical process? Using an improved measure of trade globalization, we find that there have been three waves since 1795. We discuss the possible causes of these pulsations of global integration and their implications for the early decades of the twenty-first century

Book
01 Jan 2000
TL;DR: The third edition of An Introduction to African Politics continues to be the ideal textbook for those new to the study of this fascinating continent as mentioned in this paper, allowing students to grasp the recurring political patterns that have dominated this continent since independence.
Abstract: The third edition of An Introduction to African Politics continues to be the ideal textbook for those new to the study of this fascinating continent. It gets to the heart of the politics of this part of the world, tackling questions such as: How is modern Africa still influenced by its colonial past? How do strong ethnic identities on the continent affect government? Why has the military been so influential? Why do African states have such difficulty managing their economies? How does African democracy differ from democracy in the West? The result is a textbook that identifies the essential features of African politics, allowing students to grasp the recurring political patterns that have dominated this continent since independence. Features and benefits of the third edition: Thematically organised, with individual chapters exploring issues such as colonialism, ethnicity, nationalism, religion, social class, ideology, legitimacy, authority, sovereignty and democracy. Identifies key recurrent themes such as the competitive relationships between the African state, its civil society and external interests. Contains useful boxed case studies at the end of each chapter, including: Kenya, Tanzania, Nigeria, Botswana, Cote d’Ivoire, Uganda, Somalia, Ghana, Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zimbabwe. Each chapter concludes with key terms and definitions, as well as questions and advice on further reading. Illustrated throughout with images of important political figures, and key moments in African history. Important terms and concepts are explained in a clear and accessible manner and supported by contemporary examples. This expanded, fully revised and updated edition remains the ideal gateway for students seeking to make sense of the dynamic and diverse political systems that are a feature of this fascinating part of the world.

MonographDOI
01 Jan 2000
TL;DR: Mayer Zald and Michael Kennedy as discussed by the authors discuss how globalization is caught up in social movement processes and question the boundaries of social movement theory, focusing on political process and opportunity, resource mobilization and mobilization structure, and cultural framing of grievances, utopias, ideologies, and options.
Abstract: Globalization is a set of processes that are weakening national boundaries. Both transnational and local social movements develop to resist the processes of globalization--migration, economic interdependence, global media coverage of events and issues, and intergovernmental relations. Globalization not only spurs the creation of social movements, but affects the way many social movements are structured and work. The essays in this volume illuminate how globalization is caught up in social movement processes and question the boundaries of social movement theory.The book builds on the modern theory of social movements that focuses upon political process and opportunity, resource mobilization and mobilization structure, and the cultural framing of grievances, utopias, ideologies, and options. Some of the essays deal with the structure of international campaigns, while others are focused upon conflicts and movements in less developed countries that have strong international components. The fourteen essays are written by both well established senior scholars and younger scholars in anthropology, political science, sociology, and history. The essays cover a range of time periods and regions of the world.This book is relevant for anyone interested in the politics and social change processes related to globalization as well as social-movement theory.Mayer Zald is Professor of Sociology, University of Michigan. Michael Kennedy is Vice Provost for International Programs, Associate Professor of Sociology, and Director of the Center for Russian and East European Affairs, University of Michigan. John Guidry is Assistant Professor of Political Science, Augustana College.

Book ChapterDOI
01 Jan 2000
TL;DR: In this article, Swidler examined the relationship between culture and social movements and found that culture provides a means by which people make sense of the world, and that culture is more than just the private beliefs of individual group members.
Abstract: In several ways, Swidler provides a more developed analysis of the relationship between culture and social movements than does McAdam. First, she focuses on the ways culture shapes individual beliefs and desires. Thus, culture provides a means by which people make sense of the world. Second, Swidler examines the ways culture provides repertoires of public symbols that structure the kinds of expected responses that individuals develop from their social interactions. A handshake on first meeting a person could be seen as such a symbol: Failure to shake hands once another has been extended is a deliberate insult. Thus, once they have offered it, most people expect that their hand will be shaken. Such an expectation represents cultural knowledge that exists even when no handshake is ongoing. Such assumptions may shape how a social movement acts even if its members are ideologically divided and its contention with the broader society sharp. Third, Swidler pays attention to the ways social institutions shape movement activities: If official organizations and others try to integrate or co-opt a group, for example, the movement is likely to behave differently than if it faces aggressive, perhaps violent, repression. Culture, then, is more than just the private beliefs of individual group members, and it is more than a set of broad principles that can be used for group purposes. It involves a dynamic interaction that shapes private and public acts together.

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Mar 2000
TL;DR: The authors argued that a focus upon social movements as ideologically structured action accomplishes two objectives: first, it allows us to incorporate cultural/cognitive components of action into our core definition, and second, it helps us to broaden our research agenda to include a deeper and fuller view of socialization to social movement ideology and social movement-related action that takes place in a variety of institutional arenas.
Abstract: The conceptual definitions we use in social science often need adjusting to allow scholars to hone in on issues that are obscured under other definitions and to open research agendas. Here it is argued that a focus upon social movements as ideologically structured action accomplishes two objectives. First, it allows us to incorporate cultural/cognitive components of action into our core definition. Second, it helps us to broaden our research agenda to include a deeper and fuller view of socialization to social movement ideology and to social movement-related action that takes place in a variety of institutional arenas, including electoral competition, legislative processes, bureaucratic agencies, and executive ojfces.

Book
01 Jan 2000
TL;DR: In this article, the authors describe definition classification comparison interpretation and explain structure exchange social formations rationality cognition origin myth ritual gender sacred manifestation world building body projection depravation stratification intellect ethnicity experience.
Abstract: Part I Descriptions: definition classification comparison interpretation. Part II Explanations: structure exchange social formations rationality cognition origin myth ritual gender sacred manifestation world building body projection depravation stratification intellect ethnicity experience. Part III Locations: modernism romanticism nationalism colonialism postmodernism culture discourse ideology.

01 Jan 2000
TL;DR: In this article, the older, more politicized concept of ideology needs to be used in its own right and not recast as a frame, but there is more to ideology than framing, and the complexity and depth of ideology points to the social construction processes of thinking, reasoning, educating, and socializing.
Abstract: Frame theory is often credited with “bringing ideas back in” to the study of social movements, but frames are not the only useful ideational concepts. In particular, the older, more politicized concept of ideology needs to be used in its own right and not recast as a frame. Frame theory is rooted in linguistic studies of interaction, and points to the way shared assumptions and meanings shape the interpretation of any particular event. Ideology theory is rooted in politics and the study of politics, and points to coherent systems of ideas which provide theories of society coupled with value commitments and normative implications for promoting or resisting social change. Ideologies can function as frames, but there is more to ideology than framing. Frame theory offers a relatively shallow conception of the transmission of political ideas as marketing and resonating, while a recognition of the complexity and depth of ideology points to the social construction processes of thinking, reasoning, educating, and socializing. Social movements can only be understood by genuinely linking social psychological and political sociology concepts and traditions, not by trying to rename one group in the language of the other.

BookDOI
28 Nov 2000
TL;DR: Ricento and Thomas as discussed by the authors discuss the role of ideology, politics, and language policies in language policy and planning in the United States, and discuss the relationship between ideology and policy in the development of the English language.
Abstract: 1. Preface 2. List of Contributors 3. Ideology, Politics and Language Policies: Introduction (by Ricento, Thomas) 4. Historical and Theoretical Perspectives in Language Policy and Planning (by Ricento, Thomas) 5. Language Policies as Virtual Realities: Two Australian Examples (by Moore, Helen) 6. Language, Ideology and Hindsight: Lessons from Colonial Language Policies (by Pennycook, Alastair) 7. Continuity and Change in the Function of Language Ideologies in the United States (by Wiley, Terrence G.) 8. English in the New World Order: Variations on a Theme of Linguistic Imperialism and "World" English (by Phillipson, Robert) 9. English, Politics, Ideology: From Colonial Celebration to Postcolonial Performativity (by Pennycook, Alastair) 10. Negotiating Ideologies through English: Strategies from the Periphery (by Canagarajah, Suresh) 11. Ideology and Policy in the Politics of the English Language in North India (by Sonntag, Selma K.) 12. Mixed Motives: Ideological Elements in the Support for English in South Africa (by Ridge, Stanley G.M.) 13. References 14. Index

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The foundation and electoral success of a new party can be attributed mainly to three factors: (1) its political project, which should address problems considered urgent by substantial sections of the electorate; (2) its resources: members, money, management and mass media exposure; and (3) the political opportunity structure: positions of other relevant parties as well as institutional, socioeconomic and cultural conditions as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The foundation and electoral success of a new party can be attributed mainly to three factors: (1) its political project, which should address problems considered urgent by substantial sections of the electorate; (2) its resources: members, money, management and mass media exposure; and (3) the political opportunity structure: positions of other relevant parties as well as institutional, socio-economic and cultural conditions. These factors, however, affect different types of new parties differently. `Prophetic' parties, which articulate a new ideology, are successful if the ideology can be linked to latent or `subterranean' traditions, provided they can mobilize sufficient resources. `Purifiers', which refer to an ideology that has been betrayed or diluted by established parties, and prolocutors, which represent interests neglected by established parties, depend mainly on the political opportunity structure and specifically the position of established parties with respect to salient cleavages and issues,...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that the primacy of public pedagogy and cultural politics in any viable theory of social change is discussed in the work of Stuart Hall, who argues that education is crucial to the practice of cultural studies and provides a theoretical and political corrective to recent attacks on cultural politics.
Abstract: This article argues that Stuart Hall's work provides an important theoretical framework for developing an expanded notion of public pedagogy, for making the pedagogical central to any understanding of political agency, and for addressing the primacy of public pedagogy and cultural politics in any viable theory of social change. Hall's work becomes particularly important not only in making education crucial to the practice of cultural studies, but also in providing a theoretical and political corrective to recent attacks on cultural politics, which cut across ideological lines and include theorists as politically diverse as Harold Bloom, Richard Rorty and Todd Gitlin.