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Showing papers in "Governance in 1999"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a subsectional map is proposed to clarify the quango topography, which accepts the diversity inherent in quango debate whilst allowing for increased clarity and focused research, which is the only way forward for practitioners, academics and policy makers working within the sphere of quasi government.
Abstract: Without definitional clarity the 'quango debate' is inherently flawed and meaningful progress undermined. A possible solution to this problem is proposed in this article by way of a subsectional map which aims to clarify the quango topography. This accepts the diversity inherent in the quango debate whilst allowing for increased clarity and focused research. This, the authors believe, is the only way forward for practitioners, academics and policy makers working within the sphere of quasi-government. There is a need to address precise forms or subsections of the quango continuum as studies or reforms which focus on one type of quango would not necessarily work if applied to all quangos, or quangos in other countries.

172 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, it is argued that the politico-administrative systems of the member states of the European Union differentially adapt to the pressures of European integration in a manner which reflects the preexisting balance of domestic institutionnal structures, as well as th broader matrices of values which define the nature of appropriate political forms in the case of each national polity.
Abstract: Studies of the impact of European integration on the national administrations of the member states of the European Union (EU) have pointed towards an uneven process of “Europeanization” While there has unquestionably been a growing range and frequency of contacts between national administrations and the EU system, there is little evidence of an expected convergence towards a common institutional model This uneven Europeanization is presently explained with reference to a neo-institutionalist framework, drawing primarily on the work of March and Olsen It is argued that the politico-administrative systems of the member states differentially adapt to the pressures of European integration in a manner which reflects the preexisting balance of domestic institutionnal structures, as well as th broader matrices of values which define the nature of appropriate political forms in the case of each national polity Distinctive national patterns of institutional adjustment, rather than appearing anomalous, emerge as corresponding to a basic logic of differentiation indissociable from the integration process itself The general argument is illustrated by an extended comparative study of France and the Netherlands, examining both the making and the implementation of European policy in the two countries

128 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine efforts in the encompassing organization of global commerce, in the pharmaceutical industry and among dye stuffs producers, and build upon these experiences into theories on self-regulation as a form of global governance.
Abstract: Governance at international and global levels is not only provided through states and markets but also through a variety of private organizations. The business world is well represented through this kind of organization and contributes to global governance through self-regulation across a number of industries. This article examines these efforts in the encompassing organization of global commerce, in the pharmaceutical industry and among dye stuffs producers. Smaller organizations are generally better suited to monitor compliance and impose sanctions on members violating the codes and norms behind self-regulation. Even small organizations, however, are confronted with problems and there is also evidence of large and very complex organizations having established effective mechanisms as alternatives to public regulation. These experiences can be built into theories on self-regulation as a form of global governance.

123 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyzed the changes that have been implemented in the Dutch social security system and characterized the extensive changes as a form of "managed liberalization." This characterization points to the paradoxical nature of these changes.
Abstract: In this article the changes that have been implemented in the Dutch social security system are analyzed. The extensive changes are characterized as a form of "managed liberalization." This characterization points to the paradoxical nature of these changes. On the one hand a certain liberalization can be observed (an increase of social insurance and the administration of social security via the market) while on the other hand the control of the system by the state is also increasing. This process of managed liberalization, however, takes place under an umbrella of lasting universal social protection: entitlements are still determined by law and remain collective. In this article the changes in the Dutch social security are described extensively, interpreted theoretically and analyzed in their consequences for the level of social protection. By following the process of institutional change the system of social security has undergone, the authors also try to find out what the causes of the changes are and what determines the direction the process has taken.

78 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the coordinative capacity of Centers of Government (COGs) in several Central and Eastern Europe countries is discussed, and the authors suggest that the lack of nodality, authority and policy expertise at the COG can be explained by the particular features of the post-Communist political systems.
Abstract: This article discusses the coordinative capacity of Centers of Government (COGs) in several Central and Eastern Europe countries. In formal terms, COGs are at the heart of the executive process; but their contribution to coherence in executive policymaking has remained limited. This observation applies both to coordination within the executive, and between the executive and other key participants in the political process. In important respects, the "solitary centers" operate in isolation from their political and institutional environment. In part, this weakness of linkage reflects the particular features of the post-Communist political systems; in part, it can be explained by a lack of nodality, authority and policy expertise at the COG. There are good reasons to assume that, as policy systems mature, problems of linkage will decline in significance. But this outcome cannot be taken for granted. Instead, we might be witnessing the emergence of a "new administrative type" in some Central and Eastern European countries.

51 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors systematically investigated the responsibilities and prestige of portfolios that women cabinet ministers in the ten Canadian provinces have held over a 21-year period, 1976-1997, an era in which their share of cabinet positions rose from less than 4% to almost 25%.
Abstract: Historically not only have women cabinet ministers in Western democracies been few in number, but they have generally been limited to “women's ministries” such as education, health, social services, and culture. This article systematically investigates the responsibilities and prestige of portfolios that women cabinet ministers in the ten Canadian provinces have held over a 21-year period, 1976–1997, an era in which their share of cabinet positions rose from less than 4% to almost 25%. Although still concentrated in traditional women's ministries, they have diversified the portfolios they hold. Using a tri-fold classification of portfolios into (1) important, (2) middle range, and (3) junior positions, we find that women increasingly have achieved more prestigious portfolios, perhaps a reflection of the reduced number of cabinet positions in the 1990s and more concerted attempts to promote women. But the law of increasing disproportion still exists, at least in overall terms of the relative prestige of cabinet positions.

50 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors focus on European Union merger control and stress the political dimension to competition policy, which is in evidence in the type of regime, the commitment to enforcing the law, the role of discretion and issues such as transparency and democracy.
Abstract: In a world where goods and services (but also people, capital and ideas) are increasingly ignoring national borders, competition policy has emerged as a highly salient issue at the heart of international trade discussions. Aspects of competition policy, from cartels and monopolies to state aids and the liberalization of the utilities, have become a regular feature in the pages of the financial and legal press and have become identified as a central element in any government's policy towards industry and its drive for competitiveness. This article focuses on European Union merger control and although appreciative of the dominance of economics and law in competition policy, stresses the political dimension to competition policy. A government and public administration perspective is essential. This is in evidence in the type of regime, the commitment to enforcing the law, the role of discretion and issues such as transparency and democracy. The example of merger control is used to illustrate how the European Commission (EC) has emerged and operates as a genuinely federal actor in determining and shaping merger policy throughout the EU. In short, this article accounts for policy development, the decision making process and in particular the degree to which discretion and politicization underpin one of the most crucial aspects of economic regulation.

45 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a neoprogressive research agenda is developed to challenge public choice theory's position as the new orthodoxy in understanding and guiding policy choices about urban service delivery such a challenge requires more than accumulating negative empirical tests Rather, we must accept the new burden of proof laid on proponents of progressive reform institutions by the theories of nonmarket failure and quasimarkets, ideas that undermined the intellectual pillars supporting progressive reform institution and can only be challenged by new ideas.
Abstract: A neoprogressive research agenda is developed to challenge public choice theory's position as the new orthodoxy in both understanding and guiding policy choices about urban service delivery Such a challenge requires more than accumulating negative empirical tests Rather, we must accept the new burden of proof laid on proponents of progressive reform institutions by the theories of nonmarket failure and quasimarkets, ideas that undermined the intellectual pillars supporting progressive reform institutions and can only be challenged by new ideas Public choice theory itself, broadly considered, is proposed as a valid source of such new ideas Three research programs, in part already underway, are outlined as essential building blocks in the research agenda, focusing, respectively, on blunting the rough edges of the theory of nonmarket failure, coordinating the empirical critiques of quasimarkets in a new theory of quasimarket failure, and developing the new institutionalism so that it can provide the basis for comparing the production outcomes of alternative urban institutions

44 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyze the policy process in Mauritius, and argue that it combines characteristics of both policy networks and civil society, and conclude that by increasing legitimacy, the civic network also increased state policy capacity.
Abstract: In ethnically divided developing countries, avenues permitting popular participation in the policy process seem essential if the state is to be viewed as legitimate. Frequently, however, mechanisms intended to build legitimacy by providing for popular participation fail to achieve this target. This article analyzes the policy process in Mauritius, and argues that it combines characteristics of both policy networks and civil society. We term this form of popular consultation on policy a “civic network,” and we present research which suggests that it has been successful in building legitimacy. By comparing this civic network with other forms of popular participation, we are able to identify the characteristics which seem to make it more effective. The effects of popular participation on the policy capacity of a state are more mixed, but in the case of Mauritius, we conclude that by increasing legitimacy, the civic network also increased state policy capacity.

42 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the agency model is viable notwithstanding doubts about the practicability of the policy-operations distinction, that Next Steps is not the cause of defective accountability or the scapegoating of bureaucrats by ministers, and that making agency heads accountable to parliamentary select committees has fundamental drawbacks of its own.
Abstract: Various concerns have been raised about the practicability of Next Steps and the adequacy of accountability mechanisms in Britain, particularly after the dismissal of Derek Lewis as chief executive of the Prison Service. This article critically reviews these concerns. It argues that the agency model is viable notwithstanding doubts about the practicability of the policy–operations distinction; that Next Steps is not the cause of defective accountability or the scapegoating of bureaucrats by ministers; and that a commonly proposed solution—making agency heads accountable to parliamentary select committees—has fundamental drawbacks of its own. The “conventional wisdom” that Next Steps cannot work ignores important evidence and badly needs reassessment.

36 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine how senior permanent officials in the European Commission (directorgenerals and directors) conceive of the role of nationality in their organization, and find that utility packs far more power than socialization.
Abstract: This article examines how senior permanent officials in the European Commission (directorgenerals and directors) conceive of the role of nationality in their organization. Do they support a weberian ideal–typical bureaucratic organization, where merit shapes personnel selection and task organization, or do they prefer a consociational form, in which nationalities are represented in organization and policymaking? I explain variation in weberian and consociational orientations, using 105 mail questionnaires collected between July 1995 and May 1997. In explaining variation, I contrast socialization factors and factors related to the professional utility function of officials. I find that utility packs far more power than socialization. Support for consociational principles is highest among officials who belong to nationalities that are organized in strong multifunctional networks in Brussels. In an administration where nationality is a powerful principle of personnel organization, officials with the “right citizenship” have compelling incentives to reinforce its role. Professional utility is also a function of one’s position in the work environment: officials in positions of weak regulatory autonomy or dealing with quality of life issues are more likely to be consociational. Socialization is weak, though prior experience as a national civil servant reduces consociationalism and prior Commission cabinet experience increases it.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a case study of the Ontario Women's Directorate (OWD) analyzes the inherent conflicts and tensions between these two roles, particularly under repeated changes in government.
Abstract: State “advocacy structures”—agencies nominally designated to advance the status of collective social movements in public policy and society—must operate under conflicting criteria for “effectiveness.” While government actors likely measure effectiveness as the ability to manage a policyissue—advancing policy influence by prioritizing and packaging demands —collective movements additionally or primarily emphasize structures' performance as representatives of the priorities and diversity of movements. This consequently leads to differing evaluations of agency “effectiveness.” A case study of the Ontario Women's Directorate (OWD) analyzes the inherent conflicts and tensions between these two roles, particularly under repeated changes in government. The experiences of the OWD and other advocacy structures suggest that conflicting criteria are inherent and unavoidable in such institutions.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examines the evolution of federal budgeting over the past half-century, exploring such developments as the massive growth of entitlements, congressional budget reform, and the protracted battle over the budget deficit, finding that year-to-year changes in budget results have been relatively small even while budgetary rules and procedures have experienced sweeping change.
Abstract: Long the lifeblood of public administration, budgeting in the United States acquired a new importance during the 1980s and 1990s because of the fiscalization of the policy debate. But how much has American national budgeting really changed? This article examines the evolution of federal budgeting over the past half-century, exploring such developments as the massive growth of entitlements, congressional budget reform, and the protracted battle over the budget deficit. It finds that year-to-year changes in budget results have been relatively small even while budgetary rules and procedures have experienced sweeping change. At the same time, the composition of federal spending has undergone a quiet revolution. The traditional concept of budgetary incrementalism offers an incomplete explanation for these dynamics. To make sense of them, the article focuses on two key factors: the impact of policy inheritances, and the role of actors' causal and normative beliefs. These factors shape the ideational and material context within which boundedly rational actors negotiate decisions. The tension between changes in ideas and entrenched budgetary commitments has often served to stimulate institutional reform.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Kim et al. as mentioned in this paper examined the nature of political and institutional reform initiatives that have been carried out under former president Kim Young Sam and explored the impact of this limitation on his reform initiatives and the process of consolidation of democracy in Korea.
Abstract: This article examines the nature of political and institutional reform initiatives that have been carried out under former president Kim Young Sam. How effective have they been in consolidating democracy in Korea? Specifically, we examine why the Kim Young Sam government's political reform campaigns have been limited, and explore the impact of this limitation on his institutional reform initiatives and the process of consolidation of democracy in Korea. We argue that Kim Young Sam's initial political reform campaigns have contributed to creating a favorable environment for his institutional reform efforts. However, limitations of these initial political reform campaigns such as political funding and bribery scandals have hampered institutional reforms. We also argue that these difficulties were intensified by public dissatisfaction with Korea's poor economic performance and International Monetary Fund (IMF) financial assistance. As a result, Kim Young Sam's moral legitimacy as a civilian and reform-oriented leader toward the public has totally evaporated. Therefore, experiences under the Kim Young Sam administration are just trials and errors of democratization that show another failure in presidential leadership in Korea. These experiences will negatively affect the consolidation process of democracy in Korea by increasing the public's distrust of government as a whole. As a result, democratic consolidation in Korea is being delayed.

Journal ArticleDOI
Colin Knox1
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the major problems of accountability linked to Direct Rule government and set out a policy agenda for the new Northern Ireland Assembly, which is at a political and administrative cross-roads.
Abstract: Northern Ireland is at a political and administrative cross-roads. Politically the Good Friday Agreement has paved the way for devolved government, and administratively the system of Direct Rule from Westminster will come to an end. This article examines the major problems of accountability linked to Direct Rule government and sets out a policy agenda for the new Northern Ireland Assembly.

Journal ArticleDOI
Jaehyun Joo1
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined the application of existing studies to the experience of the East Asian newly industrialized countries and found that, despite some differences between the social policy systems of those countries, the existing literature on social policy change has considerable potential for application to those countries.
Abstract: Most of the existing literature on dynamics of social policy change was developed against the background of the Western liberal democratic political regimes. This study examines the application of these existing studies to the experience of the East Asian newly industrialized countries. Special attention is paid to two social policy problems of South Korea—the problems of low wage levels and compensation for pollution victims. Because of authoritarian government and a strongly autonomous state, the Korean cases show a pattern of policy changes primarily driven by a particular set of interests—the state elites' perceived political survival needs and their reputation in international society, with environmental factors and policy legacies playing a supplementary role. Also, in spite of state elites' reluctance to adopt social policy measures, the Korean cases show a pattern of policy developments away from the residual towards the institutional model. The results of this study suggest that, despite some differences between the social policy systems of the East Asian countries, the existing literature on social policy change has considerable potential for application to those countries. At the same time, however, the literature has a limited capacity for fully accommodating the East Asian experience, which stimulates political scientists to develop generalizations in a wider international context.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors employ archival research to examine how the segregationist order was introduced and maintained in the Federal civil service between the 1890s and 1945, and demonstrate how segregation impinged directly upon African American employees in a range of agencies and positions.
Abstract: This article employs archival research to examine how the segregationist order was introduced and maintained in the Federal civil service between the 1890s and 1945. In the article a racial bureaucracy is defined by two characteristics. First, one group of employees was placed in a subordinate position to others, both formally and informally, as a consequence of their “race.” Second, physical working conditions and daily routines were constructed around the segregation of one group of employees because of their race and, furthermore, advancement and promotion within the bureaucracy was delimited by race. This framework is used first, critically to assess two common views of the composition of the US federal government (the local race state thesis and the weak state thesis), and second, to illustrate how segregation impinged directly upon African American employees in a range of agencies and positions.

Journal ArticleDOI
Wade Jacoby1
TL;DR: The authors evaluate three cross-regional comparisons that use Eastern European cases and assess the outcomes of East European transformations at the ten-year mark, concluding with a sketch of a partially convergent agenda for further research along all three lines.
Abstract: This article evaluates three provocative cross-regional comparisons that use Eastern European cases. It begins by defending such comparisons against serious objections emphasizing Leninist legacies. Books by Offe, Greskovits, and Henderson et. al. form the foundation for a discussion of comparisons to the Eastern German, Latin American, and East Asian NIC cases, respectively. The different comparative approaches are assessed with reference to three blocks of issues: the possibility of achieving democratic capitalism “by design,” the strength of social responses to economic hardship, and the viability of state instruments to keep reforms moving. Characterizing the different approaches as reliant upon “exemplars, analogies, and menus,” the article assesses the outcomes of East European transformations at the ten-year mark. It concludes with a sketch of a partially convergent agenda for further research along all three lines.