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Showing papers in "Canadian Public Administration-administration Publique Du Canada in 2014"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: McNutt and Sommaire as discussed by the authors argue that the main implementation barriers to social media adoption are not technological, but rather organizational, cultural, and administrative, arguing that influence is earned through social reputation, not bureaucratic authority.
Abstract: This article examines how social collaborative technologies have changed the nature and scope of e-participation, showcasing several popular modes of engagement. It argues that the main implementation barriers to social media adoption are not technological, but rather organizational, cultural, and administrative. While there is enormous potential for Web 2.0 and associated social media tools to expand public engagement, the design of such initiatives must recognize that in digital environments influence is earned through social reputation, not bureaucratic authority. Sommaire : Cet article examine comment les technologies de collaboration sociale ont change la nature et l’envergure de la participation en ligne, en mettant en valeur plusieurs modes populaires de mobilisation. Il fait valoir que les principaux obstacles a l’adoption des medias sociaux ne sont pas technologiques, mais plutot organisationnels, culturels et administratifs. Alors que le Web 2.0 et les outils de medias sociaux connexes presentent un enorme potentiel d’accroitre la mobilisation du public, la conception de telles initiatives doit reconnaitre que dans les environnements numeriques, on acquiert de l’influence grâce a sa reputation sociale et non a son autorite bureaucratique. The digital media revolution is changing both the scope and the nature of public engagement activities. Governments around the world are experimenting with social media using the tools to enhance democratic engagement, improve service delivery, collaborate across organizations, and communicate with stakeholders and the public (Dixon 2010; Osimo 2008). Web 2.0 technologies are fundamentally changing how people socialize, communicate, shop, participate in public affairs and learn with consequences for society, politics, and the economy (Thomas and Sheth 2011). For public administrators, keeping pace with new Web technologies will be critical to governments committed to knowledge-based economies that simultaneously foster innovation and promote social cohesion (Valtysson 2010). For citizens, the density of online communication networks provides greater access to information, more opportunities to engage in public debate and undertake collective action (Woolley et al. 2010). Kathleen McNutt is associate director, Johnson-Shoyama Graduate School of Public Policy, University of Regina, Regina, Saskatchewan. CANADIAN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION / ADMINISTRATION PUBLIQUE DU CANADA VOLUME 57, NO. 1 (MARCH/MARS 2014), PP. 49–70 © The Institute of Public Administration of Canada/L’Institut d’administration publique du Canada 2014 Government capacity to adapt to the digital era depends on the organizational, cultural, and administrative willingness to shift public engagement activities away from the “broadcast paradigm” associated with Web 1.0 towards a “communicative paradigm” associated with Web 2.0. Second generation Web technologies have triggered significant changes in both policy and administrative processes as governments respond to the new behavioural, social, economic, and political norms of the network society. Emerging research suggests that “ubiquitous engagement” will be a democratic expectation in the next several decades (Lee and Kwak 2012) with social media, mobility, and virtualization pushing radical transformation of public sector organizations (Roy 2013). Many of these digital changes challenge the traditional modes of public engagement, which were largely premised on a new public management (NPM) approach to first generation e-government (Navarra and Cornford 2012). This NPM approach prescribed networked technologies as remedies to existing policy problems and public sector reforms, often focusing on marketing solutions and business-driven models of design In the early days of public sector information communication technologies (ICTs) implementation e-government was treated as “an evolutionary phenomenon” implemented through specific stages of development including cataloguing, transaction, vertical integration, and horizontal integration (Gupta and Jana 2003: 373). This NPM approach prescribed networked technologies as remedies to existing policy problems and public sector reforms, often focusing on marketing solutions and business-driven models of design (Andersen and Henriksen 2006). In other words, public administrators did not turn to ICTs to promote new forms of public engagement (although some experimentation did occur), but rather adopted digital technologies to produce increased efficiency and support existing administrative relationships. While the Canadian government enjoyed a great deal of success with first generation e-government initiatives, these achievements were often limited to the application of networked technologies to support internal reorganization of service delivery and information management (Borins et al. 2007; Roy 2006). It is, however, no longer early days with the Web evolving and improving as technologies often do to better serve the purposes of users. Governments can no longer depend on simply using their website to build reputational capital and social authority. As citizens increasingly rely on their online networks and mobile devices to manage relationships with friends, family, work, financial institutions, educational institutions, and so 50 KATHLEEN MCNUTT

75 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explore three public policy fields where the use of robotics is already substantial or where it is projected to grow substantially and where significant ethical issues exist or are anticipated.
Abstract: Some electronics experts believe that robots, like present-day computers, will be commonplace. A diverse assortment of robots, with varying purposes, capacities, forms, and sizes, is emerging with significant implications for the policy, service and regulatory responsibilities of government. This paper explores three public policy fields – aging, health care and defence – where the use of robotics is already substantial or where it is projected to grow substantially and where significant ethical issues exist or are anticipated. Applying ethical theories to the use of robotics is difficult. In the near-term, the focus should be on the ethical standards and behaviour of those designing, manufacturing, programming and operating robots. Several key topics in contemporary public sector ethics, including personal moral responsibility, privacy and accountability, are central to the emerging field of robot ethics. This suggests developing an ethics regime for robotics and examining the need for laws and regulations governing its use.

26 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The history of Canadian Medicare is reviewed to demonstrate the extent to which non-universal alternatives almost became the norm in Canada and that there is no single national narrative on health coverage, in part because of the highly decentralized nature of the Canadian health system.
Abstract: The history of Canadian Medicare is reviewed to demonstrate the extent to which non-universal alternatives almost became the norm in Canada. While this historical survey focuses on the most critical dimension of universal coverage - the drive to have all Canadians insured on the same terms and conditions - it also addresses the second and third dimensions of universality, the extent of user fees and the breadth of coverage, respectively. However, that there is no single national narrative on health coverage, in part because of the highly decentralized nature of the Canadian health system. Ultimately, public-sector health system coverage is a policy decision taken at the sub-national level by the provincial rather than the federal government.

25 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Migone et al. as mentioned in this paper explored new data on management consulting compiled from information released since the creation of the Federal Accountability Act to address the supply side of contracting and found several large multi-year contracts have taken up a larger percentage of contracting activity while the number of smaller contracts has declined.
Abstract: The use of external policy and management consultants in government has been receiving increasing attention in many countries, including Canada. We explore new data on management consulting compiled from information released since the creation of the Federal Accountability Act to address the supply side of contracting. We find several large multi-year contracts have taken up a larger percentage of contracting activity while the number of smaller contracts has declined. The data suggest a pattern of oligopsonic demand concentrated mostly in a handful of very heavy users and an increasingly oligopolistic supply pattern where less than 5% of companies accounted for 80% of total contract values and where repeat contracts are the norm. Measures of accountability and transparency need to extend to the “invisible” public service of contract consultants. Sommaire : Le recours par le gouvernement à des conseillers externes en politique et en gestion fait l’objet d’une attention croissante de la part de nombreux pays, y compris le Canada. Nous examinons de nouvelles données sur les services consultatifs de gestion compilées à partir des renseignements divulgués depuis la mise en œuvre de la Loi fédérale sur la responsabilité au Canada afin de traiter l’aspect offre de la passation de contrats. Nous découvrons que plusieurs gros contrats pluriannuels représentent un plus grand pourcentage de l’activité de passation de contrats aux dépens du nombre de plus petits contrats qui a baissé. Les données laissent entendre qu’il existe un modèle de demande en situation d’oligopsone concentré principalement entre les mains d’une poignée de très grands utilisateurs et un modèle d’offre de plus en plus oligopolistique où moins de 5 % des sociétés représentent 80 % de la valeur totale des contrats et où les contrats renouvelés sont la norme. Il faut étendre les mesures de responsabilité et de transparence à la fonction publique « invisible » des conseillers sous contrat. The field of government contracting has a very complex and broad scope and constitutes what has been termed the “shadow,” “hidden” or “invisible” Michael Howlett is Burnaby Mountain Chair, Department of Political Science, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, British Columbia and Yong Pung How Chair Professor, Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National University of Singapore. Andrea Migone is Director of Research and Outreach, Institute of Public Administration of Canada, Toronto. CANADIAN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION / ADMINISTRATION PUBLIQUE DU CANADA VOLUME 57, NO. 2 (JUNE/JUIN 2014), PP. 183–216 © The Institute of Public Administration of Canada/L’Institut d’administration publique du Canada 2014 public services (Guttman and Willner 1976; Speers 2007; MacDonald 2011; McKeown and Lindorff 2011). The subset of policy and management consulting activities within this category of government expenditure is a very active one and a very broad range of questions can be asked not only about the costs involved in the use of consultants in these areas and the capacity of consulting firms to provide contracted-for goods and services, but also what effects these have on government policy-making processes, their content and effectiveness (Howlett 2009; Howlett and Newman 2010). In most existing studies, however, this discussion has been framed in terms of answering questions about whether or not “value-for-money” is being achieved in expenditures made on contracts in this area (Di Francesco 1999; Scott 2005). That is, what quality of advice is being offered compared to internal sources and at what cost (Howlett and Migone 2013c). Policy and management consulting, however, also brings to the forefront of inquiry other, larger questions about the unbiased nature of consultant’s advice and the extent to which such activities evade traditional mechanisms of civil service recruitment, expenditure control and norms of democratic accountability in government (van Damme, Brans, and Fobé 2011; Raudla 2013; Howlett and Migone 2013b). Unfortunately much less work exists in this area (for notable exceptions see Saint-Martin 1998a; 1998b; 2005; 2006). This article addresses these larger issues through a case study of consulting contracting by the federal government of Canada. Answering these questions, it is argued, ultimately helps us answer the most important question of all, whether or not citizens should be concerned about whatever trends exist in this little-known and underinvestigated area of government spending. That is, is this just a case of “business as usual” in the policy, management and administrative fields—albeit through different methods from traditional public service expenditures—or does the increased use of outside sources of advice and expertise constitute a “consultocracy” operating largely outside the bounds of traditional rules and means of accountability, oversight and responsibility (Howlett and Migone 2012)? As the data presented here suggest, the answer in the case of the federal government of Canada is a qualified “yes.” That is, trends at the federal level towards the use of large contracts extended on a repeat basis to a small group of favoured companies are and should be a concern to both Canadian governments and citizens. These expenditures are quite large and involve outside actors in policy and managerial decision deliberations who are not only unelected but also unappointed. They evade scrutiny at the polls but also by civil service commissions and escape the rigours of public service recruitment processes. Their advice may be biased or of questionable quality, and there is little, if any, transparency allowing this advice to be judged. It is a slightly qualified “yes,” however, because the use of large numbers of policy and 184 MICHAEL HOWLETT, ANDREA MIGONE

24 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors focus on developments in the use of IT (for example, self-service technologies, Big Data, the Internet of Things) as a basis for assessing their implications for public sector values and ethics.
Abstract: In writings on public administration, the subject areas of values and ethics and of information technology (IT) have received substantial, but largely separate, attention. The public administration community can benefit by drawing on scholarship in the field of information and computer ethics and developing its own body of research with a view to sensitizing public servants to the effects of changes in IT on values and ethics. This article focuses on developments in the use of IT (for example, self-service technologies, Big Data, the Internet of Things) as a basis for assessing their implications for public sector values and ethics. Research is needed on the extent to which the values and ethics regimes of public organizations take account of the impact of changes in IT; the degree to which the various components of these regimes can foster sensitivity to the implications of these changes; and the significance for the public sector of such emerging ethical issues as robot ethics. Value conflicts and dilemmas arising from advances in digital technologies argue for vigorous measures to alert public servants to the technologies' impact.

21 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Sommaire et al. as mentioned in this paper investigated the motivation behind pay-for-performance (PFP) in public sector environments in Canada and distinguished between aggressive, passive, and reluctant regimes.
Abstract: In Canada, pay-for-performance (PFP) systems to compensate senior public servants have been established in several jurisdictions despite arguments by academics who doubt their efficacy in public sector environments characterized by high levels of intrinsic motivation. This article traces the pattern of PFP in Canada and distinguishes among “aggressive,” “passive,” and “reluctant” regimes. It explores why PFP is growing in popularity despite its acknowledged limitations. We canvass three theoretical perspectives and review evidence from interviews with key officials in a number of jurisdictions. The article contributes to our knowledge of managerial innovations by revealing the variety of motivations behind PFP. Sommaire Au Canada, les systemes de remuneration au rendement (PFP) pour indemniser les hauts fonctionnaires de la fonction publique ont ete etablis dans plusieurs competences territoriales, malgre les arguments avances par des universitaires qui doutent de leur efficacite dans les milieux du secteur public caracterises par des niveaux eleves de motivation intrinseque. Cet article retrace le modele de la remuneration au rendement au Canada et montre la distinction entre les regimes « agressifs », « passifs » et « hesitants ». Il examine pourquoi la remuneration au rendement gagne en popularite malgre ses limitations reconnues. Les auteurs sondent trois perspectives theoriques et examinent des temoignages d'entrevues avec des fonctionnaires cles dans un certain nombre de competences territoriales. L'article nous apporte des connaissances en matiere d'innovations en gestion en revelant la variete des motivations a l'origine de la remuneration au rendement.

18 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Ted Glenn1
TL;DR: Sommaire et al. as discussed by the authors examined the communications function in Canadian government using the results of a pilot study on the governments of Canada, Ontario, and the City of Toronto and provided a high-level overview of how communications within the federal, provincial and municipal governments are managed and administered.
Abstract: This article examines the communications function in Canadian government using the results of a pilot study on the governments of Canada, Ontario and the City of Toronto. It first defines what government communication is, explains what activities are included within the function, and then explains how and for what purposes government communications are used. It also provides a high-level overview of how communications within the federal, provincial and municipal governments are managed and administered. The article concludes with some observations about the nature of government communications in Canada and thoughts about future research in the area. Sommaire Cet article examine la fonction de communication au sein du gouvernement canadien en se fondant sur les resultats d'une etude pilote sur les gouvernements du Canada, de l’Ontario et de la Ville de Toronto. Il definit tout d'abord en quoi consiste la communication gouvernementale, demontre quelles sont les activites que comporte cette fonction, puis explique comment est utilisee la communication gouvernementale et a quelles fins. L'article offre egalement un apercu de haut niveau sur la maniere dont on gere et administre les communications au sein du gouvernement federal et des gouvernements provinciaux et municipaux. En conclusion, l'article presente certaines observations sur la nature de la communication gouvernementale au Canada et des suggestions de recherche future dans le domaine.

12 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Sommaire et al. as discussed by the authors reviewed the state of federal health policy discourse toward the LGBTQ population in Canada based on a systematic review of federal policy documents and websites as well as a small number of interviews with federal policy-makers.
Abstract: This article reviews the state of federal health policy discourse toward the LGBTQ population in Canada. Despite the advent of greater attention to diversity and gender mainstreaming in federal public policy and the shift to legalized rights protections for LGBTQ people, symbolized by policies such as same-sex marriage, LGBTQ health concerns continue to be marginalized in federal health policy. Based on a systematic review of federal policy documents and websites as well as a small number of interviews with federal policy-makers, the research demonstrates the extent to which LGBTQ health concerns are rendered invisible in federal health policy. The article suggests several ways in which a commitment to gender-based policy analysis could be expanded to take account of diverse health needs of LGBTQ Canadians. Sommaire Cet article passe en revue l'etat du discours de la politique federale sur la sante a l'egard de la population LGBTQ au Canada. Malgre la plus grande attention accordee a la diversite et a l'integration de la problematique des genres dans la politique publique federale et la tendance a legaliser la protection des droits des LGBTQ, que symbolisent des politiques comme le mariage entre personnes de meme sexe, les preoccupations des LGBTQ en matiere de sante continuent a etre marginalisees au sein de la politique federale sur la sante. Se fondant sur un examen systematique des documents de politique et des sites Web du federal, ainsi que sur un petit nombre d'entrevues avec des decisionnaires federaux, l'etude demontre dans quelle mesure les preoccupations des LGBTQ en termes de sante deviennent invisibles dans la politique federale sur la sante. L'article propose plusieurs moyens d'elargir l'engagement envers une analyse de politique fondee sur le genre, afin de tenir compte des divers besoins de la population LGBTQ canadienne en matiere de sante.

11 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine the adoption of the model in the Canadian municipalities of Hamilton and Ottawa to determine if and how it enhances competition, cost-savings, efficiency, effectiveness, and good governance in the delivery of public services, during an era of fiscal constraint.
Abstract: The New Public Management emerged in the 1980s, and with it, alternative service delivery (ASD) mechanisms, which removed service delivery from the public bureaucracy and separated policy making from policy implementation. Most western governments implemented measures including privatization or contracting out of service delivery to the private sector. By the mid-1990s, many governments started reversing ASD policies and sought new ways to deliver services, leading to a mixed model approach to service delivery, which combines the benefits of the public and private sectors. We examine the adoption of the model in the Canadian municipalities of Hamilton and Ottawa to determine if and how it enhances competition, cost-savings, efficiency, effectiveness, and good governance in the delivery of public services, during an era of fiscal constraint. Our findings indicate the model is better in enhancing the five variables when compared to solely public or private services delivery.

11 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examine how language and discourse have framed the issue of accountability in Indigenous child welfare devolution in Manitoba and conclude that the idea of collaborative governance is an illusion; at worst, it has serious negative impacts on Indigenous autonomy and on standards of accountability.
Abstract: This article examines how language and discourse have framed the issue of accountability in Indigenous child welfare devolution in Manitoba. Devolution has been officially presented by the province as a structure and process of collaborative governance – a form of governing that requires horizontal accountability among equal partners. Our examination of the accountability structures and processes reveals that, despite the rhetoric, there is continuing heavy insistence on vertical accountability to the provincial government. At best, the idea of collaborative governance is an illusion; at worst, it has serious negative impacts on Indigenous autonomy and on standards of accountability. Sommaire Cet article examine comment le langage et le discours ont formule la question de la responsabilisation dans le transfert des responsabilites de la protection de l'enfance autochtone au Manitoba. Le transfert des responsabilites aux autorites locales a ete officiellement presente par la province comme une structure et un processus de gouvernance collaborative – une forme de gouvernance qui exige une responsabilisation horizontale entre partenaires egaux. Notre examen des structures et processus de responsabilisation revele qu'en depit de la rhetorique, on continue a insister lourdement sur la responsabilisation verticale envers le gouvernement provincial. Dans le meilleur des cas, l'idee de gouvernance collaborative est une illusion; au pire, elle a de serieuses repercussions negatives sur l'autonomie des Autochtones et sur les normes de responsabilisation.

10 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Sommaire et al. as mentioned in this paper examined the total length of service and the average years of experience of presidents at 102 Canadian institutions from 1840 until 2011 and showed that presidents spend much less time in office than was historically the case.
Abstract: The number of Canadian university presidents terminated by their Boards of Governors has increased dramatically. Examining this phenomenon requires situating it in its historical context, yet there has been little empirical work. This study examines the total length of service and the average years of experience of presidents at 102 Canadian institutions. The analysis runs from 1840 until 2011 and shows that presidents spend much less time in office than was historically the case. The percentage of women serving in these roles increased during the 1980s reaching approximately 20% in the mid-1990s and has since remained at that level. The recent increase in terminations and early departures are discussed in light of the changing nature of the university presidency. Sommaire Le nombre des presidentes et presidents d'universites canadiennes dont les conseils de gouverneurs ont mis fin a l'emploi a augmente considerablement. Pour examiner ce phenomene, il faut le replacer dans son contexte historique, or tres peu d'etudes empiriques ont ete entreprises. Cette etude examine la longueur totale du service et la moyenne des annees d'experience des presidentes et presidents de 102 etablissements universitaires canadiens. L'analyse couvre la periode allant de 1840 a 2011 et montre que les presidents passent beaucoup moins de temps en fonction que par le passe. Le pourcentage des femmes exercant cette fonction s'est accru pendant les annees 1980, atteignant environ 20% vers le milieu des annees 1990, puis est reste a ce niveau depuis lors. La recente augmentation des cessations d'emploi et des departs anticipes de presidents universitaires fait l'objet d'un debat a la lumiere de l'evolution de la nature de la presidence universitaire.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors investigated a major P3 infrastructure project in British Columbia and concluded that the P3 organization did not constrain the government's capacity to pursue policy objectives for climate action.
Abstract: Governments are increasingly using public-private partnerships (P3s) to draw the private sector into more active participation in infrastructure development. Climate action initiatives have not typically yielded profitable results for the private sector, and might therefore constrain the placing of conditions by governments on P3 arrangements. This article investigates a major P3 infrastructure project in British Columbia - the Canada Line extension to Vancouver's urban rail transit network - and concludes that the P3 organization did not constrain the government's capacity to pursue policy objectives for climate action. This counterintuitive result occurred because public sector leadership enabled an effective engagement with environmental policy priorities.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue for varied methodologies that recognize stakeholder interests and minimize methods of persuasion promising too much and ignoring important problems in public administration, and defend diverses methodologies which reconnaissent les interets des parties prenantes and which minimisent les methodes de persuasion en promettant trop and en ignorant des problemes importants.
Abstract: This article reflects on the observation that no one group – practitioners, academics, or clients – can claim to possess the full truth on any question in public administration (PA). PA is enriched and afflicted by its practical nature; its students try to persuade colleagues and political and administrative elites of the truth of their findings. Most PA literature presents propositions as logical means to reach desired ends, but disagreement is possible and likely over means and ends. Beyond disagreements on values, many disciplines relevant to PA also ensure differing perspectives. We argue for varied methodologies that recognize stakeholder interests and which minimize methods of persuasion promising too much and ignoring important problems. Sommaire Cet article se penche sur le constat qu'il n'y a pas un seul groupe – qu'il s'agisse des praticiens, des universitaires ou des clients – qui puisse pretendre posseder toute la verite sur une question quelconque en administration publique. L'administration publique est enrichie et affaiblie par sa nature pratique; ses etudiants essaient de persuader non seulement leurs collegues, mais aussi les elites politiques et administratives de la verite de leurs conclusions. La plus grande partie de la documentation sur l'administration publique presente des propositions comme moyens logiques d'atteindre les fins souhaitees, mais la divergence d'opinions est possible et tres probable a la fois sur les fins et les moyens. Au-dela des divergences d'opinions sur les valeurs, les nombreuses disciplines pertinentes a l'administration publique assurent egalement des perspectives divergentes. Nous defendons diverses methodologies qui reconnaissent les interets des parties prenantes et qui minimisent les methodes de persuasion en promettant trop et en ignorant des problemes importants.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors identify a number of research trajectories to enhance our knowledge and understanding of the Canadian municipal chief administrative officer (CAO), and decrit les chefs des services municipaux comme un groupe d'hommes blancs d'un certain âge.
Abstract: Little has been written about the Canadian municipal chief administrative officer (CAO). Given the growing importance of municipalities, it is an important gap in the literature. This article depicts CAOs as a group of older white men, highly educated and very experienced. Given the impending retirement of a significant number of CAOs, municipalities have an opportunity to achieve a greater degree of representativeness. The authors identify a number of research trajectories to enhance our knowledge and understanding of this critical administrative position. Sommaire Il existe peu de documents sur les chefs des services municipaux au Canada. Etant donne l'importance croissante des municipalites, cela represente une grave lacune dans la documentation. Cet article decrit les chefs des services municipaux comme un groupe d'hommes blancs d'un certain âge, ayant un haut niveau d'etudes et une grande experience. Comme un grand nombre d'entre eux vont prendre leur retraite d'ici peu, les municipalites ont une occasion de parvenir a un plus grand degre de representativite. Les auteurs identifient un certain nombre de pistes de recherche pour ameliorer nos connaissances et notre comprehension de cette fonction administrative cruciale.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Innovation vouchers are widely used internationally by governments to support emerging small business as discussed by the authors, and they are used to subsidize the cost of business or technical services from external providers.
Abstract: Innovation vouchers are widely used internationally by governments to support emerging small business. Traditionally, vouchers were used to subsidize social benefits such as food, education or health services, but are increasingly used to stimulate entrepreneurial effort. Innovation vouchers are usually given to small firms to subsidize the cost of business or technical services from external providers. This enables the company to have more control over their development activities, while sustaining the external service providers. International and Canadian experience suggests considerable congruence in program design but, in some settings, special features have been devised to address local business needs and development priorities. A largely untapped body of evidence could be used to assess the impact of this tool and opportunities for refinement and application. Sommaire Les coupons pour l'innovation sont largement utilises par les gouvernements a l'echelle internationale afin de soutenir les petites entreprises emergentes. Traditionnellement, les coupons etaient utilises pour subventionner les avantages sociaux comme les repas, l'education ou les services de sante, mais ils servent de plus en plus a stimuler l'effort entrepreneurial. Les coupons pour l'innovation sont habituellement donnes a de petites entreprises afin de subventionner les couts d'affaires ou les services techniques des fournisseurs externes. Cela permet a l'entreprise de mieux controler ses activites de developpement, tout en maintenant les fournisseurs de services externes. L'experience internationale et canadienne laisse entendre une remarquable congruence dans la conception des programmes, mais dans certains milieux, des caracteristiques speciales ont ete concues pour repondre aux besoins des entreprises locales et aux priorites de developpement. Un ensemble de donnees disponibles essentiellement non exploite pourrait etre utilise pour evaluer l'impact de cet outil et les possibilites d'amelioration et d'application.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors identify such provincial criminal laws, explain how the modern doctrines of federalism might invite and allow for their enactment, and discuss impacts on criminal justice policy and administration.
Abstract: Under s.91 (27) of the BNA Act, 1867, the Federal Parliament has the exclusive authority to legislate “criminal law.” This has not stopped the provinces from passing “quasi-criminal” laws that are difficult to distinguish from criminal law. Recent legislation regarding “public fighting” and civil remedies for criminal acts suggest there are few legal obstacles to enacting provincial criminal law. This article identifies such provincial criminal laws, explains how the modern doctrines of federalism might invite and allow for their enactment, and discusses impacts on criminal justice policy and administration. It highlights the discretion afforded the Crown and police in charging individuals under the federal Criminal Code or similar provincial laws (or municipal by-laws). While provincial or local laws may allow for more efficient law enforcement, they do so at the expense of the procedural guarantees associated with the criminal law.



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a comparative analysis of network governance structures in eight provincial governments reveals that some structures are more compatible with policy alignment and implementation than others, which could have important implications for internal adherence to cross-cutting policy mandates as well as third sector policy implementation and bilateral collaboration agreements.
Abstract: Across Canada, provincial governments are engaged in a “third wave” of consultations, policy dialogues, and policy alignment strategies with the third sector. Unexplored to date is how provincial governments internally administer their third sector file. This internal configuration could have important implications for internal adherence to cross-cutting policy mandates as well as third sector policy implementation and bilateral collaboration agreements. This is a new point of analysis for public administrators and third sector intermediary organizations alike. This comparative analysis of network governance structures in eight provincial governments reveals that some structures are more compatible with policy alignment and implementation than others.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Sommaire et al. as discussed by the authors discuss the governance challenges that shared sovereignty and mismatched jurisdictional authorities pose for the effective and efficient provision of public safety in Canada, and discuss the challenges posed by shared rule and self-rule.
Abstract: Canada's federal political system has to reconcile differences over the balance between shared rule and self-rule concerning two bedrock principles of the constitutional government: the rule of law and democratic oversight of the exercise of the power of the state to ensure that it is not usurped The hallmark of the administration of multilevel security governance in Canada is horizontal and vertical differentiation of diverse territorial and non-territorial community values, preferences, interests and values has given rise to the asymmetric decentralization This article maps the historical and constitutional roots, and then draws on examples in a survey of its institutional structure across three levels of government It concludes by discussing the governance challenges that shared sovereignty and mismatched jurisdictional authorities pose for the effective and efficient provision of public safety in Canada Sommaire Le systeme politique federal canadien doit reconcilier des differences au sujet de l'equilibre entre le partage du pouvoir et l'autonomie concernant deux principes fondamentaux du gouvernement constitutionnel : la primaute du droit et la surveillance democratique de l'exercice du pouvoir de l'Etat afin de veiller a ce qu'il ne soit pas usurpe La differentiation horizontale et verticale d'une variete de valeurs, de preferences et d'interets communautaires territoriaux et non territoriaux a entraine la decentralisation asymetrique qui est la caracteristique de l'administration de la gouvernance de la securite a niveaux multiples au Canada Cet article etablit les racines historiques et constitutionnelles, puis s'appuie sur des exemples d'un sondage de sa structure institutionnelle aux trois paliers de gouvernement Il se termine par une discussion sur les defis de gouvernance que posent la souverainete partagee et les autorites de juridictions depareillees pour maintenir de maniere efficace et efficiente la securite publique au Canada

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Sommaire as discussed by the authors analyzed the evaluation function within the Quebec public administration during the 2000s as an organized action system (values, environment, resources and procedures, practice, impacts) with its consistencies and inconsistencies.
Abstract: Sommaire Cet article analyse la fonction d'evaluation dans l'administration publique du Quebec au cours des annees 2000 comme un systeme organise d'actions (valeurs, environnement, ressources et modalites, pratique, effets) avec ses coherences et incoherences. Trois constats emergent : les activites de soutien de la pratique evaluative de la part des ministeres centraux sont quasiment absentes, la transparence aupres des citoyens dans le processus evaluatif est peu presente, la realisation et l'utilisation d'evaluations de portee strategique parait peu frequente. Cet article met en evidence certaines coherences et incoherences d'une fonction de gestion, et propose une facon directe et systematique de souligner les points a ameliorer. Abstract In this article, we analyze the evaluation function within the Quebec public administration during the 2000s as an organized action system (values, environment, resources and procedures, practice, impacts) with its consistencies and inconsistencies. Three findings emerge: the support that central agencies give to the evaluation practice is almost non-existent; the transparency of the evaluation process for the citizens is barely noticeable; and the undertaking and use of the strategic use of evaluations seem rare. This article brings the attention to some consistencies/inconsistencies of the management function, and suggests a direct and systematic way to highlight what needs to be improved.

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TL;DR: The authors examines the rise of more strategic, professional and politically sensitive communications in the Government of Alberta and argues that citizen demands for transparency and participation are also reasons for the increased importance of strategic government communications.
Abstract: This article examines the rise of more strategic, professional and politically sensitive communications in the Government of Alberta and argues that citizen demands for transparency and participation are also reasons for the increased importance of strategic government communications. Accommodating these demands in the context of traditional representative democracy requires politically sensitive staff who can manage processes without jeopardizing the government's re-election or policy agenda. This article draws on analyses of government documents, interviews and the archives of premiers Getty and Klein. Sommaire Cet article examine l'essor de communications plus strategiques, plus professionnelles et plus sensibles a la realite politique au sein du gouvernement de l'Alberta et fait valoir que les exigences des citoyens en matiere de transparence et de participation expliquent egalement l'importance accrue de la communication gouvernementale strategique. Pour tenir compte de ces exigences dans le contexte de la democratie representative traditionnelle, le personnel doit etre sensible aux questions politiques et etre en mesure de gerer les processus sans nuire a la reelection du gouvernement ou a son programme politique. Cet article se fonde sur des analyses de documents du budget, des interviews et des archives des Premiers ministres Getty et Klein.

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Patrice Dutil1
Abstract: Is there a place for “history” in understanding both the theory and the practice of public administration today? The answer of this article is an emphatic “yes,” as long as the approach is used carefully. The reality is that history is used constantly to justify policy and administrative directions. The challenge is to find the best approach. This article explores four devices put to use by policy scholars and practitioners and encourages the field to use the past more effectively so that the claim that “This time, it's different” will be understood with a measure of precision, but also with modesty. Sommaire Existe-t-il une place pour « l'histoire » dans la comprehension de la theorie et de la pratique de l'administration publique aujourd'hui? La reponse de cet article est un « oui » categorique, a condition que l'approche soit utilisee avec precaution. La realite est que l'histoire est constamment utilisee pour justifier les politiques et directives administratives. Le defi est de trouver la meilleure approche. Cet article explore quatre mecanismes mis a profit par les chercheurs de politiques et les praticiens et encourage le champ a utiliser le passe plus efficacement afin que l'affirmation selon laquelle « cette fois, c'est different » sera comprise avec une mesure de precision, mais aussi avec modestie.


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TL;DR: The authors argued that a system of universal regional equalization grants arose not only because of the lessons of the Depression and the regional inequalities surfacing during the 1930s, but also as a byproduct of the move to universal social security measures, such as family allowances and, later, health insurance.
Abstract: This paper places Canada's equalization program in the context of broader discussions of equality and universality that dominated the mid-twentieth century discourse. It examines the origins of equalization in the Rowell-Sirois Report, the flirtation with equalization during the Dominion-Provincial Conference on Reconstruction in 1945–46, and the intergovernmental discussions of the 1950s that led to the first formal implementation of equalization in 1957. It argues that a system of universal regional equalization grants arose not only because of the lessons of the Depression and the regional inequalities surfacing during the 1930s, but also as a by-product of the move to universal social security measures, such as family allowances and, later, health insurance.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Gomez et al. as mentioned in this paper found that since 1996, with the exception of school boards, Ontario public sector top salaries have increased at about the same rate as top-end salaries for the province as a whole.
Abstract: Gomez and Wald (2010) found that Ontario salary disclosure did not restrain top university salaries. We provide evidence that supports and extends this conclusion by finding that since 1996, with the exception of school boards, Ontario public sector top salaries have increased at about the same rate as top-end salaries for the province as a whole. The time path in top public sector salaries is much smoother, suggesting short-run insulation from private sector markets. We consider alternative theories of the surge in top-end incomes, noting that the rise in Ontario top public salaries had no direct link with international trade and occurred without declining unionization. One possibility is that reduced top marginal tax rates improved the bargaining position of high-salaried employees by enhancing the gains of outside offers. Sommaire Gomez et Wald (2010) ont trouve que la divulgation des salaires en Ontario n'a pas limite les plus hauts salaires des universitaires. Les auteurs fournissent des preuves qui appuient et renforcent cette conclusion en decouvrant que depuis 1996, a l'exception des conseils scolaires, les plus hauts salaires du secteur public de l'Ontario ont augmente pratiquement au meme taux que les hauts salaires de la province dans son ensemble. Le parcours temporel des hauts salaires du secteur public est beaucoup plus graduel, laissant entendre un isolement a court terme des marches du secteur prive. Les auteurs etudient des theories alternatives sur la poussee des revenus les plus eleves, notant que l'augmentation des plus hauts salaires des fonctionnaires de l'Ontario n'avait ni de lien direct avec le commerce international, ni avec une baisse de la syndicalisation; cependant, une reduction des taux d'imposition marginaux les plus eleves aurait pu ameliorer la position de negociation des employes a salaire eleve en ameliorant les gains des offres de l'exterieur.

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TL;DR: Sommaire et al. as mentioned in this paper used a new dataset on portfolio adoption across all ten Canadian provinces and the federal government from 1867 to 2012 to investigate four distinct patterns of portfolio adoption that point to key motivations behind the development of new portfolios.
Abstract: Based on work by Moon and Sayers on the assignment of ministerial portfolios in Australia, we use a new dataset on portfolio adoption across all ten Canadian provinces and the federal government from 1867–2012. This data set when analyzed shows four distinct patterns of portfolio adoption that point to key motivations behind the development of new portfolios. We show that much of the common wisdom fails to explain portfolio creation but that patterns of development may be better explained by a new typology. The work attempts to fill a gap in the understudied area of Canadian ministerial portfolios and comparative provincial politics. Sommaire En se fondant sur le travail realise par Moon et Sayers sur l'affectation de portefeuilles ministeriels en Australie, nous utilisons un nouvel ensemble de donnees sur l'adoption de portefeuilles dans les dix provinces canadiennes et le gouvernement federal de 1867 a 2012. Apres analyse, cet ensemble de donnees montre quatre modeles distincts d'adoption de portefeuilles, qui indiquent les motivations cles derriere le developpement de nouveaux portefeuilles. Nous montrons que le sens commun ne parvient pas a expliquer la creation de portefeuilles, mais que des modeles de developpement pourraient etre mieux expliques par une nouvelle typologie. Le travail tente de combler une lacune dans le domaine insuffisamment explore des portefeuilles ministeriels canadiens et de la politique provinciale comparative.

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TL;DR: Sommaire et al. as mentioned in this paper explored the politics of flat old-age pensions in the United Kingdom (UK) and Canada, two liberal countries in which this type of program is at the foundation of the public pension system.
Abstract: Adopting a historical and comparative perspective, this article explores the politics of flat old-age pensions in the United Kingdom (UK) and Canada, two liberal countries in which this type of program is at the foundation of the public pension system. The article focuses on changes that affect eligibility criteria and benefit levels. It concludes that, in both countries, pension reform efforts have followed contradictory trajectories but, overall, despite being a non-contributory program, Canada's Old Age Security has proved more resilient than the UK's Basic State Pension, a reality that challenges the well-known claim that contributory pension programs are more resistant to restructuring than non-contributory ones. Sommaire En adoptant une perspective historique et comparative, cet article etudie la politique des pensions de vieillesse a rente uniforme au Royaume-Uni (R.-U.) et au Canada, deux pays liberaux ou ce type de programme represente le fondement du systeme de retraite public. L'article met l'accent sur les changements qui affectent les criteres d'admissibilite et les niveaux de prestations. En conclusion, il indique que dans les deux pays les efforts deployes pour reformer les retraites ont suivi des trajectoires differentes mais que, dans l'ensemble, meme s'il s'agit d'un programme non contributif, le regime de Securite de la vieillesse du Canada s'est avere plus resilient que la pension d'Etat de base du R.-U., realite qui remet en question l'idee recue selon laquelle les programmes de retraite contributifs sont plus difficiles a restructurer que les regimes non contributifs.