Showing papers on "International relations published in 1993"

Territoriality and beyond: problematizing modernity in international relations

Abstract: The concept of territoriality has been studied surprisingly little by students of international politics. Yet, territoriality most distinctively defines modernity in international politics, and changes in few other factors can so powerfully transform the modern world polity. This article seeks to frame the study of the possible transformation of modern territoriality by examining how that system of relations was instituted in the first place. The historical analysis suggests that “unbundled” territoriality is a useful terrain for exploring the condition of postmodernity in international politics and suggests some ways in which that exploration might proceed. The emergence of multiperspectival institutional forms is identified as a key dimension of the condition of postmodernity in international politics.

The Emerging Structure of International Politics

Abstract: Structure of International Politics I F o r more than three hundred years, the drama of modern history has turned on the rise and fall of great powers. In the multipolar era, twelve great powers appeared on the scene at one time or another. At the beginning of World War 11, seven remained; at its conclusion, two. Always before, as some states sank, others rose to take their places. World War I1 broke the pattern; for the first time in a world of sovereign states, bipolarity prevailed. In a 1964 essay, I predicted that bipolarity would last through the century.’ On the brow of the next millennium, we must prepare to bid bipolarity adieu and begin to live without its stark simplicities and comforting symmetry. Already in the fall of 1989, Undersecretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger expressed nostalgia for the ”remarkably stable and predictable atmosphere of the Cold War,“ and in the summer of 1990, John Mearsheimer gave strong reasons for expecting worse days to come.2 For almost half a century it seemed that World War I1 was truly ”the war to end wars” among the great and major powers of the world. The longest peace yet known rested on two pillars: bipolarity and nuclear weapons. During the war, Nicholas Spykman foresaw a postwar international order no different ”from the old,” with international society continuing ”to operate within the same fundamental power pattern^.\"^ Realists generally shared his

Human rights, principled issue-networks, and sovereignty in Latin America

Abstract: International relations theorists have devoted insufficient attention to the processes through which state sovereignty is being transformed in the modern world. The human rights issue offers a case study of a gradual and significant reconceptualization of state sovereignty. In the human rights issue-area, the primary movers behind the international actions leading to changing understandings of sovereignty are transnational nonstate actors organized in a principled issue-network, including international and domestic nongovernmental organizations, parts of global and regional intergovernmental organizations, and private foundations. These networks differ from other forms of transnational relations in that they are driven primarily by shared values or principled ideas. Through a comparative study of the impact of international human rights pressures on Argentina and Mexico in the 1970s and 1980s, this article explores the emergence and the nature of the principled human rights issue-network and the conditions under which it can contribute to changing both state understandings about sovereignty and state human rights practices.

Europeans and the European Community: the dynamics of public support for European integration

Abstract: Europeans evaluate the European Community (EC) according to its economic performance, political salience, and role in international relations. During the last two decades their measured attitudes toward European integration warmed especially when inflation rates fell, as the EC share of the country's trade expanded, when EC elections and referenda increased attention to the community, and to some extend during periods when East-West relations were relaxed. Europeans did not vary their support according to their countries' shares of the Brussels budget. Thus, notwithstanding Denmark's 1992 rejection of the Maastricht treaty and the end of the cold war, recent EC reforms that increase monetary stability, intra-European trade and political attention are all likely to maintain or increase citizen support for the EC. These findings result from a model that blends comparative political economy with international relations in one of the first applications of pooled cross-sectional and time-series analysis to the comparative study of public opinion.

The Morning After: Sexual Politics at the End of the Cold War

Abstract: Cynthia Enloe's riveting new book looks at the end of the Cold War and places women at the center of international politics. Focusing on the relationship between the politics of sexuality and the politics of militarism, Enloe charts the changing definitions of gender roles, sexuality, and militarism at the end of the twentieth century. In the gray dawn of this new era, Enloe finds that the politics of sexuality have already shifted irrevocably. Women glimpse the possibilities of democratization and demilitarization within what is still a largely patriarchal world. New opportunities for greater freedom are seen in emerging social movements - gays fighting for their place in the American military, Filipina servants rallying for their rights in Saudi Arabia, Danish women organizing against the European Community's Maastricht treaty. Enloe also documents the ongoing assaults against women as newly emerging nationalist movements serve to reestablish the privileges of masculinity. The voices of real women are heard in this book. They reach across cultures, showing the interconnections between military networks, jobs, domestic life, and international politics. "The Morning After" will spark new ways of thinking about the complexities of the post-Cold War period, and it will bring contemporary sexual politics into the clear light of day as no other book has done.

Moral Vision in International Politics: The Foreign Aid Regime, 1949-1989

Abstract: Can moral vision influence the dynamics of the world system? This inquiry into the evolving foreign aid policies of eighteen developed democracies challenges conventional international relations theory and offers a broad framework of testable hypotheses about the ways ethical commitments can help structure global politics. For forty years development assistance has been the largest and steadiest net financial flow to the Third World, far ex- ceeding investment by multinational corporations. Yet fifty years ago aid was unheard of. Investigating this sudden and widespread innovation in the postwar political economy, David Lumsdaine marshals a wealth of historical and statistical evidence to show that aid was based less on donor economic and political interests than on humanitarian convictions and the belief that peace and prosperity could be sustained only within a just international order.Lumsdaine finds the developed countries adhered to rules that, increasingly, favored the neediest aid recipients and reduced their own leverage. Furthermore, the donors most concerned about domestic poverty also gave more foreign aid: the U.S. aid effort was weaker than that of other donors. Many lines of evidence--how aid changed over time, which donors contributed heavily, where the money was spent, who supported aid efforts--converge to show how humanitarian concerns shaped aid. Seeking to bridge the gap between normative theory and empirical analysis, Lumsdaine's broad comparative study suggests that renewed moral vision is a prerequisite to devising workable institutions for a post- cold war world.

From international system to international society: structural realism and regime theory meet the English school

Abstract: The idea of international society is an essential element in the study of international relations. International society is the core concept of the English school and has not yet been systematically integrated with American-originated structural realism and regime theory. This article brings together these three bodies of theory and shows how they complement and strengthen each other. It uses structural realism to show that international society is, like balance of power, a natural product of anarchic international relations and not, as some in the English school assume, only a result of exceptional historical circumstances. This line of analysis establishes definitional criteria for international society that enable a clear boundary to be drawn between international systems with and without international societies. It also shows how state-based international society relates to individual-based world society and supports an argument that in advanced systems, this relationship becomes complementary, not contradictory. The resulting theoretical synthesis provides an essential historical and political-legal foundation for regime theory, showing that international society is both the intellectual forebear and the necessary condition for the development of regimes. Connection strengthens all three bodies of theory and opens up useful channels that connect realist and liberal thinking. One result is that international society can be used both to conceptualize the complexities of a contemporary global international system, with its network of regimes ordered in terms of concentric circles, and to sketch out a policy-relevant research agenda for understanding it.

Gramsci, historical materialism and international relations

Abstract: Preface Stephen Gill Part I. Philosophical and Theoretical Reflections: 1. Epistemology, ontology and the 'Italian School' Stephen Gill 2. Gramsci, hegemony and international relations: an essay in method Robert Cox 3. Alienation, capitalism and the inter-state system: toward a Marxian/Gramscian critique Mark Rupert 4. Global hegemony and the structural power of capital Stephen Gill and David Law Part II. Past, Present and Future: 5. Gramsci and international relations: a general perspective with examples from recent US policy toward the Third World Enrico Augelli and Craig Murphy 6. The three hegemonies of historical capitalism Giovanni Arrighi 7. The hegemonic transition in East Asia: a historical perspective Barry Gills 8. Internationalisation and democratisation: southern Europe, Latin America and the world economic crisis Otto Holman 9. Soviet socialism and passive revolution Kees Van Der Pijl 10. Structural issues of global governance Robert Cox.

Gender in international relations : feminist perspectives on achieving global security

Abstract: Engendered insecurities man, the state and war - gendered perspectives on national security three models of man - gendered perspectives on global economy security man over nature - gendered perspectives on ecological security toward a nongendered perspective on global security.

International Law and International Relations Theory: A Dual Agenda

Abstract: Many international lawyers attempted to reconceptualize international law in relation to international politics, seeking to relate the two disciplines without sacrificing one entirely. This chapter describes the Institutionalist agenda, a research program already being pursued by prominent scholars in both disciplines. The Liberal agenda will require international lawyers to revise their most fundamental conceptions of the international system. The Liberal agenda complements the Institutionalist agenda as the study primarily of law among liberal states. In sum, the dual agenda is a unified agenda, offering powerful tools and a cornucopia of research opportunities for all students of international law and politics. The chief legal or jurisprudential response to the Realist challenge was the reconceptualization of the relationship between international law and politics. A corollary to the international legal process approach is the collection of empirical evidence demonstrating the role of international law in specific international crises.

Political Theory Today

Abstract: Introduction: David Held. 1. Political Obligation: John Dunn. 2. Equality and Liberty: Must They Conflict? Steven Lukes. 3. Gender, the Public and the Private: Susan Moller Okin. 4. The Theory of Property: Andrew Reeve. 5. The Possibility of Rational Politics: Jon Elster. 6. Democratic Institutions and Moral Resources: Claus Offe. and Ulrich K. Preuss. 7. Forms of Representation and Systems of Voting: Iain McLean. 8. Democracy, the Nation State and the Global System: David Held. 9. Sovereignty and Morality in International Affairs: Charles Beitz. 10. Violence, War and the Rule of Law in the International Community: Antonio Cassese. 11. Transnational Justice: Onora Oa Neill. 12. The State and Development: Samir Amin. 13. The Concept of the Political: Agnes Heller. Index.

Relocating Middle Powers: Australia and Canada in a Changing World Order

Abstract: Preface and Acknowledgments Abbreviations Introduction 1. Leadership, Followership, and Middle Powers in International Politics: A Reappraisal 2. Changing with the International Agenda: State Reorganization and Middle Power Diplomacy 3. The Multilateral Economic Agenda: The Cairns Group and the Uruguay Round 4. The Regional Economic Agenda: Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation and North American Free Trade 5. The Security Agenda: Coalition-building and the Gulf Conflict 6. Addressing the Widening Global Agenda: Australian and Canadian Perspectives Conclusion Notes References Index

Structural Power: The limits of neorealist power analysis

Abstract: Realism explains the ruling of the international system through the underlying distribution of power among states. Increasingly, analysts have found this power analysis inadequate, and they have developed new concepts, most prominently structural power. The usage of structural power actually entails three different meanings, namely indirect institutional power, nonintentional power, and impersonal power. Only the first, however, is compatible with the current neorealist choice-theoretical mode of explanation. This is the basic paradox of recent power approaches: by wanting to retain the central role of power, some international relations and international political economy theory is compelled to expand that concept and to move away from the very theory that claims to be based on power. Neorealism does not take power seriously enough. At the same time, these extensions of the concept are themselves partly fallacious. To account simultaneously for the different meanings of structural power and to avoid a conceptual overload, this article proposes that any power analysis should necessarily include a pair or dyad of concepts of power, linking agent power and impersonal governance. Finally, it sketches some consequences of those concepts for international theory.

Universal International Law

Abstract: In this shrinking world, states are increasingly interdependent and interconnected, a development that has affected international law. Early international law dealt with bilateral relations between autonomous states. The principal subjects until well into this century were diplomatic relations, war, treaties and the law of the sea. One of the most significant developments in international law during the twentieth century has been the expanded role played by multilateral treaties addressed to the common concerns of states. Often they clarify and improve rules of international law through the process of rendering them in binding written agreements. These treaties also promote the coordination of uniform state behavior in a variety of areas. International organizations, themselves the creatures of multilateral treaties, have also assumed increasing prominence in the last half of this century. They contribute to the coordination and facilitation of contemporary international relations on the basis of legal principles.

The Relative-Gains Problem for International Cooperation

Abstract: Modern realism claims that the fear that others will enjoy relatively greater benefits frequently impedes international cooperation. Recent articles in this Review by Duncan Snidal and Robert Powell modeled conditions under which the impact of relative gains varied. Joseph Grieco criticizes Snidal's model as based on assumptions that allow him to avoid, rather than confront, the realist arguments. He also argues that Powell's model, while constructive, ignores important additional sources of sensitivity to relative gains. In response, Powell discusses the value of alternative assumptions about preferences and constraints in international relations. Snidal defends his analysis and presents an additional proof to support the independence of his central result—the diminishing impact of relative gains with increasing numbers of states—from assumptions of concern to Grieco. Both responders emphasize their work as contributing to a contextually rich theory of international politics that builds on elements of both realism and neo-liberalism.

The embarrassment of changes: neo-realism as the science of Realpolitik without politics

Abstract: The fundamental change occasioned by perestroika, the dissolution of the Soviet Bloc, the reunification of Germany, and the end of the ‘Cold War’ has become a crucial test for the explanation of change provided by the established paradigm of international politics, neo-realism. In at least three respects, this approach was embarrassed by the chain of events.

Political Similarity and American Foreign Trade Patterns

Abstract: International economic flows have become an increasingly prominent component of both international relations and domestic politics over the last two decades Even though politically motivated governments have played a growing role in shaping these transactions, empirical studies have largely ignored the political determinants of international trade patterns This study addresses that important gap in our understanding of the international political economy with particular reference to United States trade We theorize that two aspects of the relations between nations should predict enhanced trade levels: similarity in political system and similarity in foreign policy orientation We test this proposition for US exports to 76 importing nations over an 18-year period in a pooled time- series design that controls for known influences on trade flows Our results suggest that these two political factors have a substantial and predictable impact on US export patterns We consider some possible criticisms of

The Invisible Weapon: Telecommunications And International Politics, 1851-1945

Abstract: Contents 1 Telecommunications and International Relations Characteristics of Electrical Communications Telecommunications and World History International Telecommunications as a Field of Study 2 New Technology Origins of the Telegraph International Telegraphic Cooperation The First Submarine Telegraph Cables The Mediterranean Cables The First Atlantic Cables The Red Sea Cable Telegraphs to India Conclusion 3 The Expansion of the World Cable Network, 1866-1895 The Technology of Cables The Atlantic Cables The Cable Companies Cables to India and Australia Cable Rivalries in the West Indies and Latin America Across Russia to Japan Commercial Codes and the International Telegraph Union Conclusion 4 Telegraphy and Imperialism in the Late Nineteenth Century The Telegraph in India The Telegraph in Indochina Cables and News in the French West Indies The Telegraph in China The East African Cables The West African Cables Cables and Colonial Control Conclusion 5 Crisis at the Turn of the Century, 1895-1901 Telegraphy and Diplomacy British Cable Strategy to 1898 Telegraphic Delays and French Imperialism Germany and the Azores Affair The Spanish-American War The Fashoda Incident The British Strategic Cable Report of 1898 The Boer War 6 The Great Powers and the Cable Crisis, 1900-1913 The British Pacific Cable and the "All-Red" Routes British Cable Strategy, 1902-1914 The American Cables France and the Cable Crisis Germany and the Cable Crisis Conclusion 7 The Beginnings of Radio, 1895-1914 Marconi and the Birth of Wireless Telegraphy The Marconi Monopoly and the Reaction of the Powers Technological Change and Commercial Rivalries The U.S. Navy and Radio to 1908 The Continuous Ware, 1908-1914 French Colonial Wireless German Long-Distance and Colonial Radio The British Imperial Wireless Chain Conclusion 8 Cables and Radio in World War I The Jitters of July 1914 Allied Attacks on German Communications German Attacks on Allied Communications Allied Communications during the War Censorship Propaganda Conclusion 9 Communications Intelligence in World War I Government Cryptology before 1914 Communications Intelligence on Land British Naval Interception and Direction-Finding German Codes and British Cryptanalysis in 1914 British Naval Intelligence, 1915-1916 The U-Boat War, 1917-1918 German Communications Intelligence The Zimmerman Telegram 10 Conflicts and Settlements, 1919-1923 The Paris Peace Conference of 1919 The Washington Conferences of 1920-1922 The Struggle over Cables to Latin America The Radio Corporation of America British Radio, 1919~1924 German and French Radio to 1924 Radio in Latin America and China Conclusion 11 Technological Upheavals and Commercial Rivalries, 1924-1939 The Distribution of Cables in the World in 1923 Cable Technology in the 1920s The New Cables, 1924-1929 ITT and the Telephones The British Reaction French Colonial Shortwave The International Impact of Shortwave The British Communications Merger Responses to the British Merger The British Dilemma: Profits versus Security Conclusion 12 Communications Intelligence in World War II British and German Communications Intelligence to 1936 Cipher Machines The Approach of War, 1936-1939 The Outbreak of War, 1939-1940 British Communications Intelligence in Wartime German Communications Intelligence in Wartime The Battles of Britain and North Africa German Spies and Allied Radio Deception Funkspiele, Resistance, and the Normandy Landing The Soviet Rings Conclusion 13 The War at Sea The Cable War Communications and Naval Warfare in the Atlantic The Battle of the Atlantic, 1939-1944 American Communications Intelligence before Pearl Harbor From Pearl Harbor to Midway After Midway 14 The Changing of the Guard The American Expansion Strategic Cables to North Africa and Europe The Retreat of Britain The Organization of Postwar Communications Conclusion 15 Telecommunications, Information, and Security Bibliography Essay Books on Submarine Telegraph Cables Books on Radio and Telecommunications Communications Intelligence Primary Sources Index

Power Differentials and War in Rival Dyads

Abstract: The relationship between static and dynamic power distributions and war is a central element in the realist literature of international politics. The distribution of power and shifts in these distributions are held to be a principal source of conflict in works from Thucydides to Waltz. Most attempts to test empirically for a structural association between capability distributions and conflict have treated disputes as independent events; however, over the last two centuries a disproportionate amount of interstate conflict has occurred in the context of extended dyadic rivalries. This study focuses on the conflict patterns of these “enduring rivals.” Based on a Markov chain analysis of 456 militarized disputes occurring between 1816 and 1986, the findings indicate that power parity and shifts toward parity are approximately twice as likely to be associated with war as is a condition of power preponderance. By definition, rival dyads have issues in conflict. Equality of power or shifts toward equality create a situation in which both sides can perceive the potential for successful use of force. The findings generated in this analysis indicate that with such power distributions war between rival nations is most probable.

Water Wars: Coming Conflicts in the Middle East

Abstract: As one of the most volatile, heavily-armed and strategically-significant regions on earth, the Middle East constantly engages the attention of world powers, whose foreign policies are often driven by a desire for guaranteed access to oil and for overall stability in the area. This book contends, however, that it is conflicts over the control of water, not oil, which are likely to threaten stability. Explaining how environmental and political factors are radically affecting the water supply of the three great river systems - the Nile, the Jordan and the Tigris-Euphrates - the book demonstrates that new, often highly-unlikely and potentially-explosive alliances (between such sworn enemies as Iraq and Syria, for example) are being dictated by the need for water; and how the established power-balance can be radically affected when a down-river state fears that its up-river neighbour may turn off the tap. The authors also look at the way in which water underlies many of today's most pressing issues. John Bulloch is a former Diplomatic Editor of "The Daily Telegraph" and Middle East Editor of "The Independent". His books on the Middle East include "Saddam's War". Adel Darwish is an Egyptian-born investigative journalist who writes on international affairs for "The Independent". He was a co-author of "Unholy Babylon: the Secret History of Saddam's War".

Gramsci, Historical Materialism and International Relations: The three hegemonies of historical capitalism

Abstract: THE CONCEPT OF WORLD HEGEMONY The decline of US world power in the 1970s and 1980s has occasioned a wave of studies on the rise and decline of ‘hegemonies’ (Hopkins and Wallerstein, 1979; Bousquet, 1979; 1980; Wallerstein, 1984b), ‘world powers’ (Modelski, 1978; 1981; 1987), ‘cores’ (Gilpin, 1975), and ‘great powers’ (Kennedy, 1987/8). These studies differ considerably from one another in their object of study, methodology, and conclusions but they have two characteristics in common. First, if and when they use the term ‘hegemony’, they mean ‘dominance’, and secondly, their focus and emphasis is on an alleged basic invariance of the system within which the power of a state rises and declines. Most of these studies rely on some concept of ‘innovation’ and ‘leadership’ in defining the relative capabilities of states. In the case of Modelski, systemic innovations and leadership in carrying them out are assumed to be the main sources of ‘world power’. But in all these studies, including Modelski's, systemic innovations do not change the basic mechanisms through which power in the interstate system rises and declines. As a matter of fact, the invariance of these mechanisms is generally held to be one of the central features of the interstate system. In this paper I shall attempt to show that by applying Gramsci's concept of hegemony to inter-state relations we can tell a story of the rise and decline of world power that accounts, not just for the invariance, but also for the evolution and supersession of the modern world-system.

The International Dimensions of Ethnic Conflict: Concepts, Indicators, and Theory*

Abstract: One of the growing debates among students of international politics concerns the precise linkage between ethnic conflict and international conflict. The present investigation attempts to contribute to this dialogue in three ways. First, prior studies of ethnic conflict and international relations are reappraised in terms of the central concepts and presumed causal linkage, leading to several changes in approach. Specifically, a typology of ethnic conflicts is devised deductively, including a rank ordering of types of ethnic conflicts in terms of the impact they have on levels of international violence. Second, testing focuses on the presumed ordering of ethnic conflicts from anti-colonial, secessionist and irredentist utilizing data from the International Crisis Behaviour Project on cases in the period 1945-81. A set of bivariate and multivariate indicators and an index of violence are used in the assessment of the proposed impact ethnic conflicts have on interstate violence. Four of the five propositions are confirmed. Third, the paper offers some preliminary conclusions about the policy and theoretical implications of the international dimensions of ethnic conflict, including directions for future research.

Public Relations and International Affairs: Effects, Ethics and Responsibility

Abstract: On 20 October 1990, during the escalation of the Persian Gulf crisis, a teary-eyed 15-year-old Kuwaiti girl known only as Nayirah testified to the Congressional Human Rights Caucus that she had seen Iraqi soldiers take babies from hospital incubators in Kuwait and leave them on the floor to die Months later, an op-ed piece in the New York Times, followed by stories on the television programs "60 Minutes" and "20-20," revealed that Nayirah was the daughter of the Kuwaiti ambassador to the United States The hearing had been arranged by the Hill and Knowlton public relations firm on behalf of an organization called Citizens for a Free Kuwait -- an organization funded primarily by the exiled government of Kuwait In a book on Robert Keith Gray, then head of Hill and Knowlton's Washington, DC office, freelance author Susan Trento reported that Hill and Knowlton had provided witnesses for the hearing, coached them, wrote testimony, produced videotapes detailing the alleged atrocities and ensured that the room was filled with reporters and television cameras(1) Fewer than three months later the United States attacked Iraq By that time, Hill and Knowlton had received $107 million from Citizens for a Free Kuwait With the money, Hill and Knowlton among other things -- organized a press conference with a so-called Kuwaiti freedom fighter, "National Prayer Day" services for Kuwaiti and American servicemen and "Free Kuwait" rallies at 21 college campuses It also promoted an Islamic art tour, produced advertisements and video news releases, arranged luncheons with journalists and spent more than $1 million polling the American people(2) Critics have asked whether or not these extensive and expensive activities by an international public relations firm led the United States to war The answer is probably no As Trento put it: H&K's efforts succeeded in the United Nations, the Congress and the media because, in each case, there was a receptive audience The diplomats and congressmen and senators wanted something to point to to support their positions The media wanted interesting, visual stories(3) In short, the Hill and Knowlton campaign probably encouraged decision makers and public opinion to move in a direction in which they were already headed Even though the war probably would have occurred without the campaign, one still must ask whether such campaigns are ethical As Trento noted: In the end, the question was not whether H&K effectively altered public opinion, but whether the combined efforts of America's own government, foreign interests, and private PR and lobbying campaigns drowned out decent and rational, unemotional debate When practiced ethically and responsibly, public relations provides a vital communication function for organizations, nations and even the world, helping to develop an understanding among groups and eventually reduce conflict When practiced unethically and irresponsibly, however, public relations can manipulate and deceive More often, though, such public relations merely makes "decent and rational, unemotional debate" on issues difficult(5) In this article, I will first describe a theory of public relations and its role in a national and global communication system Next, I will discuss ethical issues related to the use of public relations firms by governments and political factions I will then use this theory to analyze several cases of international public relations Finally, I will analyze the effects and ethics of these international campaigns and derive recommendations for how international public relations can contribute to global diplomacy without obfuscating or corrupting the process MANAGEMENT AND DIPLOMACY The Management Function Most people, including journalists, understand public relations simplistically as an attempt to influence the media or make an organization or person look good -- in short, as image-making …

The United States of Europe

Abstract: "The United States of Europe" is a sequel to "After 1992". With this book, Wistrich seeks to address more recent developments in Europe, updating and extending the debate. He looks in detail at the Maastricht agreement and discusses reasons for strong opposition to the treaty in Britain and Denmark. He examines the geopolitical consequences of change in Eastern Europe and the former USSR, giving attention to the role of a strong, enlarged Community in international relations and within the United Nations. In this context he looks at the collapse of communism and at war in Iraq and the Balkans. "The United States of Europe" points the way to a Community which will integrate the whole of Europe and take a substantial role in world affairs.

Engaging the Enemy: Organization Theory and Soviet Military Innovation, 1955-1991

Abstract: Did a "doctrine race" exist alongside the much-publicized arms competition between East and West? Using recent insights from organization theory, Kimberly Marten Zisk answers this question in the affirmative. Zisk challenges the standard portrayal of Soviet military officers as bureaucratic actors wedded to the status quo: she maintains that when they were confronted by a changing external security environment, they reacted by producing innovative doctrine. The author's extensive evidence is drawn from newly declassified Soviet military journals, and from her interviews with retired high-ranking Soviet General Staff officers and highly placed Soviet-Russian civilian defense experts. According to Zisk, the Cold War in Europe was powerfully influenced by the reactions of Soviet military officers and civilian defense experts to modifications in U.S. and NATO military doctrine. Zisk also asserts that, contrary to the expectations of many analysts, civilian intervention in military policy-making need not provoke pitched civil-military conflict. Under Gorbachev's leadership, for instance, great efforts were made to ensure that "defensive defense" policies reflected military officers' input and expertise. Engaging the Enemy makes an important contribution not only to the theory of military organizations and the history of Soviet military policy but also to current policy debates on East-West security issues. Kimberly Marten Zisk is Assistant Professor of Political Science and Faculty Associate of the Mershon Center at the Ohio State University.

Report on the Bottom-Up Review

Abstract: : In March 1993, Secretary of Defense Aspin initiated a comprehensive review of the nation's defense strategy, force structure, modernization, infrastructure, and foundations He felt that a department-wide review needed to be conducted "from the bottom up" because of the dramatic changes that have occurred in the world as a result of the end of the Cold War and the dissolution of the Soviet Union These changes in the international security environment have fundamentally altered America's security needs Thus, the underlying premise of the Bottom-Up Review was that we needed to reassess all of our defense concepts, plans, and programs from the ground up This final report on the Bottom-Up Review provides the results of that unprecedented and collaborative effort It represents the product of hundreds of individuals' labor and dedication It describes the extensive analysis that went into the review and the recommendations and decisions that emerged