Showing papers on "Politics published in 2007"

Power, A Radical View

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The Will to Improve: Governmentality, Development, and the Practice of Politics

Abstract: The Will to Improve is a remarkable account of development in action. Focusing on attempts to improve landscapes and livelihoods in Indonesia, Tania Murray Li carefully exposes the practices that enable experts to diagnose problems and devise interventions, and the agency of people whose conduct is targeted for reform. Deftly integrating theory, ethnography, and history, she illuminates the work of colonial officials and missionaries; specialists in agriculture, hygiene, and credit; and political activists with their own schemes for guiding villagers toward better ways of life. She examines donor-funded initiatives that seek to integrate conservation with development through the participation of communities, and a one-billion-dollar program designed by the World Bank to optimize the social capital of villagers, inculcate new habits of competition and choice, and remake society from the bottom up. Demonstrating that the “will to improve” has a long and troubled history, Li identifies enduring continuities from the colonial period to the present. She explores the tools experts have used to set the conditions for reform—tools that combine the reshaping of desires with applications of force. Attending in detail to the highlands of Sulawesi, she shows how a series of interventions entangled with one another and tracks their results, ranging from wealth to famine, from compliance to political mobilization, and from new solidarities to oppositional identities and violent attack. The Will to Improve is an engaging read—conceptually innovative, empirically rich, and alive with the actions and reflections of the targets of improvement, people with their own critical analyses of the problems that beset them.

Law's Empire

Abstract: Scholars of culture, humanities and social sciences have increasingly come to an appreciation of the importance of the legal domain in social life, while critically engaged socio-legal scholars around the world have taken up the task of understanding "Law's Empire" in all of its cultural, political, and economic dimensions. The questions arising from these intersections, and addressing imperialisms past and present forms the subject matter of a special symposium issue of Social Identities under the editorship of Griffith University's Rob McQueen, and UBC's Wes Pue and with contributions from McQueen, Ian Duncanson, Renisa Mawani, David Williams, Emma Cunliffe, Chidi Oguamanam, W. Wesley Pue, Fatou Camara, and Dianne Kirkby. This paper introduces the volume, forthcoming in late 2007. The central problematique of this issue has previously been explored through the 2005 Law's Empire conference, an informal but vibrant postcolonial legal studies network.

When Multiplication Doesn't Equal Quick Addition: Examining Intersectionality as a Research Paradigm

Abstract: In the past twenty years, intersectionality has emerged as a compelling response to arguments on behalf of identity-based politics across the discipline. It has done so by drawing attention to the simultaneous and interacting effects of gender, race, class, sexual orientation,andnationaloriginascategoriesofdifference.Intersectionalargumentsandresearchfindingshavehadvaryinglevelsof impact in feminist theory, social movements, international human rights, public policy, and electoral behavior research within political science and across the disciplines of sociology, critical legal studies, and history. Yet consideration of intersectionality as a research paradigm has yet to gain a wide foothold in political science. This article closely reads research on race and gender across subfields of political science to present a coherent set of empirical research standards for intersectionality.

Toward a political conception of corporate responsibility: Business and society seen from a habermasian perspective

Abstract: We review two important schools within business and society research, which we label positivist and postpositivist corporate social responsibility (CSR). The former is criticized because of its instrumentalism and normative vacuity and the latter because of its relativism, foundationalism, and utopianism. We propose a new approach, based on Jurgen Habermas's theory of democracy, and we define the new role of the business firm as a political actor in a globalizing society.

Political Connections and Preferential Access to Finance: Role of Campaign Contributions

Abstract: Using novel indicators of political connections constructed from campaign contribution data, we show that Brazilian firms that provided contributions to (elected) federal deputies experienced higher stock returns than firms that don't around the 1998 and 2002 elections. This suggests contributions help shape policy on a firm-specific basis. Using a firm fixed effects framework to mitigate the risk that unobserved firm characteristics distort the results, we find that contributing firms substantially increased their bank financing relative to a control group after each election, indicating that access to bank finance is an important channel through which political connections operate. We estimate the economic costs of this rent seeking over the two election cycles to be at least 0.2% of GDP per annum.

A Brief History of Neoliberalism

Abstract: Neoliberalism - the doctrine that market exchange is an ethic in itself, capable of acting as a guide for all human action - has become dominant in both thought and practice throughout much of the world since 1970 or so. Its spread has depended upon a reconstitution of state powers such that privatization, finance, and market processes are emphasized. State interventions in the economy are minimized, while the obligations of the state to provide for the welfare of its citizens are diminished. David Harvey, author of 'The New Imperialism' and 'The Condition of Postmodernity', here tells the political-economic story of where neoliberalization came from and how it proliferated on the world stage. While Thatcher and Reagan are often cited as primary authors of this neoliberal turn, Harvey shows how a complex of forces, from Chile to China and from New York City to Mexico City, have also played their part. In addition he explores the continuities and contrasts between neoliberalism of the Clinton sort and the recent turn towards neoconservative imperialism of George W. Bush. Finally, through critical engagement with this history, Harvey constructs a framework not only for analyzing the political and economic dangers that now surround us, but also for assessing the prospects for the more socially just alternatives being advocated by many oppositional movements.

State Repression and Political Order

Abstract: ▪ State repression includes harassment, surveillance/spying, bans, arrests, torture, and mass killing by government agents and/or affiliates within their territorial jurisdiction. Over the past 40 years, the systematic study of state repression has grown considerably. The development of this work, however, has been uneven. Though unified in their focus on the problem of order (i.e., trying to ascertain how political authorities wield coercive power amid potential and actual domestic challengers), different scholars tend to emphasize distinct aspects of the topic. Consequently, a great deal of progress has been made in specific areas but others have lagged behind. In this review, I attempt to identify the dominant traditions in the repression literature, the core empirical findings, and some persisting puzzles.

Framing Public Opinion in Competitive Democracies

Abstract: The past quarter century of scholarship on public opinion has shown that citizens’ attitudes can be influenced significantly by how elites frame their communications in the mass media. In the parlance of this research, a speaker “frames” an issue by encouraging readers or listeners to emphasize certain considerations above others when evaluating that issue. A framing “effect” occurs when individuals arrive at different positions on the issue, depending on the priority given to various considerations (Druckman and Nelson 2003: 730). For example, a newspaper editorial defending a hate group rally in terms of the group’s free speech rights may move readers to favor allowing the rally by causing them to weigh speech concerns more heavily when assessing the issue. Alternatively, an editorial challenging the rally as a threat to public safety may lead readers to give priority to maintaining social order and turn them against the rally (Nelson, Clawson, and Oxley 1997). Such studies raise questions about the capacity of citizens to provide autonomous input into the democratic process. If public preferences can be arbitrarily manipulated by how issues are framed, there can be no legitimate representation of public interests or meaningful discussion of government responsiveness (e.g., Bartels 2003; Entman 1993; Zaller 1992). Public opinion fails in these instances as a reliable guide to policy. Most of this research, however, has drawn its conclusions from observations of noncompetitive political contexts in which elite frames are conveyed without debate or opposition. There has been surprisingly

The role of managers' political networking and functional experience in new venture performance: Evidence from China's transition economy

Abstract: Drawing upon the resource-based view and transaction cost economics, this study aims to examine how various types of managerial resources (ie, political networking and functional experience) can be beneficial to new ventures in a transition economy Using survey data from a sample of new ventures in China's high-technology industries, we demonstrate that managers' political networking and functional experience are positively related to new venture performance We also find that the positive relationship between functional experience and new venture performance is moderated by the type of ownership of the ventures and the level of dysfunctional competition in their environments Theoretical and managerial implications are discussed Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd

Populism as political communication style An empirical study of political parties' discourse in Belgium

Abstract: The scientific debate about populism has been revitalised by the recent rise of extreme-right parties in Western Europe. Within the broad discussion about populism and its relationship with extreme-right, in this article, we confine ourselves to three topics, a conceptual, an epistemological and an empirical issue. First, taking a clear position in the ongoing definition struggle, we define populism primarily as a specific political communication style. We conceive of populism as a political style essentially displaying proximity of the people, while at the same time taking an anti-establishment stance and stressing the (ideal) homogeneity of the people by excluding specific population segments. Second, we point out that defining populism as a style enables us to turn it into a useful concept that has too often remained vague and blurred. Third, drawing on our operational definition of populism, a comparative discourse analysis of the political party broadcasts of the Belgian parties is carried out. Our quantitative analysis leads to a clear conclusion. In terms of the degree and the kinds of populism embraced by the six political parties under scrutiny, the extreme-right party Vlaams Blok behaves very differently from the other Belgian parties. Its messages are a copy-book example of populism.

Why We Hate Politics

Abstract: * Preface and Acknowledgements * Chapter 1 Political Disenchantment * Chapter 2 Politics, Participation and Politicisation * Chapter 3 The Domestic Sources of Depoliticisation * Chapter 4 The Global Sources of Depoliticisation * Chapter 5 Conclusion: Why Do We Hate Politics? * Bibliography * Index

Prologue to The Difference: How the Power of Diversity Creates Better Groups, Firms, Schools, and Societies

Abstract: In this landmark book, Scott Page redefines the way we understand ourselves in relation to one another. The Difference is about how we think in groups--and how our collective wisdom exceeds the sum of its parts. Why can teams of people find better solutions than brilliant individuals working alone? And why are the best group decisions and predictions those that draw upon the very qualities that make each of us unique? The answers lie in diversity--not what we look like outside, but what we look like within, our distinct tools and abilities. The Difference reveals that progress and innovation may depend less on lone thinkers with enormous IQs than on diverse people working together and capitalizing on their individuality. Page shows how groups that display a range of perspectives outperform groups of like-minded experts. Diversity yields superior outcomes, and Page proves it using his own cutting-edge research. Moving beyond the politics that cloud standard debates about diversity, he explains why difference beats out homogeneity, whether you're talking about citizens in a democracy or scientists in the laboratory. He examines practical ways to apply diversity's logic to a host of problems, and along the way offers fascinating and surprising examples, from the redesign of the Chicago "El" to the truth about where we store our ketchup. Page changes the way we understand diversity--how to harness its untapped potential, how to understand and avoid its traps, and how we can leverage our differences for the benefit of all.

People, Parks and Poverty: Political Ecology and Biodiversity Conservation

Abstract: Action to conserve biodiversity, particularly through the creation of protected areas (PAs), is inherently political. Political ecology is a field of study that embraces the interactions between the way nature is understood and the politics and impacts of environmental action. This paper explores the political ecology of conservation, particularly the establishment of PAs. It dis- cusses the implications of the idea of pristine nature, the social impacts of and the politics of PA establishment and the way the benefits and costs of PAs are allocated. It considers three key political issues in contemporary international conservation policy: the rights of indigenous people, the relationship between biodiversity conservation and the reduction of poverty, and the arguments of those advocating a return to conventional PAs that exclude people.

Reflexivity, Positionality and Participatory Ethics: Negotiating Fieldwork Dilemmas in International Research

Abstract: There are critical disjunctures between aspects of everyday behaviour in the field and the University’s institutional frameworks that aim to guide/enforce good ethical practice, as the conduct of fieldwork is always contextual, relational, embodied, and politicized. This paper argues that it is important to pay greater attention to issues of reflexivity, positionality and power relations in the field in order to undertake ethical and participatory research. Drawing from international fieldwork experience, the paper posits that such concerns are even more important in the context of multiple axes of difference, inequalities, and geopolitics, where the ethics and politics involved in research across boundaries and scales need to be heeded and negotiated in order to achieve more ethical research practices.

Shame of the Nation: The Restoration of Apartheid Schooling in America

Abstract: Kozol, Jonathan, (2005). The Shame of the Nation: The Restoration of Apartheid Schooling in America. New York: Crown Publishers. In Jonathan Kozol's book, The Shame of the Nation, the author writes that "it is harder to convince young people that they 'can learn' when they are cordoned off by a society that isn't really sure they can" (37). The book examines what Kozol terms "the resegregation of public schools" in America. To conduct his research, Kozol visited 60 public schools in 11 different states over a five year period (2000-2005). He found the worst segregation rates since Brown v. Board of Education: nationwide, nearly three quarters of black and Latino students attend schools where their fellow classmates are predominantly minority students, more than two million black students attend schools that are 99-100% non-white, and in numerous citiesChicago, Washington D.C., and Detroit, for instance-minorities constitute between 90 and 95% of all public school students ( 19, 8). Because racially isolated schools tend to appear in pockets of concentrated poverty, the students this book focuses on also fall far below federal poverty guidelines. This is an issue with clear implications for developmental educators. As Kozol points out, the achievement gap between minority and white students, which had narrowed in the decades following Brown v. Board of Education, has become a chasm over the past fifteen years. Kozol points to figures from the nonprofit group Education Trust indicating that the math and reading skills of black and Hispanic twelfth-graders fall below the level of proficiency achieved by seventh grade white children (281). This has coincided with a sharp decline in the enrollment of minority students in post-secondary education; of those students who do persevere and gain admittance to colleges and universities, a significant percentage will be in need of developmental coursework. While none of this comes as a surprise to developmental educators, Kozol's book is useful for its unique and comprehensive overview of the scholastic backgrounds of many of the students we serve, delineating the causes and consequences of segregated education in the 21st century. Although The Shame of the Nation is data-rich with nearly 50 pages of annotations, it does not rely on statistics alone to make its case; one of the most compelling features of the book is its incorporation of student narratives. Of his decision to include the voices of children in the book, Kozol states that unlike the "adult experts who develop policies that shape their destinies...children have no ideologies to reinforce, no superstructure of political opinion to promote, no civic equanimity or image to defend, no personal reputation to secure" (12). In other words, they are "pure witnesses." It is a testament to Kozol's talent as a writer and scholar that this technique comes across as neither saccharine nor sensationalistic; rather, the result reads like a more complete accounting of the situation, offering vivid specifics where there are usually abstractions. Over the course of 12 chapters, Kozol weaves scholarly research and personal narrative to create an accessible, thorough, and original treatment of the subject. The first two chapters serve to familiarize the reader with the major themes of the book: chapter one, "Dishonoring the Dead," provides a statistical overview of separate and unequal education in the United States, presenting case studies of apartheid schools ironically named after civil rights pioneers. Chapter two, "Hitting them Hardest When They're Small," outlines some of the most obvious difficulties facing children who attend racially segregated schools, including overcrowding, decrepit facilities, and high teacher turnover. Chapters six and seven delve more deeply into the causes and effects of segregated schools as they manifest on a physical level. "A Hardening of Lines" examines the exodus of white students from public schools located in racially mixed neighborhoods. …

Education plc: Understanding Private Sector Participation in Public Sector Education

Abstract: © 2007 Stephen J. Ball. All rights reserved. Is the privatisation of state education defendable? Did the public sector ever provide a fair education for all learners? In Education plc, Stephen Ball provides a comprehensive, analytic and empirical account of the privatisation of education. He questions the kind of future we want for education and what role privatisation and the private sector may have in that future. Using policy sociology to describe and critically analyse changes in policy, policy technologies and policy regimes, he looks at the ethical and democratic impacts of these changes and raises the following questions: Is there a legitimacy for privatisation based on the convergence of interests between business and the 'third way' state? Is the extent and value of private participation in public education misunderstood? How is the selling of private company services linked to the remodelling of schools? Why have the technical and political issues of privatisation been considered but ethical issues almost totally neglected? What is happening here, beyond mere technical changes in the form of public service delivery? Is education policy being spoken by new voices? Drawing upon extensive documentary research and interviews with senior executives from the leading 'education services industry' companies, the author challenges preconceptions about privatisation. He concludes that blanket defence of the public sector as it was, over and against the inroads of privatisation, is untenable, and that there is no going back to a past in which the public sector as a whole worked well and worked fairly in the interests of all learners, because there was no such past. This book breaks new ground and builds on Stephen Ball's previous work on education policy. It should appeal to those researching and studying in the fields of social policy, policy analysis, sociology of education, education research and social economics.

Spaces of Global Capitalism: Towards a Theory of Uneven Geographical Development

Abstract: to the rise of a neoliberalism which has both commoditized otherness and stripped away the buffers of the welfare state. The introduction establishes that, although Brennan critiques the formation of \"theory,\" he is not dismissive of theory in principle; he actually is deeply invested in a trajectory of theory, embodied in the Hegel-Marx line: Bakhtin, Lukács, Benjamin, Adorno, Marcuse, Gramsci, Bourdieu, and Said. Lamenting the predominance of the Nietszchèan line—in which he includes Heidegger, Deleuze and Guattari, Baudrillard, Lyotard, Derrida, Vattimo, Negri, and Virilio—Brennan blasts the celebratory and uncritical use of \"poststructuralism's infinitely interchangeable metaphors of dispersal: decentered subjects, nomadism, ambivalence, the supplement, rhizomatic identity, and the constructed self—terms whose sheer quantity nervously intimates a lack of variation.\" At such polemical textual moments, we feel the full force of Brennan's bile at a discipline that has abnegated its responsibilities; at the same time, the polemic (as all polemics do) tends to create the fantasy of an other whose totality is self-evident and whose heterogeneity is merely superficial. What, indeed, about the politically engaged work of Cary Nelson, BarrettWatten, Michael Bibby, andMichael True, among others, not to mention the intellectuals left of Noam Chomsky, whose dissident work may share the anarchism of the academic left, but whose consequences have been real and whose relationship to dissenting movements in the US and throughout the world is undeniable? (Chomsky gets three short mentions in this book.) Brennan's relative exclusion of contemporary examples of Gramscian intellectuals actively engaged with social movements makes Wars ofPosition a difficult book, because it offers few models for emerging from the malaise that the academy seems to Detailfrom cover suffer from. Yet Brennan is clearly at his best when he is arguing against the received versions of theorists, engaging his Hegelian impulses to reverse the unexamined consensus. His critical reassessment of Orientalism (1978), for example, suggests that Said's foundational text on the Western fantasies of the Middle East has been misread as a Foucauldian project; rather, for Brennan, while Orientalism clearly borrows heavily from Foucault, Said ultimately is arguing against the poststructuralist doxa that underwrite much of contemporary postcolonial theory. Said, in Brennan's reading, is a crucial figure not only for his resistance to the sacred cows of poststructuralism, but also for his embrace of the public responsibilities of the intellectual.

Practices of assemblage and community forest management

Abstract: Governmental interventions that set out to improve the world are assembled from diverse elements – discourses, institutions, forms of expertise and social groups whose deficiencies need to be corrected, among others In this article I advance an analytic that focuses on practices of assemblage – the on-going labour of bringing disparate elements together and forging connections between them I identify six practices that are generic to any assemblage, whatever its specific contours: 1) forging alignments, 2) rendering technical, 3) authorizing knowledge, 4) managing failures, 5) anti-politics, and 6) reassembling I demonstrate the power of this analytic through an extended study of community forest management This is an assemblage that brings together an array of agents (villagers, labourers, entrepreneurs, officials, activists, aid donors, scientists) and objectives (profit, pay, livelihoods, control, property, efficiency, sustainability, conservation) Its very unwieldiness helps to sharpen a

International Handbook of Educational Change

Abstract: Section 1: The Roots of Educational Change. Editor: A. Lieberman. 1. Listening and Learning From the Field: Tales of Policy Implementation and Situated Practice M.W. McLaughlin. 2. A Kind of Educational Idealism: Integrating Realism and Reform L.M. Smith. 3. Change and Tradition in Education: The Loss of Community M. Holmes. 4. Unfinished Work: Reflections on Schoolteachers D. Lortie. 5. Ecological Images of Change: Limits and Possibilities K. Sirotnik. 6. Seduced and Abandoned: Some Lasting Conclusions about Planned Change from the Cambire School Study J. Giacquinta. 7. Three Perspectives on School Reform E. House, P. McQuillan. 8. Finding Keys to School Change: A 40-Year Odyssey M. Miles. 9. World War II and Schools S. Sarason. 10. School-Based Curriculum Development M. Skilbeck. 11. Patterns of Curriculum Change I. Goodson. 12. Educational Reform, Modernity and Pragmatism C.H. Cherryholmes. 13. The Vital Hours: Reflecting on Research on Schools and Their Effects P. Mortimore. 14. Redefining the Role of Educators After Reaganism H. Giroux. Section 2: Contexts and Challenges of Educational Change. Editor: A. Hargreaves. 1. Educational Change: Easier Said Than Done D. Fink, L. Stoll. 2. Globalization and Educational Change A. Stuart Wells, et al. 3. Markets, Choices, and Educational Change W. Boyd. 4. New Information Technologies and the Ambiguous Future of Schooling: SomePossible Scenarios C. Bigum, J. Kenway. 5. Public Education in a Corporate-Dominated Culture H.-J. Robertson. 6. Cultural Difference and Educational Change in a Sociopolitical Context S. Nieto. 7. Language Issues and Educational Change J. Cummins. 8. The Politics of Gender and Educational Change: Managing Gender or Changing Gender Relations? J. Blackmore. 9. School-Family-Community Partnerships and Educational Change: International Perspectives M.G. Sanders, J.L. Epstein. 10. The Purpose of Educational Change M. Greene. 11. Restructuring and Renewal: Capturing the Power of Democracy L. Allen, C.D. Glickman. 12. Reculturing Schools: Lessons from the Field L. Miller. 13. The Micropolitics of Educational Change J. Blase. 14. Organization, Market and Community as Strategies for Change: What Works Best for Deep Changes in Schools T.J. Sergiovanni. 15. Authenticity and Educational Change D. Meier. 16. Organizational Learning and Educational Change W. Mulford. 17. The Emotion of Educational Change A. Hargreaves. 18. Policy and Change: Getting Beyond Bureaucracy L. Darling-Hammond. Section 3: Fundamental Change. Editor: M. Fullan. A: Macro Change. 1. Beyond Bloom's Taxonomy: Rethinking Knowledge for the Knowledge Area C. Bereiter, M. Scardamalia. 2. Human Development in the Learning Society D. Keating. 3. Networks, Coalitions and Partnerships for Educational Reform: Working Across and Between the Lines A. Lieberman. 4.<

Globalization and Religious Nationalism: Self, Identity and the Search for Ontological Security

Abstract: The globalization of economics, politics, and human affairs has made individuals and groups more ontologically insecure and existentially uncertain. One main response to such insecurity is to seek reaffirmation of one's self identity by drawing closer to any collective that is perceived as being able to reduce insecurity and existential anxiety. The combination of religion and nationalism is a particularly powerful response ("identity-signifier") in times of rapid change and uncertain futures, and is therefore more likely than other identity constructions to arise during crises of ontological insecurity. The aftermath of 9/11 continues to play a defining role in world politics. The bombs over Afghanistan have been replaced by fragile attempts to keep the country together as funds are drying up and the Afghan regions are again becoming increasingly divided. The people of Iraq continue to live in fear and uncertainty of their livelihood as international forces struggle to set up an interim regime contested by many. Australians, who had felt largely untouched by world conflict, have seen themselves being forced onto the stage of world politics as a result of the terrorist assault in Bali. Palestinians continue to lose the battle of the occupied territories, and the headquarters of the Palestinian authorities are under constant siege in response to yet another deadly raid on Israeli civilians. Heightened tension at international airports is affecting all travelers, but some more than others as non-Westerners come under constant scrutiny. Those risking their lives to escape the economic and political hardship of their countries in search of a better life for themselves and their children are increasingly denied access to Western societies. And national governments are responding to their citizens' concern for tightened security and the closing of borders to immigrants and

The Wilsonian Moment: Self-Determination and the International Origins of Anticolonial Nationalism

Abstract: During the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, while key decisions were debated by the victorious Allied powers, a multitude of smaller nations and colonies held their breath, waiting to see how their fates would be decided. President Woodrow Wilson, in his Fourteen Points, had called for "a free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims," giving equal weight would be given to the opinions of the colonized peoples and the colonial powers. Among those nations now paying close attention to Wilson's words and actions were the budding nationalist leaders of four disparate non-Western societies-Egypt, India, China, and Korea. That spring, Wilson's words would help ignite political upheavals in all four of these countries. This book is the first to place the 1919 Revolution in Egypt, the Rowlatt Satyagraha in India, the May Fourth movement in China, and the March First uprising in Korea in the context of a broader "Wilsonian moment" that challenged the existing international order. Using primary source material from America, Europe, and Asia, historian Erez Manela tells the story of how emerging nationalist movements appropriated Wilsonian language and adapted it to their own local culture and politics as they launched into action on the international stage. The rapid disintegration of the Wilsonian promise left a legacy of disillusionment and facilitated the spread of revisionist ideologies and movements in these societies; future leaders of Third World liberation movements - Mao Zedong, Ho Chi Minh, and Jawaharlal Nehru, among others - were profoundly shaped by their experiences at the time. The importance of the Paris Peace Conference and Wilson's influence on international affairs far from the battlefields of Europe cannot be underestimated. Now, for the first time, we can clearly see just how the events played out at Versailles sparked a wave of nationalism that is still resonating globally today.

Bank Ownership and Performance Does Politics Matter

Abstract: This paper uses a new dataset to reassess the relationship between bank ownership and bank performance, providing separate estimations for developing and industrial countries. It finds that state-owned banks located in developing countries tend to have lower profitability and higher costs than their private counterparts, and that the opposite is true for foreign-owned banks. The paper finds no strong correlation between ownership and performance for banks located in industrial countries. Next, in order to test whether the differential in performance between public and private banks is driven by political considerations, the paper checks whether this differential widens during election years; it finds strong support for this hypothesis.

The architecture of government : rethinking political decentralization

Abstract: 1. Introduction 2. The political process 3. Administrative efficiency 4. Competition among governments 5. Fiscal policy and redistribution 6. Fiscal coordination and incentives 7. Citizens and government 8. Checks, balances, and freedom 9. Acquiring and using knowledge 10. Ethnic conflict and secession 11. Data to the rescue? 12. Conclusion: rethinking decentralization.

Engaging the global countryside: globalization, hybridity and the reconstitution of rural place:

Abstract: Woods, Michael, (2007) 'Engaging the global countryside: globalization, hybridity and the reconstitution of rural place', Progress in Human Geography 31(4) pp.485-507 RAE2008

The Oxford handbook of political behavior

Abstract: PART I INTRODUCTION PART II MASS BELIEF SYSTEMS AND COMMUNICATION PART III MODERNIZATION AND SOCIAL CHANGE PART IV POLITICAL VALUES PART V NEW DEBATES IN POLITICAL BEHAVIOR PART VI POLITICAL PARTICIPATION PART VII DOES PUBLIC OPINION MATTER? PART VIII THE METHODOLOGY OF COMPARATIVE POLITICAL BEHAVIOR RESEARCH

Para além do pensamento abissal: das linhas globais a uma ecologia de saberes

Abstract: In the first part of the essay, the author states that the "abyssal" cartographical lines that used to demarcate the Old and the New World during colonial times are still alive in the structure of modern occidental thought and remain constitutive of the political and cultural relations held by the contemporary world system. Global social iniquity would thus be strictly related to global cognitive iniquity, in such a way that the struggle for a global social justice requires the construction of a "post-abyssal" thought.

The power and politics of blogs

Abstract: The rise of bloggers raises the vexing question of why blogs have any influence at all, given their relatively low readership and lack of central organization We argue that to answer this question we need to focus on two key factors—the unequal distribution of readers across weblogs, and the relatively high readership of blogs among journalists and other political elites The unequal distribution of readership, combined with internal norms and linking practices allows interesting news and opinions to rise to the "top" of the blo- gosphere, and thus to the attention of elite actors, whose understanding of politics may be changed by frames adopted from the blogosphere

China in Africa

Abstract: China's growing presence in Africa introduces a new dynamic in the continent's relations with the outside world. Motivated by vital resources and new markets to fuel its economy, coupled to a commitment to multilateralism, Beijing has embarked on a comprehensive trade and diplomatic offensive that is challenging Western pre-eminence in the region. African governments have responded enthusiastically to this new source of investment and aid as well as China's professed willingness to ignore political conditionalities. Chinese–African cooperation, however, remains constrained by the asymmetric nature of relations and Africa's changing attitude towards issues such as humanitarian intervention.