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Showing papers on "Democracy published in 1997"



Book
01 Jan 1997
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors make sense of the Earth's politics and make a distinction between Leave it to the Experts: Administrative Rationalism 5. Leave It to the People: Democratic Pragmatism 6. Environmentalally Benign Growth: Sustainable Development 7. Industrial Society and Beyond.
Abstract: PART I INTRODUCTION 1. Making Sense of the Earth's Politics PART II GLOBAL LIMITS AND THEIR DENIAL 2. Looming Tragedy: Survivalism 3. Growth Forever: The Promethan Response PART III SOLVING ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS 4. Leave it to the Experts: Administrative Rationalism 5. Leave it to the People: Democratic Pragmatism 6. Leave it to the Market: Economic Rationalism PART IV THE QUEST FOR SUSTAINABILITY 7. Environmentally Benign Growth: Sustainable Development 8. Industrial Society and Beyond PART V GREEN RADICALISM 9. Save the World Through New Consciousness: Green Romanticism 10. Save the World Through New Politics PART VI CONCLUSION 11. Ecological Democracy

2,482 citations


Book
04 Apr 1997
TL;DR: Barro's Determinants of economic growth, based on Robert Barro's Lionel Robbins Memorial Lectures, delivered at the London School of Economics in February 1996, summarizes this important literature as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Research on economic growth has exploded in the past decade. Hundreds of empirical studies on economic growth across countries have highlighted the correlation between growth and a variety of variables. Determinants of Economic Growth, based on Robert Barro's Lionel Robbins Memorial Lectures, delivered at the London School of Economics in February 1996, summarizes this important literature. The book contains three essays. The first is a survey of the research on the determinants of long-run growth through the estimation of panels of cross-country data. The second essay details the interplay between growth and political freedom or democracy and finds some evidence of a nonlinear relationship. At low levels of political rights, an expansion of rights stimulates growth; however, once a moderate level of democracy has been obtained, a further expansion of rights reduces growth. The final essay looks at the connection between inflation and economic growth. Its basic finding is that higher inflation goes along with a lower rate of economic growth.

2,130 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Holbrooke as mentioned in this paper argued that if the election was declared free and fair, and those elected are "racists, fascists, separatists, who are publicly opposed to [peace and r?int?gration], that is the dilemma." Indeed it is, not just in the former Yugoslavia, but increasingly around the world.
Abstract: The American diplomat Richard Holbrooke pondered a problem on the eve of the September 1996 elections in Bosnia, which were meant to restore civic life to that ravaged country. "Suppose the election was declared free and fair," he said, and those elected are "racists, fascists, separatists, who are publicly opposed to [peace and r?int?gration]. That is the dilemma." Indeed it is, not just in the former Yugoslavia, but increasingly around the world. Democratically elected regimes, often ones that have been reelected or reaffirmed through referenda, are routinely ignoring constitutional limits on their power and depriving their citizens of basic rights and freedoms. From Peru to the Palestinian Authority, from Sierra Leone to Slovakia, from Pakistan to the Philip pines, we see the rise of a disturbing phenomenon in international life? illiberal democracy. It has been difficult to recognize this problem because for almost a century in the West, democracy has meant liberal democracy?a political system marked not only by free and fair elections, but also by the rule of law, a separation of powers, and the protection of basic liberties of speech, assembly, religion, and property. In fact, this latter bundle of freedoms?what might be termed constitu tional liberalism?is theoretically different and historically distinct

2,019 citations


Book
01 Jan 1997
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors developed a political-institutional theoretical framework in which the distinctive political traditions of Africa's neopatrimonial states are shown to have powerfully shaped the regime transitions, and demonstrated that economic and international forces often provided the context in which political liberalization occurred, but cannot by themselves explain the observed outcomes.
Abstract: Between 1989 and 1994, 41 out of 47 countries in Sub-Saharan Africa underwent significant political reform, including in many cases the first competitive elections in a generation. How can this wave of political liberalization be explained? Why did some countries complete a democratic transition, while others could not sustain more than limited political reform and others still suffered authoritarian reversals? What are the long term prospects for democracy in Africa? This study constitutes the first comprehensive analysis of democratic transitions in Sub-Saharan Africa. Using an original data set they assembled, the authors demonstrate that economic and international forces often provided the context in which political liberalization occurred, but cannot by themselves explain the observed outcomes. Instead, the authors develop a political-institutional theoretical framework in which the distinctive political traditions of Africa's neopatrimonial states are shown to have powerfully shaped the regime transitions.

2,007 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors develop an approach to the study of democratic policy-making where politicians are selected by the people from those citizens who present themselves as candidates for public office.
Abstract: This paper develops an approach to the study of democratic policy-making where politicians are selected by the people from those citizens who present themselves as candidates for public office. The approach has a number of attractive features. First, it is a conceptualization of a pure form of representative democracy in which government is by, as well as of, the people. Second, the model is analytically tractable, being able to handle multidimensional issue and policy spaces very naturally. Third, it provides a vehicle for answering normative questions about the performance of representative democracy.

1,635 citations


Book
08 May 1997
TL;DR: Pettit as mentioned in this paper presents a full-length presentation of a republican alternative to the liberal and communitarian theories that have dominated political philosophy in recent years, contrasting this with established negative and positive views of liberty, and proposes a new concept of democracy, under which government is exposed to systematic contestation, and a vision of relations between state and society founded upon civility and trust.
Abstract: This is the first full-length presentation of a republican alternative to the liberal and communitarian theories that have dominated political philosophy in recent years. Professor Pettit's eloquent, compelling account opens with an examination of the traditional republican conception of freedom as non-domination, contrasting this with established negative and positive views of liberty. The first part traces the rise and decline of this conception, displays its many attractions, and makes a case for why it should still be regarded as a central political ideal. The second part looks at what the implementation of the ideal would imply for substantive policy-making, constitutional and democratic design, regulatory control and the relation between state and civil society. Prominent in this account is a novel concept of democracy, under which government is exposed to systematic contestation, and a vision of relations between state and society founded upon civility and trust. Professor Pettit's powerful and insightful new work offers not only a unified, theoretical overview of the many strands of republican ideas, it also provides a new and sophisticated perspective on studies in related fields including the history of ideas, jurisprudence, and criminology.

1,629 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper found that the level of economic development does not affect the probability of transitions to democracy but that affluence does make democratic regimes more stable, and that the relation between affluence and democratic stability is monotonic.
Abstract: What makes political regimes rise, endure, and fall? The main question is whether the observed close relation between levels of economic development and the incidence of democratic regimes is due to democracies being more likely to emerge or only more likely to survive in the more developed countries. We answer this question using data concerning 135 countries that existed at any time between 1950 and 1990. We find that the level of economic development does not affect the probability of transitions to democracy but that affluence does make democratic regimes more stable. The relation between affluence and democratic stability is monotonic, and the breakdown of democracies at middle levels of development is a phenomenon peculiar to the Southern Cone of Latin America. These patterns also appear to have been true of the earlier period, but dictatorships are more likely to survive in wealthy countries that became independent only after 1950. We conclude that modernization need not generate democracy but democracies survive in countries that are modern.

1,608 citations


BookDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the promise of liberalism and the performance of freedom are discussed. But the focus is on self-government and self-esteem, and not on the role of authority.
Abstract: Liberal government and techniques of the self, Graham Burchell governing "advanced" liberal democracies, Nikolas Rose liberalism, socialism and democracy - variations on a governmental theme, Barry Hindess the promise of liberalism and the performance of freedom, Vikki Bell security and vitality - drains, liberalism and power in the 19th century, Thomas Osborne lines of communication and spaces of rule, Andrew Barry assembling the school, Ian Hunter governing the city - liberalism and early modern governance, Alan Hunt risk and responsibility, Pat O'Malley Foucault, government and the enfolding of authority, Mitchell Dean revolutions within - self-government and self-esteem, Barbara Cruikshank Foucault in Britain, Colin Gordon.

1,597 citations


Posted Content
TL;DR: The authors explored the strengths and weaknesses of alternative strategies of conceptual innovation that have emerged: descending and climbing Sartori's ladder of generality, generating diminished" subtypes of democracy, precising the definition of democracy by adding defining attributes, and shifting the overarching concept with which democracy is associated.
Abstract: The recent trend toward democratization in countries across the globe has challenged scholars to pursue two potentially contradictory goals. On the one hand, they seek to increase analytic differentiation in order to capture the diverse forms of democracy that have emerged. On the other hand, they are concerned with conceptual validity. Specifically, they seek to avoid the problem of conceptual stretching that arises when the concept of democracy is applied to cases for which, by relevant scholarly standards, it is not appropriate. This article argues that the pursuit of these two goals has led to a proliferation of conceptual innovations, including numerous subtypes of democracy – that is to say, democracy "with adjectives." The articles explores the strengths and weaknesses of alternative strategies of conceptual innovation that have emerged: descending and climbing Sartori's ladder of generality, generating "diminished" subtypes of democracy, "precising" the definition of democracy by adding defining attributes, and shifting the overarching concept with which democracy is associated. The goal of the analysis is to make more comprehensible the complex structure of these strategies, as well as to explore trade-offs among the strategies. Even when scholars proceed intuitively, rather than self-consciously, they tend to operate within this structure. Yet it is far more desirable for them to do so self-consciously, with a full awareness of these trade-offs.

1,464 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Katzenstein this article discusses the role of identity, identity, and culture in national security, and proposes the notion of "norms of humanitarian intervention" as a way to construct norms of humanitarians.
Abstract: 1: Introduction: Alternative Perspectives on National Security, by Peter J. Katzenstein2: Norms, Identity, and Culture in National Security, by Ronald L. Jepperson, Alexander Wendt, and Peter J. KatzensteinI. Norms and National Security3: Status, Norms, and the Proliferation of Conventional Weapons: An Institutional Theory Approach, by Dana P. Eyre and Mark C. Suchman4: Norms and Deterrence: The Nuclear and Chemical Weapons Taboos, by Richard Price and Nina Tannenwald5: Constructing Norms of Humanitarian Intervention, by Martha Finnemore6: Culture and French Military Doctrine Before World War II, by Elizabeth Kier7: Cultural Realism and Strategy in Maoist China, by Alastair Iain JohnstonII. Identity and National Security8: Identity, Norms, and National Security: The Soviet Foreign Policy Revolution and the End of the Cold War, by Robert G. Herman9: Norms, Identity, and National Security in Germany and Japan, by Thomas U. Berger10: Collective Identity in a Democratic Community: The Case of NATO, by Thomas Risse-Kappen11: Identity and Alliances in the Middle East, by Michael N. BarnettIII. Implications and Conclusions12: Norms, Identity, and Their Limits: A Theoretical Reprise, by Paul Kowert and Jeffrey Legro13: Conclusion: National Security in a Changing World, by Peter J. Katzenstein

Book
01 Jan 1997
TL;DR: In this article, Manin argues that representative government should be understood as a combination of democratic and undemocratic, aristocratic elements, in which citizens elect representatives only because they cannot assemble and govern in person.
Abstract: The thesis of this original and provocative book is that representative government should be understood as a combination of democratic and undemocratic, aristocratic elements. Professor Manin challenges the conventional view that representative democracy is no more than an indirect form of government by the people, in which citizens elect representatives only because they cannot assemble and govern in person. The argument is developed by examining the historical moments when the present institutional arrangements were chosen from among the then available alternatives. Professor Manin reminds us that while today representative institutions and democracy appear as virtually indistinguishable, when representative government was first established in Europe and America, it was designed in opposition to democracy proper. Drawing on the procedures used in earlier republican systems, from classical Athens to Renaissance Florence, in order to highlight the alternatives that were forsaken, Manin brings to the fore the generally overlooked results of representative mechanisms. These include the elitist aspect of elections and the non-binding character of campaign promises.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The recent trend toward democratization in countries across the globe has challenged scholars to pursue two potentially contradictory goals as discussed by the authors, namely, to avoid the problem of conceptual stretching that arises when the concept of democracy is applied to cases for which, by relevant scholarly standards, it is not appropriate.
Abstract: The recent trend toward democratization in countries across the globe has challenged scholars to pursue two potentially contradictory goals. On the one hand, they seek to increase analytic differentiation in order to capture the diverse forms of democracy that have emerged. On the other hand, they are concerned with conceptual validity. Specifically, they seek to avoid the problem of conceptual stretching that arises when the concept of democracy is applied to cases for which, by relevant scholarly standards, it is not appropriate. This article argues that the pursuit of these two goals has led to a proliferation of conceptual innovations, including numerous subtypes of democracy--that is to say, democracy "with adjectives." The article explores the strengths and weaknesses of alternative strategies of conceptual innovation that have emerged: descending and climbing Sartori's ladder of generality, generating "diminished" subtypes of democracy, "precising" the definition of democracy by adding defining attributes, and shifting the overarching concept with which democracy is associated. The goal of the analysis is to make more comprehensible the complex structure of these strategies, as well as to explore trade-offs among the strategies. Even when scholars proceed intuitively, rather than self-consciously, they tend to operate within this structure. Yet it is far more desirable for them to do so self-consciously, with a full awareness of these trade-offs.

Book
01 Jan 1997
TL;DR: A cultural typology of economic development is given in this paper, along with a discussion of the role of culture and gender in economic development in the development of the United States and Africa.
Abstract: I. Culture and Economic Development 1. David Landes Culture Makes Almost All the Difference 2. Michael E. Porter Attitudes, Values, Beliefs, and the Microeconomics of Prosperity 3. Jeffrey Sachs Notes on a New Sociology of Economic Development 4. Mariano Grondona A cultural Typology of Economic Development 5. Carlos Alberto Montaner Culture and the Behavior of Elites in Latin America 6. Daniel Etounga-Manguelle Does Africa Need a Cultural Adjustment II. Culture and Political Development 7. Ronald Inglehart Culture and Democracy 8. Francis Fukuyama Social Capital 9. Seymour martin Lipset and Gabriel Salman Lenz Corruption, Culture, and the Markets III. The Anthropological Debate 10. Robert B. Edgerton Traditional Beliefs and PracticesAre Some Better than Others 11. Thomas S. Weisner Culture, Childhood, and Progress in Sub-Saharan Africa 12. Richard A. Shweder moral Maps, "First World" Conceits, and the New Evangelists IV. Culture and Gender 13. Barbara Crossette Culture, Gender and Human Rights 14. Mala Htun Culture, Institutions, and Gender Inequality in Latin America V. Culture and American Minorities 15. Orlando Patterson Taking Culture Seriously: A Framework and an Afro-American Illustration 16. Nathan Glazer Disaggregating Culture VI. The Asian Crisis 17. Dwight H. Perkins law, Family Ties and the Eastern Asian Way of Business 18. Lucian W. Pye "Asian Values": From Dynamos to Dominoes? 19. Tu Wei-Ming Multiple Modernities: A Preliminary Inquiry into the Implications of East Asian Modernity VII. Promoting Change 20. Michael Fairbanks Changing the Mind of a Nation: Elements in a Process for Creating Prosperity 21. Stace Lindsay Culture, Mental Models, and National Prosperity 22. Lawrence E. Harrison Promoting Progressive Cultural Change.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors develop a game-theoretic approach to the problem of political officials' respect for political and economic rights of citizens, and apply it to a range of topics such as democratic stability, plural societies, and elite pacts.
Abstract: This paper develops a game-theoretic approach to the problem of political officials' respect for political and economic rights of citizens. It models the policing of rights as a coordination problem among citizens, but one with asymmetries difficult to resolve in a decentralized manner. The paper shows that democratic stability depends on a self-enforcing equilibrium: It must be in the interests of political officials to respect democracy's limits on their behavior. The concept of self-enforcing limits on the state illuminates a diverse set of problems and thus serves as a potential basis for integrating the literature. The framework is applied to a range of topics, such as democratic stability, plural societies, and elite pacts. The paper also applies its lessons to the case of the Glorious Revolution in seventeenth-century England.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The public philosophy of contemporary liberalism is discussed in this article, with a focus on privacy rights and family law in the context of the Procedural Republic and its economic model. But the focus is on individual privacy rights rather than individual privacy.
Abstract: Preface PART I: THE CONSTITUTION OF THE PROCEDURAL REPUBLIC 1. The Public Philosophy of Contemporary Liberalism 2. Rights and the Neutral State 3. Religious Liberty and Freedom of Speech 4. Privacy Rights and Family Law PART II: THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF CITIZENSHIP 5. Economics and Virtue in the Early Republic 6. Free Labor versus Wage Labor 7. Community, Self-Government, and Progressive Reform 8. Liberalism and the Keynesian Revolution 9. The Triumph and Travail of the Procedural Republic Conclusion: In Search of a Public Philosophy Notes Index

Book
01 Jan 1997
TL;DR: Schneider and Ingram as discussed by the authors examine the broader implications of the substantive aspects of public policy and recommend a series of reforms that will improve policy designs and help restore citizen confidence in government.
Abstract: How can democracy be improved in an age when people are profoundly disenchanted with government? Part of the answer lies in the design of public policy that unmistakably works to advance citizenship by listening to, educating, and involving ordinary people. Schneider and Ingram evaluate the current approaches to policy theory and recommend a series of reforms that will improve policy designs and help restore citizen confidence in government. Policy Design for Democracy is one of the first books to examine systematically the broader implications of the substantive aspects of public policy.

Book
01 Jan 1997
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss the nature and value of deliberation, the feasibility and desirability of consensus on contentious issues, the implications of institutional complexity and cultural diversity for democratic decision making, and the significance of voting and majority rule in deliberative arrangements.
Abstract: Ideals of democratic participation and rational self-government have long informed modern political theory. As a recent elaboration of these ideals, the concept of deliberative democracy is based on the principle that legitimate democracy issues from the public deliberation of citizens. This remarkably fruitful concept has spawned investigations along a number of lines. Areas of inquiry include the nature and value of deliberation, the feasibility and desirability of consensus on contentious issues, the implications of institutional complexity and cultural diversity for democratic decision making, and the significance of voting and majority rule in deliberative arrangements.The anthology opens with four key essays--by Jon Elster, JA rgen Habermas, Joshua Cohen, and John Rawls--that helped establish the current inquiry into deliberative models of democracy. The nine essays that follow represent the latest efforts of leading democratic theorists to tackle various problems of deliberative democracy. All the contributions address tensions that arise between reason and politics in a democracy inspired by the ideal of achieving reasoned agreement among free and equal citizens. Although the authors approach the topic of deliberation from different perspectives, they all aim to provide a theoretical basis for a more robust democratic practice.Contributors : James Bohman, Thomas Christiano, Joshua Cohen, Jon Elster, David Estlund, Gerald F. Gaus, JA rgen Habermas, James Johnson, Jack Knight, Frank I. Michelman, John Rawls, Henry S. Richardson, Iris Marion Young.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors used cross-sectional survey data for eleven European democracies together with data on the type of democracy in which individuals live to demonstrate that the nature of representative democratic institutions mediates the relationship between a person's status as part of the political minority or majority and his or her satisfaction with the way the system works.
Abstract: Do political institutions affect citizen satisfaction with democracy? If so, how? Using cross-sectional survey data for eleven European democracies together with data on the type of democracy in which individuals live, we demonstrate that the nature of representative democratic institutions (measured by Arend Lijphart's consensus-majority index of democracies) mediates the relationship between a person's status as part of the political minority or majority and his or her satisfaction with the way the system works. Specifically, we find that (1) the losers of democratic competition show lower levels of satisfaction than do those in the majority and (2) losers in systems that are more consensual display higher levels of satisfaction with the way democracy works than do losers in systems with majoritarian characteristics. Conversely, winners tend to be more satisfied with democracy the more a country's political institutions approximate pure majoritarian government.

BookDOI
01 Jan 1997
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine variations among different presidential systems and skeptically view claims that presidentialism has added significantly to the problems of democratic governance and stability, concluding that "presidentialism makes it less likely that democratic governments will be able to manage political conflict".
Abstract: This 1997 book addresses the current debate regarding the liabilities and merits of presidential government. Does presidentialism make it less likely that democratic governments will be able to manage political conflict? With the unprecedented wave of transitions to democracy since the 1970s, this question has been hotly contested in political and intellectual circles all over the globe. The contributors to this volume examine variations among different presidential systems and skeptically view claims that presidentialism has added significantly to the problems of democratic governance and stability.

Book
17 Jul 1997
TL;DR: Derrida's "political turn" was marked by the appearance of "Specters of Marx" as discussed by the authors, a book that examined the political history of the idea of friendship pursued down the ages.
Abstract: Jacques Derrida is known primarily, and until recently, as the major proponent of deconstruction; always somewhat disengaged from the central political questions of the day. Derrida's "political turn" was marked by the appearance of "Specters of Marx". In this study, Jacques Derrida renews this orientation through an examination of the political history of the idea of friendship pursued down the ages. Derrida's thoughts are haunted throughout the book by the strange and provocative address attributed to Aristotle, "O my friends, there is no friend", and its inversions by later philosophers, such as Montaigne, Kant, Nietzsche, Schmitt and Blanchot. The exploration allows Derrida to recall and re-stage the ways in which all the oppositional couples of Western philosophy and political thought - friendship and enmity, private and public life - have become dangerously unstable. At the same time, he dissects geneology itself, the familiar and male-centred notion of fraternity, and the virile virtue whose autority has gone unquestioned in the Western culture of friendship and modern models of democracy. The future of the political, for Derrida, becomes the future of friends, the invention of a radically new friendship, of a deeper and more inclusive democracy.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper found that the pacific benefits of trade, both total and dyadic, have not been sufficiently appreciated and that democracies are relatively unlikely to become involved in militarized disputes with other democracies, while autocracies and democracies are prone to conflict with each other.
Abstract: The liberals believed that economic interdependence, as well as democracy, would reduce the incidence of interstate conflict. In this article, we test both their economic and their political prescriptions for peace, using pooled-regression analyses of politically relevant dyads for the Cold War era. We find that the pacific benefits of trade, both total and dyadic, have not been sufficiently appreciated. We also offer clear evidence that democracies are relatively unlikely to become involved in militarized disputes with other democracies, while autocracies and democracies are prone to conflict with each other. Since democratic dyads are more peaceful than autocratic dyads, it follows that democracies are more peaceful than autocratic states generally, ceteris paribus. Previous research at the national level of analysis, which led most to conclude that democracies have been no more peaceful than other states, did not consider that the incidence of conflict depends importantly upon the number of contiguous states, the character of their political regimes, and other factors. In addition, we find no evidence that states that have recently undergone regime changes, whether in the democratic or autocratic direction, are particularly conflict prone. Our results suggest the basis for a broader formulation of expected–utility theories of interstate conflict.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors showed how a robust civil society helped scuttle the twentieth century's most critical democratic experiment, Weimar Germany, and pointed out that under certain circumstances associationism and the prospects for democratic stability can actually be inversely related.
Abstract: Practically everywhere one looks these days the concept of “civil society” is in vogue. Neo-Tocquevillean scholars argue that civil society plays a role in driving political, social, and even economic outcomes. This new conventional wisdom, however, is flawed. It is simply not true that democratic government is always strengthened, not weakened, when it faces a vigorous civil society. This essay shows how a robust civil society helped scuttle the twentieth century's most critical democratic experiment, Weimar Germany. An important implication of this analysis is that under certain circumstances associationism and the prospects for democratic stability can actually be inversely related. To know when civil society activity will take on oppositional or even antidemocratic tendencies, one needs to ground one's analyses in concrete examinations of political reality. Political scientists should remember that Tocqueville considered Americans' political associations to be as important as their nonpolitical ones, and they should therefore examine more closely the connections between the two under various conditions.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors developed a model of the breakup or unification of nations and analyzed some important economic and political determinants of the process of unification and separation of democratic nations, concluding that from an economic efficiency point of view, separation of nations is never desirable.
Abstract: This paper develops a model of the breakup or unification of nations. In each nation the decision to separate is taken by majority voting. A basic trade-off between the efficiency gains of unification and the costs in terms of loss of control on political decisions is highlighted. The model emphasizes political conflicts over redistribution policies. The main results of the paper are i) when income distributions vary across regions and the efficiency gains from unification are small, separation occurs in equilibrium; and ii) when all factors of production are perfectly mobile, all incentives for separation disappear. I. INTRODUCTION Following the demise of communism, the entire map of Europe, from the Atlantic coast to the Urals, is being redrawn and issues of separation, unification, and the redrawing of borders are yet again at the forefront of European concerns. Many of the issues raised by this process are primarily of a political, cultural, or linguistic nature. However, there are also economic considerations that bear on this problem. The objective of this paper is to analyze some important economic and political determinants of the process of unification and separation of democratic nations. The starting point of our analysis is to suppose that from an economic efficiency point of view, separation of nations is never desirable. A unified nation is always more efficient since free trade among regions is guaranteed, duplication costs in defense and law enforcement are avoided, and local public goods provision (such as transportation and communication networks, or common standards) can be coordinated. Furthermore, any benefits of decentralization that might be obtained in a world with several nations may also be achieved within a unified nation by replicating the administrative structure of the world with several

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, three models of social capital and the forms of trust and democracy associated with them are considered, and the role of voluntary associations as a foundation for social capital, arguing that their importance may be overstated in the classical Tocquevillean model.
Abstract: Social capital is in danger of going the way of political culture—a potentially powerful concept that is given many different meanings by many different people for many different purposes. This article starts by picking out three different aspects or dimensions of the concept—norms (especially trust), networks, and consequences. It then considers three models of social capital and the forms of trust and democracy associated with them. Finally it discusses the role of voluntary associations as a foundation for social capital, arguing that their importance may be overstated in the classical Tocquevillean model of the 19th century, and that, in any case, modern democracy may be increasingly based on different forms of trust and association.

Posted Content
TL;DR: This paper argued that these political reforms can be viewed as strategic decisions by political elites to prevent widespread social unrest and revolution, which led to unprecedented redistributive programs in the nineteeth century.
Abstract: During the nineteeth century, most Western societies extended the franchise, a decision which led to unprecedented redistributive programs. We argue that these political reforms can be viewed as strategic decisions by political elites to prevent widespread social unrest and revolution.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, New Democracies Barometer surveys of popular trust in fifteen institutions across nine Eastern and Central European countries indicate that skepticism, rather than distrust, predominates, reflecting trade-offs between public dissatisfaction with current economic performance, optimism about future economic performance and satisfaction with the political performance.
Abstract: Popular trust in social and political institutions is vital to the consolidation of democracy, but in post-Communist Europe, distrust is the predicted legacy of Communist rule Contrary to expectations, however, New Democracies Barometer surveys of popular trust in fifteen institutions across nine Eastern and Central European countries indicate that skepticism, rather than distrust, predominates Although trust varies across institutions and countries, citizens trust holistically, evaluating institutions along a single dimension. Both early life socialization experiences and contemporary performance evaluations influence levels of trust. The legacy of socialization under Communism has mostly indirect effects, whereas the effects of economic and political performance evaluations on trust are larger and more direct Thus, skepticism reflects trade-offs between public dissatisfaction with current economic performance, optimism about future economic performance, and satisfaction with the political performance of...

Book
01 Jan 1997
TL;DR: Nye, Nye, and Neustadt as discussed by the authors discussed the scope and performance of government and the evolving scope of government in the U.S. and found that the public lost faith in government.
Abstract: Preface Introduction: The Decline of Confidence in Government Joseph S. Nye, Jr. PART ONE: The Scope and Performance of Government The Evolving Scope of Government Ernest R. May Measuring the Performance of Government Derek Bok Fall from Grace: The Public's Loss of Faith in Government Gary Orren PART TWO: The Menu of Explanations Is It Really the Economy Stupid? Robert Z. Lawrence Social and Cultural Causes of Dissatisfaction with U.S. Government Jane Manbridge The Polarization of American Parties and Mistrust of Government David C. King The Politics of Mistrust Richard E. Neustadt PART THREE: Data on Public Attitudes toward Governance Changing Attitudes in America Robert J. Blendon, John M. Benson, Richard Morin, Drew E. Altman, Mollyann Brodie, Mario Brossard, And Matt James Postmaterialist Values and the Erosion of Institutional Authority Ronald Inglehart Public Trust and Democracy in Japan Susan J. Pharr Conclusion: Reflections, Conjectures, and Puzzles Joseph S. Nye, Jr., and Philip D. Zelikow Notes Contributors Index

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Cohen and Sabel as mentioned in this paper argue that the many efforts to establish new equilibria between well-functioning markets and well-ordered political institutions are doomed to fail, and opts instead for fundamental change: conservative in their strict defence of fundamental democratic ideals, such ideas are radical in their search for new institutional arrangements which bring democratic values directly to bear.
Abstract: This essay by Joshua Cohen and Charles Sabel promotes visions of democracy, constitutionalism and institutional innovations which may help to open up new dimensions in the search for legitimate European governance structures and their constitutionalisation. Faced with Europe's legitimacy problems, proponents of the European project often react by pointing to the many institutional failings in the (national) constitutional state. These reactions, however, seem simplistic, offering no normatively convincing alternatives to the once undisputed legitimacy of a now eroding nation state. The essay by Cohen and Sabel forecloses such strategies. Summarising and endorsing critiques of both the unfettered market system and the manner of its regulatory and political correction, it concludes that the many efforts to establish new equilibria between well‐functioning markets and well‐ordered political institutions are doomed to fail, and opts instead for fundamental change: conservative in their strict defence of fundamental democratic ideals, such ideas are radical in their search for new institutional arrangements which bring democratic values directly to bear. How is the concept of directly‐deliberative polyarchy complementary to and reconcilable with our notions of democratic constiutionalism? To this question the readers of the essay will find many fascinating answers. Equally, however, how might the debate on the normative and practical dilemmas of the European system of governance profit from these deliberations? Which European problem might be resolved with the aid of the emerging and new direct forms of democracy identified in this essay? How might direct democracy interact with the intergovernmentalist and the functionalist elements of the EU system? Although this essay contains no certain answers to these European questions, its challenging messages will be understood in European debates.

Book
01 Jan 1997
TL;DR: Sunil Khilnani as discussed by the authors explores the paradoxes and ironies of India, the world's largest democracy. But the fundamental issue of can the original idea of India survive its own successes?
Abstract: The key book on India in the postnuclear era, with a new Introduction by the author.Our appreciation of the importance of India can only increase in light of the recent revelations of its nuclear capabilities. Sunil Khilnani's exciting, timely study addresses the paradoxes and ironies of this, the world's largest democracy. Throughout his penetrating, provocative work, he illuminates this fundamental issue: Can the original idea of India survive its own successes?