Showing papers in "Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy in 2014"
TL;DR: This article assessed Australians' perceived and ideal wealth distributions and compared them to the actual wealth distribution and found that beliefs about wealth distribution only weakly predicted support for raising the minimum wage, suggesting that attitudes toward inequality may not translate into preferences for redistributive policies.
Abstract: Recent evidence suggests that Americans underestimate wealth inequality in the United States and favor a more equal wealth distribution (Norton & Ariely, 2011). Does this pattern reflect ideological dynamics unique to the United States, or is the phenomenon evident in other developed economies—such as Australia? We assessed Australians’ perceived and ideal wealth distributions and compared them to the actual wealth distribution. Although the United States and Australia differ in the degree of actual wealth inequality and in cultural narratives around economic mobility, the Australian data closely replicated the United States findings. Misperceptions of wealth inequality as well as preferences for more equal distributions may be common across developed economies. In addition, beliefs about wealth distribution only weakly predicted support for raising the minimum wage, suggesting that attitudes toward inequality may not translate into preferences for redistributive policies.
59 citations
TL;DR: This paper examined psychological antecedents that may explain how people in an industrialized Western country respond to global inequality and revealed that individual and group-based processes predict people's responses to global inequalities and uncover potentials to promote behavior in the interest of global justice.
Abstract: One of humanity's most pressing problems is the inequality between people from “developed” and “developing” countries, which counteracts joint efforts to combat other large scale problems. Little is known about the psychological antecedents that affect the perception of and behavioral responses to global inequality. Based on, and extending, Duckitt's dual-process model, the current research examines psychological antecedents that may explain how people in an industrialized Western country respond to global inequality. In two studies (N1 = 116, N2 = 117), we analyzed the relationship between the Big Five and justice constructs, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), social dominance orientation (SDO), and behavioral intentions to reduce global inequality. Two-group path analysis revealed support for the dual-process model in that RWA and SDO were important predictors of behavioral intentions and partially acted as mediators between personality and such intentions. Moreover, justice sensitivity explained variance beyond the “classic” DPM variables. In Study 2, we additionally assessed individuals’ global social identification and perceived injustice of global inequality that explained additional variance. Extending previous work on the dual-process model, these findings demonstrate that individual and group-based processes predict people's responses to global inequality and uncover potentials to promote behavior in the interest of global justice.
53 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors found that the relationship between voting for Mitt Romney and migration expressions was mediated by a reduced sense of belonging in the United States, which supports the ideological migration hypothesis and suggests that threatening to move to Canada following an undesirable election outcome may be driven by voters' belonging needs.
Abstract: Every four years, partisan Americans threaten to migrate to Canada (or some other country) if their preferred candidate loses the Presidential election. This phenomenon has yet to undergo an empirical test. In the present experiment, 308 Obama voters and 142 Romney voters following the 2012 election responded to one of two writing prompts that led them to think about how the United States was becoming more liberal or conservative. Regardless of the writing prompt condition, Romney voters endorsed migration expressions more than Obama voters. Furthermore, Romney voters, compared to Obama voters, expressed a reduced sense of belonging in the United States. The relationship between voting for Romney and migration expressions was fully mediated by sense of belonging. Together, these findings support the ideological migration hypothesis and suggest that threatening to move to Canada following an undesirable election outcome may be driven by voters’ belonging needs.
33 citations
TL;DR: This paper found that discussing controversial current issues in social studies classes diminishes the negative association between attending a racially pluralistic high school and electoral engagement, and encouraged students to participate in extracurricular groups that address political issues.
Abstract: Previous research has found that attending racially pluralistic high schools is associated with a reduced likelihood of future electoral and civic engagement. Analysis of a national survey of 18–24 year olds after the 2012 election confirms this finding. However, certain school and family practices and extracurricular activities appear to compensate. Discussion of controversial current issues in social studies classes diminishes the negative association between attending a racially pluralistic school and electoral engagement. School-based discussion is particularly important for young people who attend pluralistic schools and who do not participate in political discussion at home. Opportunities to associate with peers who share common interests through issue-oriented groups predict electoral engagement. Considering that strong arguments can be made in favor of racial diversity in schools, it is important to compensate for the lessened electoral engagement in diverse schools by creating policies and teacher preparation resources that promote high-quality discussion of controversial issues in classrooms, and by encouraging students to participate in extracurricular groups that address political issues.
24 citations
TL;DR: The authors found that self-reported non-voting behavior is associated with lower endorsement of moral concerns and values and found that the explicit intention not to vote was associated with higher endorsement of non-moral values.
Abstract: Results from a nationally representative survey (N = 1, 341) provide evidence that self-reported nonvoting behavior is associated with lower endorsement of moral concerns and values (Study 1). Across three studies, five large samples (total N = 27,038), and two presidential elections, we replicate this pattern and show that the explicit intention not to vote is associated with lower endorsement of moral concerns and values (Studies 2–4). This pattern was not found for endorsement of nonmoral values. Separate analyses for liberals, conservatives, libertarians, and Tea Party supporters reveal that the intention not to vote is specifically associated with low endorsement of the moral concerns most associated with one's ideological group: Care and Fairness concerns predicted voting intentions for liberals, while Loyalty, Authority, and Sanctity concerns predicted voting intentions for conservatives and members of the Tea Party group FreedomWorks.
24 citations
TL;DR: It is suggested that enabling women to exert desired control over childbirth is likely to enhance satisfaction and reduce the likelihood of postpartum mood disturbance.
Abstract: Compared to vaginal deliveries, surgical (cesarean) deliveries are associated with more complications, longer recovery, lower satisfaction, and greater risk of postpartum mood disturbances Despite a steep rise in rates of surgical delivery, there have been few theoretically founded investigations of the mechanisms by which delivery method has an effect on psychosocial outcome We tested a model of adjustment to unplanned cesarean delivery, focusing on two mediators: diminished control over labor and delivery; and unmet expectations of control over childbirth Participants were 164 women anticipating a normal vaginal childbirth Women who delivered by unplanned surgical delivery (24% of the sample) experienced significantly lower childbirth satisfaction than women delivering vaginally As hypothesized, the association of delivery method with childbirth satisfaction was mediated by diminished control and unmet expectations, even after controlling for other predictors Differences were not found between delivery groups in postpartum depressed mood Irrespective of delivery method, perceived control during labor and delivery was strongly associated with childbirth satisfaction and lower depressed mood Findings suggest that enabling women to exert desired control over childbirth is likely to enhance satisfaction and reduce the likelihood of postpartum mood disturbance Implications for policies relevant to hospitals, employers, insurance companies, and legal practice are discussed
23 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors focus on the ethical question of getting informed consent when we collect data from social network sites (SNS) and argue that data from SNS are not per se public and research based on these data should not be exempt from the ethical standard that informed consent must be obtained from participants.
Abstract: This article deals with the topic of ethics in large-scale online studies on social network sides. “Big data” and large-scale online field studies are a relatively new phenomenon and clear ethical guidelines for social science research are still lacking. In this article, I focus on the ethical question of getting informed consent when we collect data from social network sites (SNS). I argue that data from SNS are not per se public and research based on these data should not be exempt from the ethical standard that informed consent must be obtained from participants. Based on the concept of privacy in context (Nissenbaum, 2010), I further propose that this is because the norms of distribution and appropriateness are violated when researchers manipulate online contexts and collect data without consent. Finally, I make suggestions for existing and possible future practices for large-scale online studies.
23 citations
TL;DR: A brief history of the term reproductive justice and how it differs from the more commonly used term reproductive rights can be found in this article, where the authors describe how the articles by Mollen (1976) and DeLucca and Lobel (2014) both reflect and contribute to our understanding of reproductive justice.
Abstract: This commentary provides a brief history of the term reproductive justice and describes ways that it differs from the more commonly used term reproductive rights. Reproductive justice is a broader concept, situated firmly in the movement for social justice and based on a principle of positive rights. The author then shows how the articles by Mollen (1976) and DeLucca and Lobel (2014) both reflect and contribute to our understanding of reproductive justice.
19 citations
TL;DR: This article explored the potential for a research agenda that includes scholarship on working class issues and organized labor and found that the efforts of organized labor to achieve economic fairness and justice, and a healthy workplace environment are intertwined with multiple corollary consequences that constitute a wide and complex spectrum.
Abstract: This article explores the potential for a research agenda that includes scholarship on working class issues and organized labor. Such an agenda is consistent with the official mission of American Psychological Association—to advance knowledge that benefits society and improves people's lives. I focus on our paucity of interest in the institution that gives the American working class a voice—the labor union. We know that work is one of the central focuses in the lives of most people and that the work experience is deeply implicated in satisfaction with life. The efforts of organized labor to achieve economic fairness and justice, and a healthy workplace environment, are intertwined with multiple corollary consequences that constitute a wide and complex spectrum—from physical job safety and economic security on one end, to the psychological benefits of heightened self-esteem, respect, dignity, empowerment, and affiliation on the other—all related to satisfaction with life. In addition, by advancing and protecting the rights of workers, unions are part of the larger movement for civil rights.
19 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors consider how large scale events (both positive and negative) affect the economy and how this articulates with people's identities, and consider how consumerism, consumption patterns, and consumer confidence relate to changes in identity.
Abstract: Economic strategies are largely driven by political and economic considerations. However, we contend that social psychological processes, particularly involving social identity, play an important role and should also be a focus for policy strategies. We review evidence on how changes in the macroeconomy can impact social identities, and vice versa. Drawing on social psychological theories of identity and categorization, and using the current European context as a main example, we consider how large scale events (both positive and negative) affect the economy and how this articulates with people's identities. The review considers how consumerism, consumption patterns, and consumer confidence relate to changes in identity. It also considers the consequences of macroeconomic change for social cohesion. We describe a novel model that sets out the likely opportunities and challenges for individuals, groups, and society, in the context of future macroeconomic scenarios: recession, stagnation, and growth. The review highlights the bidirectional nature of the relationship between the economy and social identity, and calls for policy makers to consider social psychological perspectives when developing economic strategies.
18 citations
TL;DR: This paper found that skin tone biases occur as a function of two independent sources: racial prejudice and political partisanship, which is always related to skin tone bias, and partisan skin tone biased primarily during elections.
Abstract: White Americans higher in prejudice were less likely to vote for Barack Obama than other Americans. Recent research also demonstrated that supporters and opponents of Mr. Obama engaged in skin tone biases, i.e., they perceive Mr. Obama's skin tone as lighter or darker in line with more positive or negative views of him. Across two studies we hypothesized that skin tone biases occur as a function of two independent sources: racial prejudice, which is always related to skin tone bias, and political partisanship, which is related to skin tone bias primarily during elections. Study 1 assessed perceptions of Mr. Obama's skin tone shortly before and after the 2008 Presidential election, and shortly after the first inauguration. Study 2 assessed perceptions in the middle of his first term, immediately prior to the 2012 Presidential election, and 1 year into his second term in office. Consistent with our hypothesis, we found that partisan skin tone bias was limited to the election period, whereas prejudice-based skin tone biases occurred independent from any election.
TL;DR: In the past two years, a record number of abortion restrictions have been proposed and enacted in the United States, such as parental notification and consent laws, mandatory waiting periods, pre-abortion counseling, sonogram requirements, and restrictions on late-term abortions as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In the past 2 years, a record number of abortion restrictions have been proposed and enacted in the United States. Such restrictions include parental notification and consent laws, mandatory waiting periods, preabortion counseling, sonogram requirements, and restrictions on late-term abortions. These restrictions are often positioned in the language of informed consent with legislators and policymakers asserting that women regret abortions, are physically and psychologically harmed by them, and are advantaged by continuing their pregnancies to term. In this paper, I position these restrictions, as well as ideas about parenting, within a framework of pronatalism, an ideology that venerates parenting as normative and desirable, and generally disparages other choices surrounding reproductive choices, particularly for women. Research about the incidence and impact of abortion on women's lives, as well as the physiological, psychological, financial, and other effects of pregnancy, childbirth, and parenting on adults’ well-being, is presented. Myths pertaining to abortion and parenting are explored. Recommendations for psychologists conclude the article.
TL;DR: The contemporary United States does not provide the conditions for optimal reproductive health as discussed by the authors, and challenges that women face in terms of family planning, access to abortion, and safe pregnancy and delivery are best understood from a reproductive justice framework.
Abstract: Personal health behaviors and outcomes are deeply influenced by context. The contemporary United States does not provide the conditions for optimal reproductive health. Challenges that women face in terms of family planning, access to abortion, and safe pregnancy and delivery are best understood from a reproductive justice framework. Reproductive justice frames the issue as more than individual choice, and simultaneously considers race, class, and social location, along with gender. It employs a human rights framework that promotes social justice.
TL;DR: The authors found that retrospective evaluations exerted a stronger influence on vote choice in the referendum (vs. the choice) frame; racial animosity strongly predicted economic evaluations for knowledgeable Republicans who were led to believe that positive economic developments were the result of actions taken by the Obama administration; and information-seeking bias is a contingent phenomenon, depending jointly on the opportunity and motivation to selectively tune in to congenial information.
Abstract: In an analysis of the 2012 presidential election, we sought to optimize two key desiderata in capturing campaign effects: establishing causality and measuring dynamic (i.e., intraindividual) change over time. We first report the results of three survey-experiments embedded within a three-wave survey panel design. Each experiment was focused on a substantive area of electoral concern. Our results suggest, among other findings, that retrospective evaluations exerted a stronger influence on vote choice in the referendum (vs. the choice) frame; that among White respondents, racial animosity strongly predicted economic evaluations for knowledgeable Republicans who were led to believe that positive economic developments were the result of actions taken by the Obama administration; and that information-seeking bias is a contingent phenomenon, one depending jointly on the opportunity and motivation to selectively tune in to congenial information. Lastly, we demonstrate how the panel design also allowed us to (1) examine the reliability and stability of a variety of election-related implicit attitudes, and to assess their impact on candidate evaluation; and (2) determine the causal impact of perceptions of candidates’ traits and respondents’ policy preferences on electoral preferences, and vice versa, an area of research long plagued by concerns about endogeneity.
TL;DR: The Icelandic economy collapsed dramatically in the fall of 2008, making the country one of the first victims of the sharp economic downturn that hit most of the West as mentioned in this paper, and the Icelandic crisis may serve as an especially illuminating case study of the psychology of economic booms and busts.
Abstract: The Icelandic economy collapsed dramatically in the fall of 2008, making the country one of the first victims of the sharp economic downturn that hit most of the West. The Icelandic crisis may serve as an especially illuminating case study of the psychology of economic booms and busts. We offer an analysis of the buildup and aftermath of the economic crisis in Iceland using theories and findings from social psychology and related disciplines. During the buildup, at the national level we focus on strong national identity, high levels of trust, and system justification. At the group level, we discuss homogeneity of bank employees, group identity, and organizational culture. At the individual level the focus is on motivated reasoning and cognitive heuristics. During the aftermath at the national level, the primary focus is on collective action and the ascent of women into power. At the individual level we discuss changes in values, and report on a study in which we examined people's perceptions of what caused the crisis and how it relates to political ideology. We conclude by considering several behaviors not accounted for in our analysis and some policy implications that can be gleaned from the analysis.
TL;DR: This paper found that implicit associations about the candidates (but not racial categories) accounted for intention to vote for them and relative willingness to support them over and above the effect of political orientation.
Abstract: In two studies conducted during the 2012 U.S. presidential election, we sought to determine whether the relative ascription of the American identity to Barack Obama and Mitt Romney was distinct from attitudinal responses and from associations about racial categories. We also tested the degree to which these associations accounted for voter support. In both studies, participants completed a series of Implicit Association Tests and reported their intention to vote for and their willingness to support these candidates. In contrast to implicit associations about racial categories (Black vs. White), Obama was implicitly seen as more American and elicited a more favorable implicit evaluation than Romney (Study 1). At the same time, these effects were reduced when candidates were categorized based on their racial (rather than personal) identity (Study 2). Implicit associations about the candidates (but not racial categories) accounted for intention to vote for them and relative willingness to support them over and above the effect of political orientation (Studies 1 & 2). These findings suggest that the implicit ascription of a national identity is an important facet of presidential elections.
TL;DR: This article investigated whether perceptions concerning racial progress varied: before and after Barack Obama's reelection, by whether President Obama was labeled as either biracial or black, and found that labeling President Obama as either black or white did not affect views of racial progress.
Abstract: When Barack Obama became the “first Black President” of the United States in 2008, researchers examined how his election impacted Americans’ views of racial progress When he was reelected in 2012, the minority status of the president had become less novel In the present study, we investigated whether perceptions concerning racial progress varied: (1) before and after President Obama’s reelection; (2) by whether President Obama was labeled as biracial or Black; and (3) among White and Black individuals We replicated past findings to demonstrate that after Obama’s reelection, White participants reported that our country had made racial progress and decreased their support for equality programs (eg, affirmative action) Our results also revealed that labeling President Obama as either biracial or Black did not affect views of racial progress Additionally, Black participants categorized President Obama as Black more than White participants, while White participants categorized President Obama as White more than Black participants We discuss these results in terms of the impacts of racial beliefs that stem from exposure to a minority leader
TL;DR: This paper examined the effects of political ideology, framing effects (national security vs. human costs), value orientations, and the salience of Presidential candidate endorsement (Obama vs. Romney) on attitudes toward drone policy and found that perceived relevance of security values and universalism values to judgments of drone policy mediated the relationship between ideology and drone policy attitudes.
Abstract: On the eve of the 2012 U.S. Presidential election, we conducted an initial investigation into the determinants of people's attitudes toward the U.S. military's use of drone strikes in Pakistan. Drawing on existing research and theory in social and political psychology, we examined the effects of political ideology, framing effects (national security vs. human costs), value orientations, and the salience of Presidential candidate endorsement (Obama vs. Romney) on attitudes toward drone policy. The perceived relevance of security values and universalism values to judgments of drone policy mediated the relationship between ideology and drone policy attitudes. Additionally, a human costs frame increased the relevance of universalism values and decreased the relevance of security values to drone policy attitudes relative to a national security frame, and, through these values, decreased support for drone strikes. Neither of these effects was moderated by candidate salience. We discuss the theoretical and practical implications of these findings, and identify several avenues for future research on this important and controversial policy.
TL;DR: This article examined the role of hopeful thinking in enhancing life satisfaction among a minority group facing pervasive group-based discrimination: country migrant workers’ children in China and found that the negative impact of discrimination on life satisfaction was mediated through diminished hopeful thinking.
Abstract: We examine the role of hopeful thinking in enhancing life satisfaction among a minority group facing pervasive group-based discrimination: country migrant workers’ children in China. Positive psychology reasoning suggests that hopeful thinking can attenuate the negative impact of perceived discrimination on life satisfaction. This moderation model is compared to a mediation model, which predicts that reduced hopeful thinking explains the negative impact of perceived discrimination on life satisfaction. Study 1 showed that hopeful thinking did not moderate the relationship between discrimination and life satisfaction. Rather, the negative impact of discrimination on life satisfaction was mediated through diminished hopeful thinking. Study 2 manipulated perceived discrimination and replicated Study 1 findings. The results reveal that hopeful thinking can indeed have positive consequences, but that hopeful thinking is also constrained by perceiving discrimination. This suggests that there are limits to the extent to which hopeful thinking can be developed when facing group-based discrimination.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that past research regulation has largely been in reaction to questionable research practices, and therefore new innovations need to be regulated before SNS users' privacy is irreparably compromised.
Abstract: Social networking sites (SNSs) provide researchers with an unprecedented amount of user derived personal information. This wealth of information can be invaluable for research purposes. However, the privacy of the SNS user must be protected from both public and private researchers. New research capabilities raise new ethical concerns. We argue that past research regulation has largely been in reaction to questionable research practices, and therefore new innovations need to be regulated before SNS users’ privacy is irreparably compromised. It is the responsibility of the academic community to start this ethical discourse.
TL;DR: The authors introduce the concept of economic literacy and describe how teachers and students can develop such literacy and how to apply it in a key site of civic development (elementary and secondary schools).
Abstract: Despite growing attention to public opinion about economic inequality, there has been little research on how this topic should be addressed in a key site of civic development—elementary and secondary schools. This commentary builds on a recent ASAP article by White, Mistry, and Chow to explore what knowledge and understandings K-12 students should acquire about the economy, and what this means for what teachers need to know. Looking to John Dewey's Depression-era writing as a guide, I introduce the concept of economic literacy and describe how teachers and students can develop such literacy.
TL;DR: This article investigated how attitudes and beliefs about the national debt were related to morality, warmth, and competence judgments of the Obama administration and voting intentions the week before the 2012 presidential election and found that attitudes toward the debt predicted judgments and voting intention.
Abstract: We investigate how attitudes and beliefs about the national debt were related to morality, warmth, and competence judgments of the Obama administration and voting intentions the week before the 2012 presidential election. Even after controlling for political ideology, we found that attitudes toward the debt predicted judgments and voting intentions. Additionally, ideology and beliefs about the extent to which increases in the national debt were under the Obama administration's control moderated the relationship between debt attitudes and judgments, and between debt attitudes and voting intentions. Liberals and conservatives who thought the Obama administration had control over the debt judged the administration as less moral and less competent, and reported weaker intentions to vote for Obama, when they had more negative debt attitudes. Liberals who thought the administration had little control over the debt, however, judged the administration positively and intended to vote for Obama regardless of debt attitudes.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors summarize three teaching practices that nurture the democratic dispositions of students: extending youths' interactions with others whose backgrounds differ from theirs and broadening youths' perspectives about the interdependence of their fates with the fates of others.
Abstract: In this commentary, I summarize three teaching practices that nurture the democratic dispositions of students. The common element in these pedagogies is extending youths’ interactions with others whose backgrounds differ from theirs and broadening youths’ perspectives about the interdependence of their fates with the fates of others.
TL;DR: The authors examined the ways in which teachers address social class in an economically integrated school and found that although teachers are comfortable discussing diversity in a number of areas, social class diversity is not covered with the same care as other domains.
Abstract: By examining the ways in which teachers address social class in an economically integrated school, White, Mistry, & Chow (2013) call attention to a critical gap in the educational system. Their analysis indicates that although teachers are comfortable discussing diversity in a number of areas, social class diversity is not covered with the same care as other domains. The current paper uses White at al. (2013) as a starting point to discuss how teachers, psychologists, and policy-makers can better educate students about both social class privilege and disadvantage.
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TL;DR: This article found that women's occupational difficulties remained largely unchanged during the late-2000s economic crisis and found that their top five employment concerns mirrored decades past: work-life imbalance, pay inequity, gender discrimination, childcare, and the glass ceiling.
Abstract: This study sought to capture the challenges facing working women in the wake of the late-2000s recession; we also studied whether and how these challenges varied by race and leadership status. Drawing on qualitative data from 4,388 women employed in 2010 across Michigan (one of the most economically depressed states), we inductively analyzed accounts of the “biggest challenge facing working women.” We found that at a time when the workforce was reeling from major economic change, women's occupational difficulties remained largely unchanged. Their top five employment concerns mirrored decades past: work-life imbalance, pay inequity, gender discrimination, childcare, and the glass ceiling. Emphases varied somewhat by race and leadership, but overall, women's chief concerns cut across these boundaries. We provide an abundance of quotes to bring life to these perspectives, letting the voices of working women be heard. Our findings suggest that the global economic crisis failed to outstrip challenges that working women have confronted for years. We conclude with a call for broad change to better support women (and men) in the workforce—during and after the Great Recession.
TL;DR: The challenges of any micro-macro interplay between social psychology and macro social and economic sciences are explored in this article, where the authors use quite a varied set of methods and forms of inequality.
Abstract: Despite appreciating the importance of bridging–or perhaps because of it–we must also appreciate the challenges of any micro-macro interplay Many psychological scientists work on social issues precisely because we are frustrated by the untested and often untenable psychological assumptions made by more macro social and economic sciences At the psychological level of analysis, the array of approaches here to the social psychology of the Great Recession suggests a full agenda The articles use quite a varied set of methods and forms of inequality, but these do not exhaust the possibilities for future work
TL;DR: Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy's collection of papers on the social psychology of the 2012 election, framing it in terms of two prior collections, is described as reflecting four themes: President or Barack Obama's path from outsider to incumbent, the nation's shift toward increasingly racialized politics, contemporary perceptions of Americanness, and the role of moral values in political engagement.
Abstract: This essay introduces Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy's collection of papers on the social psychology of the 2012 election, framing it in terms of two prior collections. The papers are described as reflecting four themes: President or Barack Obama's path from outsider to incumbent, the nation's shift toward increasingly racialized politics, contemporary perceptions of “Americanness,” and the role of moral values in political engagement.
TL;DR: The authors offers a critique of the strategy to have critical discussions about social class in schools without simultaneously considering racial and ethnic backgrounds of students and the teachers, highlighting the unique opportunity afforded to South Bay Elementary to discuss these complex issues.
Abstract: The commentary offers a critique of the strategy to have critical discussions about social class in schools without simultaneously considering racial and ethnic backgrounds of students and the teachers. By highlighting the unique opportunity afforded to South Bay Elementary to discuss these complex issues, we highlight an example of school that attempted similar discussions. We also offer developmental specific examples of how schools can attempt these difficult discussions.