Showing papers on "Democracy published in 1999"

The Third Way: The Renewal of Social Democracy

Abstract: Preface. 1. Socialism and After. The death of socialism. Old--style social democracy. The neoliberal outlook. The doctrines compared. The recent debates. Structures of political support. The fate of social democracy. 2. Five Dilemmas. . Globalisation. Individualism. Left and right. Political agency. Ecological issues. Third way politics. 3. State and Civil Society. Democratising democracy. The question of civil society. Crime and community. The democratic family. 4. The Social Investment State. . The meaning of equality. Inclusion and exclusion. A society of positive welfare. Social investment strategies. 5. Into the Global Age. The cosmopolitan nation. Cultural pluralism. Cosmopolitan democracy. The European Union. Market fundamentalism on a world scale. Conclusion. . Notes. Index.

Governing in Europe: Effective and Democratic?

Abstract: 1. Political Democracy in a Capitalist Economy 2. Negative and Positive Integration 3. Regulatory Competition and Re-Regulation 4. National Solutions without Boundary Control 5. The European Contribution Conclusion: Multi-level Problem-Solving in Europe References Index

Developing Democracy: Toward Consolidation

Abstract: In this book noted political sociologist Larry Diamond sets forth a distinctive theoretical perspective on democratic evolution and consolidation in the late twentieth century. Rejecting theories that posit preconditions for democracy-and thus dismiss its prospects in poor countries-Diamond argues instead for a "developmental" theory of democracy. This, he explains, is one which views democracy everywhere as a work in progress that emerges piecemeal, at different rates, in different ways and forms, in different countries. Diamond begins by assessing the "third wave" of global democratization that began in 1974. With a wealth of quantitative data and case illustrations, he shows that the third wave has come to an end, leaving a growing gap between the electoral form and the liberal substance of democracy. This underscores the hollow, fragile state of many democracies and the imperative of concolidation. He then defines the concept of democratic consolidation and identifies the conditions that foster it. These include strong political institutions, appropriate institutional designs, decentralization of power, a vibrant civil society, and improved economic and political performance. If new and troubled democracies are to be consolidated, Diamond argues, they must become more deeply democratic-more liberal, accountable, and responsive to their citizens. Drawing on extensive public opinion research in developing and postcommunist states, he demonstrates the importance of freedom, transparency, and the rule of law for generating the broad legitimacy that is the essence of democratic consolidation. The book concludes with a hopeful view of the prospects for a fourth wave of global democratization.

Critical citizens : global support for democratic government

Abstract: Foreword by Joseph Nye, Jr. 1. Introduction: The Growth of Critical Citizens SECTION ONE: CROSS-NATIONAL TRENDS IN CONFIDENCE IN GOVERNANCE 2. Mapping Political Support in the 1990s: A Global Analysis 3. Political Support in Advanced Industrial Democracies 4. Five Years after the Fall: Trajectories of Support for Democracy in Post-Communist Europe SECTION TWO: TESTING THEORIES WITH CASE-STUDIES 5. Down and Down We Go: Political Trust in Sweden 6. The Democratic Culture of Unified Germany 7. Tensions Between the Democratic Ideal and Reality: South Korea SECTION THREE: EXPLANATIONS OF TRENDS 8. Social and Political Trust in Establishes Democracies 9. The Economic Performance of Governments 10. Political performance and Institutional Trust 11. Institutional Explanations of Political Support 12. Postmodernization, Authority, and Democracy 13. Conclusions: The Growth of Critical Citizens and its Consequences Bibliography

Determinants of Democracy

Abstract: A panel study of over 100 countries from 1960 to 1995 finds that improvements in the standard of living predict increase in democracy, as measured by a subjective indicator of electoral rights. The propensity for democracy rises with per capita GDP, primary schooling, and a smaller gap between male and female primary attainment. For a given standard of living, democaracy tends to fall with urbnization and with a greater reliance on natrual resources. Democracy has little relation to country size but rises with the middle‐class share of income. The apparently strong relation of democracy to colonial heritage mostly disappears when the economic variables are held constant. Similarly, the allowance for these economic variables weakens the interplay between democracy and religious affiliation. However, negative effects from Muslim and non‐religious affiliations remain intact.

Trust the People! Populism and the Two Faces of Democracy

Abstract: Populism, understood as an appeal to ‘the people’ against both the established structure of power and the dominant ideas and values, should not be dismissed as a pathological form of politics of no interest to the political theorist, for its democratic pretensions raise important issues. Adapting Michael Oakeshott's distinction between ‘the politics of faith’ and ‘the politics of scepticism’, the paper offers an analysis of democracy in terms of two opposing faces, one ‘pragmatic’ and the other ‘redemptive’, and argues that it is the inescapable tension between them that makes populism a perennial possibility.

The Political System of the European Union

Abstract: Introduction: Explaining the EU Political System PART I: GOVERNMENT Executive Politics Legislative Politics Judicial Politics PART II: POLITICS Public Opinion Democracy, Parties and Elections Interest Representation PART III: POLICY-MAKING Regulation of the Single Market Expenditure Policies Economic and Monetary Union Citizen Freedom and Security Policies Foreign Policies Conclusions: Rethinking the European Union Appendix: Decision-making Procedures of the European Union Bibliography

A Theory of Political Transitions

Abstract: We develop a theory of political transitions inspired in part by the experiences of Western Europe and Latin America. Nondemocratic societies are controlled by a rich elite. The initially disenfranchised poor can contest power by threatening social unrest or revolution and this may force the elite to democratize. Democracy may not consolidate because it is more redistributive than a nondemocratic regime, and this gives the elite an incentive to mount a coup. Because inequality makes democracy more costly for the elite, highly unequal societies are less likely to consolidate democracy and may end up oscillating between regimes or in a nondemocratic repressive regime. An unequal society is likely to experience fiscal volatility, but the relationship between inequality and redistribution is nonmonotonic; societies with intermediate levels of inequality consolidate democracy and redistribute more than both very equal and very unequal countries. We also show that asset redistribution, such as educational and land reform, may be used to consolidate both democratic and nondemocratic regimes.

Democracy, accountability, and representation

Abstract: This book examines whether the mechanisms of accountability characteristic of democratic systems are sufficient to induce the representatives to act in the best interest of the represented. The first part of the volume focuses on the role of elections, distinguishing different ways in which they may cause representation. The second part is devoted to the role of checks and balances, between the government and the parliament as well as between the government and the bureaucracy. The contributors of this volume, all leading scholars in the fields of American and comparative politics and political theory, address questions such as, whether elections induce governments to act in the interest of citizens. Are politicians in democracies accountable to voters in future elections? If so, does accountability induce politicians to represent citizens? Does accountability limit or enhance the scope of action of governments? Are governments that violate campaign mandates representative? Overall, the essays combine theoretical discussions, game-theoretic models, case studies, and statistical analyses, within a shared analytical approach and a standardized terminology. The empirical material is drawn from the well established democracies as well as from new democracies. Is economic development conducive to political democracy? Does democracy foster or hinder material welfare? These two questions are examined by looking at the experiences of 135 countries between 1950 and 1990. Descriptive information, statistical analyses, and historical narratives are interwoven to gain an understanding of the dynamic of political regimes and their impact on economic development. The often surprising findings dispel any notion of a tradeoff between democracy and development. Economic development does not generate democracies, but democracies are much more likely to survive in wealthy societies.

"Mediatization" of Politics: A Challenge for Democracy?

Abstract: The growing intrusion of media into the political domain in many countries has led critics to worry about the approach of the "media-driven republic," in which mass media will usurp the functions of political institutions in the liberal state. However, close inspection of the evidence reveals that political institutions in many nations have retained their functions in the face of expanded media power. The best description of the current situation is "mediatization," where political institutions increasingly are dependent on and shaped by mass media but nevertheless remain in control of political processes and functions.

The Will to Empower: Democratic Citizens and Other Subjects

Abstract: How do liberal democracies produce citizens who are capable of governing themselves? In considering this question, Barbara Cruikshank rethinks central topics in political theory, including the relationship between welfare and citizenship, democracy and despotism, and subjectivity and subjection. Drawing on theories of power and the creation of subjects, Cruikshank argues that individuals in a democracy are made into self-governing citizens through the small-scale and everyday practices of voluntary associations, reform movements, and social service programs. She argues that our empowerment is a measure of our subjection rather than of our autonomy from power. Through a close examination of several contemporary American "technologies of citizenship"-from welfare rights struggles to philanthropic self-help schemes to the organized promotion of self-esteem awareness-she demonstrates how social mobilization reshapes the political in ways largely unrecognized in democratic theory. Although the impact of a given reform movement may be minor, the techniques it develops for creating citizens far extend the reach of govermental authority. Combining a detailed knowledge of social policy and practice with insights from poststructural and feminist theory, The Will to Empower shows how democratic citizens and the political are continually recreated.

Knowledge in a Social World

Abstract: PART I: FOUNDATIONS 1. EPISTEMOLOGY AND POSTMODERN RESISTANCE 2. TRUTH 3. THE FRAMEWORK PART II: GENERIC SOCIAL PRACTICES 4. TESTIMONY 5. ARGUMENTATION 6. THE TECHNOLOGY AND ECONOMICS OF COMMUNICATION 7. SPEECH REGULATION AND THE MARKETPLACE OF IDEAS PART III: SPECIAL DOMAINS 8. SCIENCE 9. LAW 10. DEMOCRACY 11. EDUCATION BIBLIOGRAPHY INDEX.

Aiding Democracy Abroad: The Learning Curve

Abstract: Aid to promote democracy abroad has emerged as a major growth industry in recent years. Not only the United States but many other Western countries, international institutions, and private foundations today use aid to support democratic transitions in Eastern Europe, the former Soviet Union, Asia, Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East. Though extensive in scope, these activities remain little understood outside the realm of specialists. Debates among policymakers over democracy promotion oscillate between unhelpful poles of extreme skepticism and unrealistic boosterism, while the vast majority of citizens in aid-providing countries have little awareness of the democracy-building efforts their governments sponsor. Aiding Democracy Abroad is the first independent, comprehensive assessment of this important new field. Drawing on extensive field research and years of hands-on experience, Thomas Carothers examines democracy-aid programs relating to elections, political parties, governmental reform, rule of law, civil society, independent media, labor unions, decentralization, and other elements of what he describes as "the democracy template" that policymakers and aid officials apply around the world. Steering a careful path between the inflated claims of aid advocates and the exaggerated criticisms of their opponents, Carothers takes a hard look at what such programs achieve and how they can be improved.

Rethinking Party Systems in the Third Wave of Democratization: The Case of Brazil

Abstract: Tables abbreviations of the main political parties, 1979-96 Part I. Rethinking Part systems Theory: 1. Introduction 2. Reexamining party systems theory in the third wave of democratisation Part II. The Brazilian Part Systems, Past and Present: 3. A legacy of party underdevelopment, 1822-1979 4. Elections, parties and society, 1979-96 5. Weak parties and autonomous politicians: party organisation in the catch-all parties 6. Patronage, clientelism, and patrimonialism Part III. Explaining Weak Party-System Institutionalisation: 7. Macrocomparative factors and post-1964 developments 8. Institutional rules and weak institutionalisation: incentives for legislators 9. Institutional rules and the party system: federalism, Malapportionment and presidentialism Part IV. The Party System, Economic Reform, and the Quality of Democracy: 10. Political institutions, state reform and economic stabilisation 11. Conclusion Notes Bibliography Index.

The Saffron Wave: Democracy and Hindu Nationalism in Modern India

Abstract: Analyzing Indian receptivity to the right-wing Hindu nationalist party, this book also explores its political wing, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which claims to create a policy based on "ancient" Hindu culture. The author places the BJP within the context of the larger transformation of democratic governance in India. The text goes on to argue that the Hindu nationalist movement has successfully articulated the anxieties and desires of the large and amorphous Indian middle class. Consequently, the movement has attracted privileged groups fearing encroachment on their dominant positions but also "plebian" and impoverished groups seeking recognition around a majoritarian rhetoric of cultural pride, order, and national strength. This book aims to advance the understanding of democarcy in the post-colonial world.

Democracy, Accountability, and Representation: Electoral Accountability and the Control of Politicians: Selecting Good Types versus Sanctioning Poor Performance

Abstract: The concept of accountability is not by itself problematic, or at least it should not be. We say that one person, A , is accountable to another, B , if two conditions are met. First, there is an understanding that A is obliged to act in some way on behalf of B . Second, B is empowered by some formal institutional or perhaps informal rules to sanction or reward A for her activities or performance in this capacity. In this sense, employees are accountable to their employers, CEOs to their boards and their boards to stockholders, department chairs to the departments they represent, and elected politicians to their electorates. In the jargon of economic theory, relations involving accountability are agency relationships in which one party is understood to be an “agent” who makes some choices on behalf of a “principal” who has powers to sanction or reward the agent. Most interesting questions about accountability in political and economic contexts concern not its definition but rather the understanding of what activities or performance the agent is accountable for, the nature of the principal's sanctioning or rewarding instruments, and the problem of to what extent a given system of incentives will lead the agent to act on behalf of the principal, that is, to do what the principal would want. In addition, in the case of electoral accountability, additional problems arise from the presence of multiple principals (voters, but perhaps also courts and other elected officials in some cases) rather than a single principal or a collective body that can act as a single principal.

Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools

Abstract: Reproduction, storage, adaptation or translation, in any form or by any means, of this publication is prohibited without prior written permission of the publisher, unless within the terms of licences issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency. Excerpts may be reproduced for the purpose of research, private study, criticism or review, or by educational institutions solely for educational purposes, without permission, providing full acknowledgement is given. The Qualifications and Curriculum Authority is an exempt charity under Schedule 2 of the Charities Act 1993. The Young People's Parliament, Birmingham, (YPP) – Educating for Democracy – gives young people in Birmingham and the West Midlands a voice-whether on school, local quality of life or wider national issues; and on global concerns such as sustainable development and human rights. The initiative is a partnership between The University of the First Age, Birmingham City Council and the new centre for learning and leisure, Millennium Point. Already by using ICT, websites, video conferencing and e-mail, as well as use of the City's Council Chamber, the young people of Birmingham and beyond have been able to participate in two pilot projects. The General Election project in 1997 linked young people in the West Midlands directly with politicians and provided a lively and robust exchange of views. The first G8 Young People's Summit (YPS) was held in May 1998 to coincide with the G8 Summit meeting in Birmingham. Two youth delegates came from each of the G8 countries as well as the EU. A communiqué was drafted, mainly on the issues of third world debt relief, after a meeting with the Prime Minister. It made a powerful statement for the right of young people to be heard in international affairs. The Youth Parliament Competition is now in its eighth year, organised by the Citizenship Foundation and sponsored by Motorola. Each participating secondary school holds a mock parliamentary session of the pupils' own choosing. There are ministers and shadow ministers and a host of backbenchers on both sides. A twenty minute video of the debate is sent to regional judges and regional winners are then judged by a national panel. There is also a separate political writing competition. The national winners are invited to a presentation at the Houses of Parliament to receive their prizes and to meet senior politicians. The entry for this year's national winner (for the second time), St Michael's Roman Catholic School, Billingham, Cleveland, included …

Beyond state-centrism? Space, territoriality, and geographical scale in globalization studies

Abstract: Since the early 1970s, debates have raged throughout the social sciences concerning the process of ‘‘globalization’’ ^ an essentially contested term whose meaning is as much a source of controversy today as it was over two decades ago, when systematic research ¢rst began on the topic. Contemporary globalization research encompasses an immensely broad range of themes, from the new international division of labor, changing forms of industrial organization, and processes of urbanregional restructuring to transformations in the nature of state power, civil society, citizenship, democracy, public spheres, nationalism, politico-cultural identities, localities, and architectural forms, among many others. 2 Yet despite this proliferation of globalization research, little theoretical consensus has been established in the social sciences concerning the interpretation of even the most rudimentary elements of the globalization process ^ e.g., its historical periodization, its causal determinants, and its socio-political implications. 3 Nevertheless, within this whirlwind of opposing perspectives, a remarkably broad range of studies of globalization have devoted detailed attention to the problematic of space, its social production, and its historical transformation. Major strands of contemporary globalization research have been permeated by geographical concepts ^ e.g., ‘‘space-time compression,’’ ‘‘space of £ows,’’ ‘‘space of places,’’ ‘‘deterritorialization,’’ ‘‘glocalization,’’ the ‘‘global-local nexus,’’ ‘‘supra

Embracing Defeat: Japan in the Wake of World War II

Abstract: Part 1 Victor and vanquished: shattered lives - euphemistic surrender, unconditional surrender, quantifying defeat, coming home ... perhaps, displaced persons, despised veterans, stigmatized victims gifts from heaven - "revolution from above", demilitarization and democratization, imposing reform. Part 2 Transcending despair: "Kyodatsu" - exhaustion and despair - hunger and the bamboo-shoot existence, enduring the unendurable, sociologies of despair, child's play, inflation and economic sabotage cultures of defeat - servicing the conquerors, "butterflies", "onlys" and subversive women, black-market entrepreneurship, "kasutori" culture, decadence and authenticity, "married life" bridges of language - mocking defeat, brightness, apples and English, the familiarity of the new, rushing into print, bestsellers and posthumous heroes, heroines and victims. Part 3 Revolutions: neocolonial revolution - victors as viceroys, reevaluating the monkey-men, the experts and the obedient herd embracing revolution - embracing the commander, intellectuals and the community of remorse, grass-roots engagements, institutionalizing reform, democratizing everyday language making revolution - lovable communists and radicalized workers, "a sea of red flags", unmaking the revolution from below. Part 4 Democracies: imperial democracy - driving the wedge -psychological warfare and the son of heaven, purifying the sovereign, the letter, the photograph and the memorandum imperial democracy - descending partway from heaven - becoming bystanders, becoming human, cutting smoke with scissors imperial democracy -evading responsibility - confronting abdication, imperial tours and the manifest human, one man's shattered god constitutional democracy - GHQ writes a new national charter - regendering a hermaphroditic creature, conundrums for the men of Meiji, popular initiatives for a new national charter, SCAP takes over, GHQ's "constitutional convention" thinking about idealism and cultural imperialism constitutional democracy - Japanizing the American draft - "the last opportunity for the conservative group", the translation marathon, unveiling the draft constitution, water flows, the river stays, "Japanizing" democracy, renouncing war ... perhaps, responding to a fait accompli censored democracy -policing the new taboos - the phantom bureaucracy, impermissible discourse, purifying the victors, policing the cinema, curbing the political left. Part 5 Guilts: victor's justice, loser's justice -stern justice, showcase justice - the Tokyo Tribunal, Tokyo and Nuremberg, victor's justice and its critics, race, power and powerlessness, loser's justice - naming names what do you tell the dead when you lose? - a requiem for departed heroes, irrationality, science and "responsibility for defeat", Buddhism as repentance and repentance as nationalism, responding to atrocity, remembering the criminals, forgetting their crimes. Part 6 Reconstructions: engineering growth - "oh, mistake

Post-Communist Party Systems: Competition, Representation, and Inter-Party Cooperation

Abstract: Acknowledgments Introduction Democracy and Party Competition Part I. Theory, Party Systems and the Procedural Quality of Post-Communist Democracy: 1. Historical legacies and strategies of democratization: pathways toward post-communist polities 2. The quality of post-communist democracy: patterns of party competition, interest representation and governance Part II. Setting and Research Strategy: 3. From communist rule to democracy: four central and East European countries 4. Empirical research strategy Part III. The Structuring of Party Competition: 5. Programmatic citizen-elite linkage strategies across post-communist polities 6. Linkage strategies within party systems: diversity among parties Part IV. Political Alignments and Dimensions of Competition: 7. Political divides and alignments: the politicians 8. Electoral constituency alignments: emerging political cleavages? Part V. Political Representation and the Quality of Democratic Governance: 9. Political representation 10. The governability of post-communist democracies: collation politics between passions and policy interests Part VI. Conclusion: 11. The diversity of post-communist democratic governance Appendices Bibliography.

Civic Engagement in American Democracy

Abstract: American democracy is in many ways more vital than ever before. Advocacy groups proliferate and formerly marginalized groups enjoy new opportunities. But worrisome trends exist. Millions of Americans are drawing back from involvements with community affairs and politics. Voters stay home; public officials grapple with distrust or indifference; and people are less likely to cooperate on behalf of shared goals. Observers across the spectrum of opinion agree that it is vital to determine what is happening and why --so that Americans can take well-informed, effective steps to revitalize our national community. The book opens with an eagle-eye look at the roots of America's special patterns of civic engagement, examining the ways social groups and government and electoral politics have influenced each other. Other chapters examine the impact of advocacy groups and socioeconomic inequalities on democratic processes and probe the influence of long-term social and cultural changes on voluntary associations and civic participation. The book concludes by asking why social liberation has been accompanied by new inequalities and the erosion of many important forms of citizen leverage and participation. Coming together from several disciplines, contributors include Jeffrey M. Berry, Henry E. Brady, John Brehm, Steven Brint, Elisabeth S. Clemens, Peter Dobkin Hall, Wendy M. Rahn, Kay Lehman Schlozman, Sidney Verba, and Robert Wuthnow. Copublished with the Russell Sage Foundation

Repression of the Human Right to Personal Integrity Revisited: A Global Cross-National Study Covering the Years 1976–1993

Abstract: Here we seek to build on our earlier research (Poe and Tate, 1994) by re-testing similar models on a data set covering a much longer time span; the period from 1976 to 1993. Several of our findings differ from those of our earlier work. Here we find statistical evidence that military regimes lead to somewhat greater human rights abuse, defined in terms of violations of personal integrity, once democracy and a host of other factors are controlled. Further, we find that countries that have experienced British colonial influence tend to have relatively fewer abuses of personal integrity rights than others. Finally, our results suggest that leftist countries are actually less repressive of these basic human rights than non-leftist countries. Consistent with the Poe and Tate (1994) study, however, we find that past levels of repression, democracy, population size, economic development, and international and civil wars exercise statistically significant and substantively important impacts on personal integrity abuse.

Deliberative Democracy or Agonistic Pluralism

Abstract: This article examines the current debate about the nature of democracy and discusses the main theses of the approach called 'deliberative democracy' in its two main versions, the one put forward by John Rawls, and the other one put forwardby Jurgen Habermas. While agreeing with them as regards to the need to develop a more of democracy than the one offered by the 'aggregative' model, I submit that they do not provide an adequate understanding of the main task of democracy. No doubt, by stating that democracy cannot be reduced to a question of procedures to mediate among conflicting interests, deliberative democrats defend a conception of democracy that presents a richer conception of politics. But, albeit in a different way thanthe view they criticize, their vision is also a rationalist one which leaves aside the crucial role played by 'passions' and collective forms of identifications in the field of politics. Moreover, in their attempt to reconcile the liberal tradition with the democratic one, deliberative democrats tend to erase the tension that exist between liberalism and democracy and they are therefore unable to come to terms with the conflictual nature of democratic politics. The main thesis that I put forward in this article is that democratic theory needs to acknowledge the ineradicability of antagonism and the impossibility of achieving a fully inclusive rational consensus. I argue that a model of democracy in terms of 'agonistic pluralism' can help us to better envisage the main challenge facing democratic politics today: how to create democratic forms of identifications that will contribute to mobilize passions towards democratic designs.;

the middle class consensus and economic development

Abstract: A middle class consensus is defined as a high share of income for the middle class and a low degree of ethnic divisons. The paper links a middle class consensus to resource endowments, along the lines of the provocative thesis of Engerman and Sokoloff (1997 and 2000). This paper exploits this association using tropical resource endowments as instruments for inequality. A higher share of income for the middle class and lower ethnic divisions are associated with higher income and higher growth, as well as with more education, better health, better infrastructure, better economic policies, less political instability, less civil war and ethnic minorities at risk, more social “modernization” and more democracy.

Is the Third Wave Over

Abstract: Since the overthrow of Portugal's dictatorial regime in April 1974, the number of democracies in the world has multiplied dramatically. Before the start of this global trend toward democracy, there were roughly 40 countries that could be classified as more or less democratic. The number increased moderately through the late 1970s and early 1980s as a number of states experienced transitions from authoritarian (predominantly military) to democratic rule. In the mid-1980s, however, the pace of global democratic expansion accelerated markedly, and today there are between 76 and 117 democracies, depending on how one counts. How one counts is crucial, however, to thinking about whether democracy will continue to expand in the world, or even hold steady at its current level. In fact, it raises the fundamental question of what we mean by democracy.

Women in the Legislatures and Executives of the World: Knocking at the Highest Glass Ceiling

Abstract: This article reports the results of a survey of women in legislatures and executives around the world as they were constituted in 1998 (N = 180). The chief hypotheses regarding the factors hindering or facilitating women's access to political representation were tested by multivariate regression models. The regression models juxtaposed a cocktail of institutional, political, cultural, and socioeconomic variables with the following dependent variables: (1) the percentage of MPs who are women and (2) the percentage of cabinet ministers who are women. A number, although not all, of the cited hypotheses were statistically confirmed and more finely quantified. The socioeconomic development of women in society has an effect on the number of women in parliament but not in the cabinet. A country's length of experience with multipartyism and women's enfranchisement correlates with both the legislative and the executive percentage. Certain electoral systems are more women friendly than others. The ideological nature of the party system affects the number of women elected and chosen for cabinet posts. And last, the state's dominant religion, taken as a proxy for culture, also statistically relates to the number of women who will make it to high political office. However, other long-held hypotheses were not proved. The degree of democracy is not a good indicator of the percentage of women who will make it into the legislature or the cabinet, nor is the dichotomy between a presidential or parliamentary system.

State formation, nation-building, and mass politics in Europe : the theory of Stein Rokkan, based on his collected works

Abstract: STATE FORMATION AND NATION-BUILDING BASIC CONCEPTS, MODELS, MAPS DIFFERENTIATIONS AND BOUNDARY-BUILDING CENTRES AND PERIPHERIES THE BASIC MODEL A MODEL AND CONCEPTUAL MAP OF EUROPE THE TERRITORIAL STRUCTURING OF EUROPE CONDITIONS OF STATE FORMATION AND NATION BUILDING NATION-BUILDING AND LANGUAGE THE SURVIVAL OF PERIPHERAL IDENTITY FEDERAL VERSUS UNITARY STRUCTURE B. MASS POLITICS III. THE DEMOCRATISATION OF EUROPE 1. EXIT AND VOICE 2. THE FOUR THRESHOLDS OF DEMOCRATISATION 3. NUMERICAL DEMOCRACY AND CORPORATE PLURALISM IV CLEAVAGE STRUCTURES AND PARTY SYSTEMS CLEAVAGES AND THEIR POLITICAL TRANSLATIONS CRITICAL JUNCTURES, ALLIANCES, AND OPPOSITIONS 3. PARTY SYSTEMS AND THE MODEL OF EUROPE