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Institution

American Association for the Advancement of Science

NonprofitWashington D.C., District of Columbia, United States
About: American Association for the Advancement of Science is a nonprofit organization based out in Washington D.C., District of Columbia, United States. It is known for research contribution in the topics: Science education & Government. The organization has 353 authors who have published 897 publications receiving 18841 citations. The organization is also known as: AAAS.


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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Ten case studies and five issue papers on key CRA topics are examined and a set of lessons learned are identified for CRA implementation, addressing the iterative nature of CRAs, importance of considering vulnerability, need for stakeholder engagement, value of a tiered approach, new methods to assess multiroute exposures to chemical mixtures, and the impact of geographical scale on approach and purpose.

45 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: It is proposed that neurobiologists, who might inadvertently contribute to this situation, should be aware of how their papers will be read by the legal community and should play a more active role in educating and engaging with that community.

45 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Decisions at both firms and university licensing offices, and policies at the Patent and Trademark Office, NIH, and the courts influenced the outcome.
Abstract: How scientific knowledge is translated into diagnostic and therapeutic tools is important to patients with dread diseases as well as to regulators and policymakers. Patents play a crucial role in that process. Indeed, concern that the fruits of federally funded research would languish without commercial application led to the passage of the Bayh-Dole Act (PL 96-517), which reinforced incentives to patent the results of inventions arising from federally funded research (Eisenberg 1996). Subsequently, rates of patenting among U.S. academic institutions have increased (Henderson, Jaffe, and Trajtenberg 1988). A recent survey by the Association of University Technology Managers counted 20,968 licenses and options from 175 academic institutions and 6,375 patent applications filed in fiscal year 2000 (Pressman 2002). Analysis suggests that the number of academic patents was already rising when the Bayh-Dole Act was passed in 1980 (Mowery et al. 2001), but it is clear that the act reinforced the patenting norm in research universities and mandated a technology transfer infrastructure at those universities that had not yet established a technology licensing office. Several concerns were raised when the Bayh-Dole Act was debated. First, patents have a potential danger, as they can be used to block products from the market and protect monopolies. Indeed, establishing a limited monopoly is the very purpose of patenting. The Bayh-Dole Act thus includes a provision intended to limit monopoly rights when they might undermine public health. Under certain circumstances, government agencies can “march in” to protect the public interest. The second concern refers to the impact of patenting on open science and academic norms. This was not heavily debated before Bayh-Dole passed, in part because the act's central focus was on small businesses and nonprofits rather than academic institutions. Now, however, the possible untoward effects of academic research institutions pursuing their business interests while hindering access to research tools and reducing open publication are receiving attention (R.R. Nelson, personal communication, January 2002). We present in this article a case study of intellectual property that affected cancer treatment. The case concerns the rise and demise of CellPro, which developed cell separation devices for making stem cell suspensions for bone marrow transplantation. CellPro was a Seattle-area start-up firm founded to develop the technology. The firm was the first to market and secure the approval of the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) of a cell separation device, but it ultimately went bankrupt and sold its technology assets after losing a patent battle with Johns Hopkins University, Baxter Healthcare Corporation, and Becton-Dickinson & Company. We address how patent law and science claimed this discovery in different ways and for different purposes. The CellPro case was the first time that any federal agency—in this case, the National Institutes of Health (NIH)—was petitioned to “march in” to compel licensing under Bayh-Dole. The relevant patents were owned by Johns Hopkins and exclusively licensed (and sublicensed) to large medical device firms. The case shows the Bayh-Dole statute in action and illustrates the role of patents, particularly the importance of patent licensing practices. We begin by describing the events according to the accounts of different stakeholders, then turn to observations about the policy decisions made during this process, and conclude with options for policy change. The story starts with the personal involvement of CellPro's former CEO, Rick Murdock, whose mantle cell lymphoma was treated clinically with CellPro's Ceprate instrument. The account continues through two federal district court trials in Delaware, presided over by Judge Roderick McKelvie, followed by the review of those decisions by the Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit, which hears appeals for all patent cases in the United States. While the second trial was under way, CellPro petitioned the federal government to “march in” and compel the licensing of the Hopkins patents. We then look at the role of Johns Hopkins and make some observations about licensing and the role of federally funded research under the Bayh-Dole statute. Patents are important, and for Johns Hopkins University, they were a source of revenue. For the large device firms, particularly Baxter, patents protected them from competition and fostered investment in developing a cell separation device. For CellPro, however, the Hopkins patents spelled doom. Indeed, patents, particularly for pharmaceuticals, are coming under increased scrutiny throughout the world. Our purpose here is not to prove that patents are either good or bad but to show how patents encourage investment in research and development and can also hinder innovation. Their net impact on social welfare is uncertain. This article examines three features of patents: (1) the breadth of patent claims; (2) the way that patents are licensed and sublicensed, which is influenced by owners and licensees; and (3) the secrecy that limits accountability to the public, even when inventions result in part from federal funding and are conducted at academic institutions whose core values are open discourse and the creation and dissemination of knowledge. For two decades, under the Bayh-Dole statute, universities have drifted into practices that can pit their business interests against their academic values. The CellPro story raises difficult questions about the use of federally funded research and university-based intellectual property. It also shows how patent law may or may not play out differently in medical fields than it has in other high-tech economic sectors. Enhancing or obstructing computer technology or automobile manufacture is different from quashing a firm producing a life-saving cancer drug or device. Cancer therapeutics are subject to an additional layer of moral (and political) analysis. Although the principles of traditional patent law still apply, they collide with norms of fairness more often, and sometimes with greater effect, than they have done in other high-tech fields. Our story starts from Claim 1 of U.S. patent 4,965,204, issued and assigned to Johns Hopkins University on October 23, 1990: “A monoclonal antibody which specifically binds to an antigen on non-malignant, immature human marrow cells, wherein said antigen is stage specific and not lineage dependent, and said antigen is also specifically bound by the antibody produced by the hybridoma deposited under ATCC Accession No. HB-8483.”1 The syntax and circumlocution are typical of patent claims, which are constructed as factual assertions linked by verbs that may sound like standard English but often have a specific legal meaning. (For example, a DNA sequence “comprising” ACTG refers to any sequence that includes that sequence within it, whereas “consisting of” ACTG means exactly and only ACTG. That is, “comprising” has a much broader scope than “consisting of” does.) Awkward sentences like these can be worth billions of dollars. Claims define the boundaries of the intellectual property that its inventor controls. Patents cost tens of thousands of dollars to obtain (and many times that amount for worldwide rights) and can cost millions to defend in litigation. For example, the legal fight over patents on recombinant insulin cost around $30 million (Marshall 1997). In our story, Claim 1 killed CellPro and thereby eliminated Baxter's competitor, increased the price (and presumably Baxter's profits), and suppressed an alternative technological approach to cell separation devices. CellPro's technology now belongs to its nemesis, Baxter.

43 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: General Systems Theory (GST) as discussed by the authors is a popular topic in the philosophy of science, especially in connection with the unity of science movement, and its potential for the organization of this domain.
Abstract: This paper has three parts. First, I discuss what I take as the original stimulus and the purpose of general systems theory (GST) to be, why I think it is important, and how I came to be involved in it. I reflect on von Bertalanffy's general system (sic) theory and the early debates on the topic, stressing the essential concept of isomorphism, with its rewards in following up parallel developments in different domains, and its risks and temptations in the projection of grand and all-inclusive systems. Second, I discuss the direction my own work took after my term as President of the Society for General Systems Research (1966–1967), and how it diverged from the early program, in particular in its emphasis on the difference between system and structure and on the essential role of individual subjectivity in the latter. I stress the importance of the concept of ‘relation’ as underlying that of ‘system’, and in particular the difference between relations as embodied in physical systems and relations as components of intentional structures that may or may not correspond to physical systems. In the third and final part, I discuss the place of GST in the philosophy of science, especially in connection with the unity of science movement, and its potential for the organization of this domain. I ask what light the concept of system can throw on our knowledge of the universe and its worlds (a distinction explained in the paper), and what the risks are of assuming tight isomorphisms between mathematical structures and physical systems, for example, in cosmology and quantum mechanics. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

42 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The available scientific evidence generally supports the conclusion that there is a marked similarity of potency of the dose of various progestins used in many of the formulations currently available in the U.S.

42 citations


Authors

Showing all 359 results

NameH-indexPapersCitations
Kendall N. Houk11299754877
M. Cooke11091552792
Federica Sallusto10724466684
Peter Agre10424839051
Michael B. Yaffe10237941663
Abul K. Abbas8825134965
Jose M. F. Moura8064725819
Marcia C. Linn7233725744
Eli Y. Adashi6644217139
William H. Press63180102433
Richard A. Berk5829315288
James L. Salzer5611111437
Robert E. Kopp5619910227
Herbert C. Kelman5215512853
Gerard Gilfoyle502558716
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Performance
Metrics
No. of papers from the Institution in previous years
YearPapers
20231
20228
202111
202023
201927
201822