Showing papers on "State (polity) published in 2003"

Survey Article: Recipes for Public Spheres: Eight Institutional Design Choices and Their Consequences*

Abstract: Hochschild, Sanjeev Khagram, Jane Mansbridge, Nancy Rosenblum, Charles Sabel, Lars Torres, participants in the Democracy Collaborative’s “State of Democratic Practice” conference, and two anonymous reviewers for generous comments on previous drafts of this article. Habermas 1989. Putnam 1993, 2000; Skocpol 1999. Cohen and Rogers 1992; Hirst 1994. Survey Article: Recipes for Public Spheres: Eight Institutional Design Choices and Their Consequences*

Global Civil Society: An Answer to War

Abstract: Preface. Abbreviations. Chapter 1: Five Meanings of Global Civil Society. Chapter 2: The Discourse of Civil Society. Chapter 3: The Ideas of 1989: The Origins of the Concept of Global Civil Society. Chapter 4: Social Movements, NGOs and Networks. Chapter 5: Globalization, the State and War. Chapter 6: September 11: The Return of the 'Outside'?. Notes. Index

Is China a Status Quo Power

Abstract: of China (PRC) is more integrated into, and more cooperative within, regional and global political and economic systems than ever in its history. Yet there is growing uneasiness in the United States and the Asia-Paciac region about the implications of China’s increasing economic and military power. Characterizations of Chinese diplomacy in the policy and scholarly worlds are, if anything, less optimistic of late about China’s adherence to regional and international norms. In the 1980s there was little discussion in the United States and elsewhere about whether China was or was not part of something called “the international community.” Since the early 1990s, however, scholars and practitioners alike have argued increasingly that China has not demonstrated sufaciently that it will play by so-called international rules and that somehow it must be brought into this community. The subtext is a fairly sharp othering of China that includes a civilizing discourse (China is not yet a civilized state) or perhaps a sports discourse (China is a cheater). Many of the most vigorous policy debates in the United States in recent years have been over whether it is even possible to socialize a dictatorial, nationalistic, and dissatisaed China within this putative international community. Engagers argue that China is becoming socialized, though mainly in the sphere of economic norms (e.g., free trade and domestic marketization). Skeptics either conclude that this is not the case, due to the nature of the regime (for some, China is still Red China; for more sophisticated skeptics, China is oirting with fascism), or that it could not possibly happen because China as a rising power, by deanition, is dissatisaed with the U.S.-dominated global order (a power-transition realpolitik argument). A logical conclusion is that both groups view the problem of China’s rising power as the primary Is China a Status Quo Power?

Why a World State is Inevitable

Abstract: Long dismissed as unscientific, teleological explanation has been undergoing something of a revival as a result of the emergence of self-organization theory, which combines micro-level dynamics with macro-level boundary conditions to explain the tendency of systems to develop toward stable end-states. On that methodological basis this article argues that a global monopoly on the legitimate use of organized violence — a world state — is inevitable. At the micro-level world state formation is driven by the struggle of individuals and groups for recognition of their subjectivity. At the macro-level this struggle is channeled toward a world state by the logic of anarchy, which generates a tendency for military technology and war to become increasingly destructive. The process moves through five stages, each responding to the instabilities of the one before — a system of states, a society of states, world society, collective security, and the world state. Human agency matters all along the way, but is increasi...

The Mythology of Privatization in Contracting for Social Services

Abstract: States and municipalities have privatized services in an effort to improve their cost-effectiveness and quality. Competition provides the logical foundation for an expectation of cost savings and quality improvements, but competition does not exist in many local marketplaces—especially in the social services, where governments contract primarily with nonprofit organizations. As government increases its use of contracting, it simultaneously reduces its own public-management capacity, imperiling its ability to be a smart buyer of contracted goods and services. This article examines two questions about the privatization of social services based on interviews conducted with public and nonprofit managers in New York state: Does social services contracting exist in a competitive environment? And do county governments have enough public-management capacity to contract effectively for social services? The findings suggest an absence of competition and public-management capacity, raising the question of why governments contract when these conditions are not met.

Political Topographies of the African State: Territorial Authority and Institutional Choice

Abstract: Catherine Boone examines political regionalism in Africa and how it affects forms of government, and prospects for democracy and development. Boone's study is set within the context of larger theories of political development in agrarian societies. It features a series of compelling case studies that focus on regions within Senegal, Ghana, and Cote d'Ivoire and ranges from 1930 to the present. The book will be of interest to readers concerned with comparative politics, Africa, development, regionalism and federalism, and ethnic politics. Multi-country study of politics and political development in Africa. Book places African political development in the mainstream of studies of state-formation in agrarian studies. Study combines macrosociology with choice-theoretic perspectives in Political Science.

State failure and state weakness in a time of terror

Abstract: The threat of terror, which flares in Africa and Indonesia, has given the problem of failed states an unprecedented immediacy and importance. In the past, failure had a primarily humanitarian dimension, with fewer implications for peace and security. Now nation-states that fail, or may do so, pose dangers to themselves, to their neighbors, and to people around the globe: preventing their failure, and reviving those that do fail, has become a strategic as well as a moral imperative. State Failure and State Weakness in a Time of Terror develops an innovative theory of state failure that classifies and categorizes states along a continuum from weak to failed to collapsed. By understanding the mechanisms and identifying the tell-tale indicators of state failure, it is possible to develop strategies to arrest the fatal slide from weakness to collapse. This state failure paradigm is illustrated through detailed case studies of states that have failed and collapsed (the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sierra Leone, the Sudan, Somalia), states that are dangerously weak (Colombia, Indonesia, Sri Lanka, Tajikistan), and states that are weak but safe (Fiji, Haiti, Lebanon).

Language Rights and Political Theory

Abstract: After years of neglect, political theorists in the last few years have started to take an interest in issues of language policy, and to explore the normative issues they raise. In this chapter, we examine why this interest has arisen and provide an overview of the main approaches that have been developed. A series of recent events has made it clear that language policy is central to many of the traditional themes and concepts of political theory, such as democracy, citizenship, nationhood, and the state. The rise of ethnolinguistic conflict in Eastern Europe, the resurgence of language-based secessionist movements in Catalonia, Flanders, and Quebec, the backlash against immigrant multiculturalism, and the difficulties in building a pan-European sense of European Union citizenship—in all of these cases, linguistic diversity complicates attempts to build stable and cohesive forms of political community. In the past, political theorists have often implicitly assumed that this sort of linguistic diversity would disappear, as a natural concomitant of processes of modernization and nation-building. However, it is now widely accepted that linguistic diversity is an enduring fact about modern societies. As a result, political theorists have started to explore the justifications for minority language rights claims, and to consider how different models of language rights relate to broader political theories of justice, freedom, and democracy.

Abject Cosmopolitanism: the politics of protection in the anti-deportation movement

Abstract: The securitisation of migration in Western states has resulted in an array of restrictive laws and policies that raise important questions about the relationship between protection and the political. New technologies of control (such as detention) and strategies of exclusion (such as deportation) are rapidly undermining—indeed, effectively criminalising—national cultures of asylum. This article critically analyses how these measures are being contested and countered by the anti-deportation activism of undocumented non-citizen people in Canada. How are these campaigns re-casting the question of ‘protection’ in the face of deportation efforts by the Canadian state? This is a significant issue because the capacity to decide upon matters of inclusion and exclusion is a key element of sovereign power. In the case of asylum seekers, the ability to decide who will and will not be provided with protection is interpreted in this paper as a focal point where the state (re)founds its claim to monopolise the politica...

Green States and Social Movements: Environmentalism in the United States, United Kingdom, Germany, and Norway

Abstract: 1. States, Movements, and Democracy 2. Patterns of Inclusion and Exclusion in the Four Countries 3. Cooptive or Effective Inclusion? Movement Aims and State Imperatives 4. The Perils of Political Inclusion: Moderation and Bureaucratization 5. The Dynamics of Democratization 6. Evaluating Movement Effectiveness and Strategy 7. Ecological Modernization, Risk Society, and the Green State Conclusion

The Birth of the Modern World, 1780-1914: Global Connections and Comparisons

Abstract: List Of Illustrations.List Of Tables And Maps.Series Editor's Preface.Acknowledgements.Introduction.The Organization Of The Book.Problem One: 'Prime Movers' And The Economic Factor.Problem Two: Global History And Post-Modernism.Problem Three: The Continuing 'Riddle Of The Modern'.Conforming To Standards In Bodily Practice.Building Out From The Body: Communications And Complexity.Afterword.Part I: The End of The Old Regime:.1. Old Regimes And 'Archaic Globalisation':.Peasants And Lords.The Politics Of Difference.Powers On The Fringes Of States.Harbingers Of New Political Formations.The Pre-History Of 'Globalisation'.'Archaic' And Early Modern Globalisation.Prospect.2. Passages From The Old Regimes To Modernity:.The 'Last Great Domestication' And 'Industrious Revolutions'.New Patterns Of Afro-Asian Material Culture, Production And Trade.The Internal And External Limits Of Afro-Asian 'Industrious Revolutions.'.Trade, Finance And Innovation: European Competitive Advantages.The Activist, Patriotic State Evolves.Critical Publics.The Development Of Asian And African Ecumenes.Conclusion: 'Backwardness', Lags And Conjunctures.3. Convergent Revolutions, 1780-1820:.Contemporaries Ponder The World Crisis.A Summary Anatomy Of The World Crisis, C. 1720-1820.Sapping The Legitimacy Of The State: From France To China.The Ideological Origins Of The Modern State.Nationalities Versus States And Empires.The Third Revolution: Polite And Commercial Peoples Worldwide.Prospect.Part II: The Modern World In Genesis:.4. Between World Revolutions, C. 1815-1860.Assessing The 'Wreck Of Nations'.British Maritime Supremacy, World Trade And Agrarian Recovery.Emigration: A Safety Valve.The Losers In The 'New World Order', C. 1815-65.Problems Of Hybrid Legitimacy - Whose State Was It?.The State Gains Strength - But Not Enough.Wars Of Legitimacy In Asia: A Summary Account.Economic And Ideological Roots Of The Asian Revolutions.The Years Of Hunger And Rebellion In Europe, 1848-51.The American Civil War As A Global Event.Convergence Or Difference?.Reviewing The Argument.5. Industrialisation And The New City:.Historians, Industrialisation And Cities.The Progress Of Industrialisation.Cities As Centres Of Production And Consumption.The Urban Impact Of The Global Crisis, 1780-1820.Race And Class In The New City.Working Class Politics.World-Wide Urban Cultures And Their Critics.Conclusion.6. Nation, Empire And Ethnicity: C. 1860-1900:.'Theories' Of Nationalism.When Was Nationalism?.Whose Nationalism?.Perpetuating Nationalisms: Memories, National Associations And Print.From Community To Nation: The Eurasian Empires.Where We Stand With Nationalism.Peoples Without States Persecution Or Assimilation?.Imperialism And Its History In The Late Nineteenth Century.Dimension Of The 'New Imperialism'.A World Of Nation States?.The Persistence Of Old Patterns Of Globalisation.From Globalisation To Inter-Nationalim.Inter-Nationalism In Action.Conclusion.Part III: State And Society In The Age of Imperialism:.7. Myths And Technologies Of The Modern State.Dimensions Of The Modern State.The State And The Historians.Problems Of Defining The State.The Modern State Takes Root Geographical Dimensions.Claims To Justice And Symbols Of Power.The State's Resources.The State's Obligations To Society.Tools Of The State.State, Economy And Nation.A Balance Sheet: What Had The State Achieved?.8. The Theory And Practice Of Liberalism, Rationalism, Socialism And Science.Contextualising 'Intellectual' History.The Corruption Of The Righteous Republic: A Classic Theme.Righteous Republics World-Wide.The Advent Of Liberalism And The Market: Western Exceptionalism?.Liberalism And Land Reform: Radical Theory And Conservative Practice.Free Trade Or National Political Economy.Representing The Peoples.Secularism And Positivism: Trans-National Affinities.The Reception Of Socialism And Its Local Resonances.Science In Global Context.Professionalisation At World Level.Conclusion.9. Empires Of Religion:.Religion In The Eyes Of Contemporaries.The View Of Recent Historians.The Rise Of New-Style Religion.Modes Of Religious Domination, Their Agents And Their Limitations.Formalising Religious Authority, Creating 'Imperial Religions'.Formalising Doctrines And Rites.The Expansion Of 'Imperial Religions' On Their Inner And Outer Frontiers.Pilrimage And Globalisation.Printing And The Propagation Of Religion.Religious Building.Religion And The Nation.Conclusion: The Spirits Of The Age.10. The World Of The Arts And The Imagination:.Arts And Politics.Hybridity And Uniformity In Art Across The Globe.Levelling Forces: The Market, The Everyday And The Museum.The Arts Of The Emerging Nation And Empire 1760-1850.Arts And The People 1850-1914.Outside The West: Adaptation And Dependency.Architecture: A Mirror Of The City.Towards World Literature.Conclusion: Arts And Societies.Prospect.Part IV: Change, Decay And Crisis:.11. The Reconstitution Of Social Hierarchies:.Change And The Historians.Gender And Subordination In The 'Liberal Age'.Slavery's Indian Summer.The Peasant And Rural Labourer As Bond Serf.The Peasant That 'Got Away'.Why Rural Subordination Survived.The Transformation Of 'Gentries'.Challenges To The Gentry.Routes To Survival: State Service And Commerce.Men Of 'Fewer Board Acres' In Europe.Surviving Supremacies.Continuity Or Change?.12. The Destruction Of 'Native Peoples' And Ecological Depredation:.What Is Meant By Native Peoples?.Europeans And Native Peoples Before C. 1820.Native Peoples In The Age Of Hiatus?.The White Deluge 1840-1890.The Deluge In Practice: New Zealand, South Africa And The U.S.A.Ruling Savage Natures: Recovery And Marginalisation.13. Conclusion: The Great Acceleration: C.1890-1914:.Predicting 'Things To Come'.The Agricultural Depression, Inter-Nationalism And The New Imperialism.The Strange Death Of Inter-National Liberalism.Summing Up: Globalisation And Crisis 1780-1914.Global Interconnections 1780-1914.What Were The Motors Of Change?.Power In Global And Inter-National Networks.Contested Uniformity And Universal Complexity Revisited.August 1914.Notes.Bibliography.Index.

State of the Union: A Century of American Labor

Abstract: State of the Union: A Century of American Labor. By Nelson Lichtenstein. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002. Pp. ix, 337. Preface, acknowledgments, introduction, notes, index. $29.95.) Nelson Lichtenstein's latest book is both a history of the American labor movement over the past seventy years and a plea for its revival. Lichtenstein, who teaches in the history department at the University of California at Santa Barbara, is probably the leading New Left historian studying American labor since the 1930s. State of the Union is a work of synthesis that is most interesting for what it says about how New Left scholarship on American labor has evolved over the past three decades. Lichtenstein makes clear in his book's introduction that, rather than a history of American workers in general, he has written a study of labor unions and their relationship to what reformers used to call "the labor question." State of the Union s first two chapters trace the upsurge in American unions during the Great Depression and World War II. Lichtenstein explains very clearly the various rationales New Dealers developed to support the expansion of trade unionism, such as the need to increase consumer purchasing power, promote employment (and thus economic) security, and provide a measure of democracy in the modern workplace. This was the logic behind the creation of the National Labor Relations (Wagner) Act of 1935, which gave American unions strong legal protections for the first time. Unlike other New Left scholars, such as Thomas Ferguson and Colin Gordon, Lichtenstein gives most of the credit for the Wagner Act's passage to New Deal liberals and more radical leftists, not enlightened employers and financiers. Lichtenstein is quick to point out that worker militancy, not new laws, were the most important reason why unions grew during the mid-1930s. His account differs somewhat from older ones by emphasizing that the split between the American Federation of Labor (AFL) and the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) grew out of differing attitudes toward the "new immigrants" from southern and eastern Europe, and not just the question of craft versus industrial organization. The CIO's leaders and organizers were more open to recruiting members from recently arrived immigrant groups, Lichtenstein argues, than the trade unionists of northern European ancestry who dominated the AFL. Lichtenstein's account of labor's rise also differs from New Left orthodoxy by recognizing the important contributions made by Democratic governors in major industrial states and the Roosevelt administration. …

The Disciplinary Revolution: Calvinism and the Rise of the State in Early Modern Europe

Abstract: What explains the rapid growth of state power in early modern Europe? While most scholars have pointed to the impact of military or capitalist revolutions, Philip S. Gorski argues instead for the importance of a disciplinary revolution unleashed by the Reformation. By refining and diffusing a variety of disciplinary techniques and strategies, such as communal surveillance, control through incarceration and bureaucratic office-holding, Calvin and his followers created an infrastructure of religious governance and social control that served as a model for the rest of Europe -and the world. Gorski shows, for instance, how Calvinist-inspired social discipline contributed to the governance and pacification of Dutch society and to the rationalization and centralization of the Prussian state. He also compares religious and social disciplining as practiced by Calvinists, Lutherans and Catholics and finds that Calvinists took the disciplinary revolution much farther and faster, which helps explain the greater political strength of the Calvinist states. Written with clarity and vigour, "The Disciplinary Revolution" should be seen as a major work in European history, political science, social theory and religion.

The State and the Politics of Knowledge

Abstract: Formal schooling by and large is organized and controlled by the government. This means that by its very nature the entire schooling process-how it is paid for, what goals it seeks to attain and how these goals will be measured, who has power over it, what textbooks are approved, who does well in schools and who does not, who has the right to ask and answer these questions, and so on-is by definition political. Thus, as inherently part of a set of political institutions, the educational system will constantly be in the middle of crucial struggles over the meaning of democracy, over definitions of legitimate authority and culture, and over who should benefit the most from government policies and practices. That this is not of simply academic interest is very clear in the increasingly contentious issues surrounding what curricula and methods of instruction should be used in our schools. Think for instance of the whole languageversus-phonics debate and the immense political controversies this has demonstrated in local communities and in state legislatures. Or think of Diane Ravitch’s (largely erroneous) arguments that “real knowledge” is no longer taught and that political and educational “progressives” have captured the teaching and curriculum in most schools throughout the past century (Ravitch, 2000). Even though her assertions are both empirically and historically incorrect (Apple, 2001b), these and similar arguments have been circulated largely uncritically by the mainstream media, by increasingly conservative foundations, and by political groups.

Sex and the State : abortion, divorce, and the family under Latin American dictatorships and democracies

Abstract: Abortion, divorce, and the family: how did the state make policy decisions in these areas in Argentina, Brazil, and Chile during the last third of the twentieth century? As the three countries transitioned from democratic to authoritarian forms of government (and back), they confronted challenges posed by the rise of the feminist movement, social changes, and the power of the Catholic Church. The results were often surprising: women's rights were expanded under military dictatorships, divorce was legalized in authoritarian Brazil but not in democratic Chile, and no Latin American country changed its laws on abortion. Sex and the State explores these patterns of gender-related policy reform and shows how they mattered for the peoples of Latin America and for a broader understanding of the logic behind the state's role in shaping private lives and gender relations everywhere.

Empire of Capital

Abstract: In this era of globalization, we hear a great deal about a new imperialism and its chief enforcer, the United States. Today, with the US promising an endless war against terrorism and promoting a policy of preemptive defence, this notion seems more plausible than ever. But what does imperialism mean in the absence of colonial conquest and direct imperial rule? In this lucid and lively book Ellen Meiksins Wood explores the new imperialism against the contrasting background of older forms, from ancient Rome, through medieval Europe, the Arab Muslim world, the Spanish conquests, and the Dutch commercial empire. Tracing the birth of a capitalist imperialism back to the English domination of Ireland, Wood follows its development through the British Empire in America and India. The book brings into sharp relief the nature of today's new capitalist empire, in which the political reach of imperial power cannot match its economic hegemony, and the global economy is administered not by a global state but by a system of multiple local states, policed by the most disproportionately powerful military force the world has ever known and enforced according to a new military doctrine of war without end, in purpose or time.

Inequality in the World Polity: The Structure of International Organization

Abstract: Recent research reveals strong effects of involvement in international organizations on state policies, but much of this research downplays inequality in world political participation, and there is only a limited understanding of what explains world-polity ties. Using data on memberships in intergovernmental and international non-governmental organizations (IGOs and INGOs) for 1960 through 2000, this study analyzes inequality in the world polity. IGO ties are fairly evenly distributed, but the level of inequality in INGO ties is as high as the level of world income inequality. Since 1960, inequality in ties to IGOs decreased sharply, but inequality in ties to INGOs remained more stable. A conflict-centered model of the world polity is developed here that explains world political participation as a function of material and symbolic conflict. Rich, core, Western states and societies have significantly more ties to the world polity than do others. Powerful states dominate IGOs less now than they did in 1960, but rich, core, Western societies have grown more dominant in the INGO field.

Transnational migration and the redefinition of the state: Variations and explanations

Abstract: In this article, we examine the shifting policies of sending country states towards communities living abroad, demonstrate the ways in which these are redefining the relationship between the state and its territorial boundaries, and highlight how these reconfigure conventional understandings of sovereignty, citizenship and membership. We begin by delineating the ­different types of policies that sending states are adapting in order to break down categories like "global nations policies" and to identify similarities and differences between states. We then suggest some possible explanations both for the convergence we see on the "repertoire" of policies that states employ and divergence we see in how far states are willing to go to ensure that migrants remain enduring long-distance membership. We draw on material from several countries, but look most closely at Brazil, Mexico, the Dominican Republic and Haiti.

Protest under fire? Explaining the policing of protest

Abstract: Hypotheses about police presence and police action at social movement protest events in New York State between 1968 and 1973 are tested with the aim of understanding the broad mechanisms of social control used by authorities during this cycle of mass protest. Contrary to the popular perception of overzealous police repression of protest in this period, results show that police did not attend the majority of protest events. Tests of dominant explanations of police presence using logistic regression analysis indicate that the best predictor of police presence at a protest event was how threatening the event was-police attended larger protest events and those that used confrontational tactics. Tests (using multinomial logistic regression) of explanations of police action, given police presence at an event, indicate that extreme forms of police action were also triggered by threatening characteristics of events. Events in which subordinate groups and social movement organizations participated were also more likely to draw police action. Novel contributions include the comparison of dominant explanations of protest policing and methods that move beyond the tradition of examining repression through police presence or absence.

States in the Global Economy: Bringing domestic institutions back in

Abstract: 1. Bringing domestic institutions back in Linda Weiss Part I. The Resilience of Welfare States: 2. Disappearing taxes of the 'race to the middle'? Fiscal policy in the OECD John Hobson 3. Withering welfare? Globalisation, political economic institutions, and contemporary welfare states Duane Swank 4. Globalisation and social security expansion in East Africa M. Ramesh Part II. New Economic Challenges, Changing State Capacities: 5. France: a new 'capitalism of voice'? Michael Loriaux 6. The challenges of economic upgrading in liberalising Thailand Richard Doner and Ansil Ramsay 7. Building institutional capacity for China's new economic opening Tianbiao Zhu 8. New regimes, new capacities: the politics of telecommunications nationalisation and liberalisation David Levi-Faur 9. Ideas, institutions and interests in the shaping of telecommunications reform: Japan and the USA Mark Tilton 10. Diverse paths towards 'the right institutions': law, the state and economic reform in East Asia Meredith Woo-Cumings III. Governing Globalisation: 11. Managing openness in India: the social construction of a globalist narrative Jalal Alamgir 12. Guiding globalisation in East Asia: new roles for old developmental states Linda Weiss 13. Governing global finance: financial derivatives, liberal states, and transformative capacity William Coleman 14. Is the state being 'transformed' by globalisation? Linda Weiss.

The Democratic Advantage: Institutional Foundations of Financial Power in International Competition

Abstract: Despite their presumed liabilities, institutions associated with democracy serve as a source of power in prolonged international competition by increasing the financial resources that states can bring to bear. The theory of sovereign debt suggests that a state's ability to raise money through public borrowing is enhanced when debtholders have mechanisms for sanctioning state leaders in the event of default. Institutions associated with liberal government provide such mechanisms. All other things being equal, states that possess these institutions enjoy superior access to credit and lower interest rates than do states in which the sovereign has more discretion to default unilaterally. Liberal states can not only raise more money from a given economic base but can also pursue tax-smoothing policies that minimize economic distortions. The ability to finance competition in a manner that is consistent with long-term economic growth generates a significant advantage in prolonged rivalries. These claims are explored by analyzing the Anglo-French rivalry (1688–1815) and the Cold War.

Development and governmentality

Abstract: The subjectivity of individuals, the so-called speakers and hearers of political discourse, who actually, or even ideally, populate a state, needs to be understood in terms of enunciative modalities - the statuses, sites, and positions - of their existence as political subjects. Enunciative modalities refer to the ways a discursive practice is attached to bodies in space (Clifford, 2001:56).Governmental thought territorializes itself in different ways… We can analyze the ways in which the idea of a territorially bounded, politically governed nation state under sovereign authority took shape… One can trace anomalous governmental histories of smaller-scale territories… and one can also think of these [as] spaces of enclosure that governmental thought has imagined and penetrated… how [does it] happen that social thought territorializes itself on the problem of [for example] the slum in the nineteenth century (Rose, 1999:34–36)?

The Legitimation of International Governance: A Discourse Approach:

Abstract: This article presents a discourse approach to the study of legitimacy of governance beyond the democratic state. It starts from the empirical question of how international organizations legitimate ...

Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam

Abstract: Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam, by Gilles Kepel. Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2002. viii + 376 pages. Notes to p. 429. Gloss. to 433. Index to p. 454. $29.95. Few books will so fully and comprehensively intimidate the reader with their depth, breadth, and mastery of argument as Gilles Kepel's new study of Islamist movements. In just 400 pages, Kepel has managed to tell the story of the origins, ideological history, and profile of groups and states which make up the world of "Political Islam." The book is truly a detailed account of the trail of political Islam. Jihad is divided into two parts, but is weak in one important area: it lacks a bibliography! The first of the two parts, a total of eight chapters, tells the tale of the rise of political Islam, tracing its progress across Asia and Africa. In addition to the wealth of information which it provides, Part I also illustrates the ability of Islamists to penetrate Muslim societies of very different cultural and socioeconomic backgrounds. The author carefully assesses the impact of key political events - from the Six Day War to the Iranian revolution, from the Jihad in Afghanistan to the rise of the Islamic Salvation Front (Front islamique du salut, or FIS) in Algeria - in the Muslim world on the march of political Islam. By seeking, at each juncture, to evaluate the broader consequences of each of these events on political Islam, Kepel provides readers with a cumulative narrative of forces which have given shape and content to political Islam. He ends Part I with insights on the influence of political Islam in shaping Muslim opinion in one of its newly-adopted homes, Western Europe. In the course of analyzing the multifaceted impact of Muslim immigrants and of political Islam on Western European responses to political Islam, Kepel makes an important statement, and one which has been the source of controversy since Olivier Roy's `Failure of Political Islam' study. Kepel expresses the view that for all its successes, 1989 was to be "the high point of Islamist expansion" (p. 201). In the remaining seven chapters of the book (Part II), Kepel sets out to explain why 1989 may prove to have been the apex of "Islamist expansion." Much of the debate here is about the decline of political Islam since the early 1990s. The analytical focus is very much on the corroding impact on political Islam as a transnational movement of the terror tactics adopted by Islamist groups. Some of the chapter titles convey the message rather well: chapter 11, for example, is entitled "The Logic of Massacre in the Second Algerian War," chapters 12 and 13 are called, respectively, "The Threat of Terrorism in Egypt" and "Osama bin Laden and the War Against the West." These and the other four chapters in Part II make the argument that the Islamists' terror tactics not only turned public opinion against them, not only adversely affected their recruitment drive at home, but also galvanised the ruling regimes into action. The latter made very effective use of their security forces, unleashing them against Islamist strongholds in Egypt, Algeria, and Jordan. But, in addition, the state, with Western support, also attempted to fight the Islamists with economic tools: provision of aid to deprived regions, allocation of extra resources for education, job creation and infrastructural development, and of course, the deepening of economic reform and liberalization strategies in order to attract more private investment. …

Literature Review in Science Education and the Role of ICT: Promise, Problems and Future Directions

Abstract: Today, what "counts" as science and science teaching is in a state of flux. This, however, is not new - for 150 years there have been debates about the purpose, nature and role of science education in our society. Any designer of resources and tools for the teaching of science therefore needs to be able to understand these debates, and to be aware of the origins and reasons for the changes that are currently taking place.

Empire Lite: Nation Building in Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan

Abstract: In Empire Lite, Michael Ignatieff explores both sides of what he sees as a new global empire - the imperial and the humanitarian - and argues that the international community has failed to engage intelligently with the problems of nation building in the aftermath of apocalyptic events. The collapse of political order around the world is now seen as a major threat, and a new international order is emerging, one that is crafted to suit American imperial objectives. This presents humanitarian agencies with the dilemma of how to keep their programs from being suborned to imperial interests. Yet they know that it was American air-power that made an uneasy peace and humanitarian reconstruction possible, first in Bosnia, then in Kosovo, and finally in Afghanistan. This is the new world of geopolitics we live in and must try to grasp. The vivid, cogent essays in this book attempt to understand the phenomenon of state collapse and state failure in the world's zones of danger and the gradual emergence of an American led humanitarian empire. Focussing on nation building in Bosnia, Kosovo and Afghanistan, Ignatieff reveals how American military power, European money and humanitarian motive have combined to produce a form of imperial rule for a post-imperial age. Drawing on his own experiences of war zones, and with an extraordinary account of life in Afghanistan, Ignatieff identifies the illusions that make a genuine act of solidarity so difficult and asks what can be done to help people in war-torn societies enjoy the essential right to rule themselves.

States, parties, and social movements

Abstract: Part I. States and Social Movements: 1. Countermovements, the state, and the intensity of racial contention in the American south Joseph Luders 2. State vs. social movement: FBI counterintelligence against the new left David Cunningham 3. Setting the state's agenda: church-based community organizations in American urban politics Heidi J. Swarts 4. State pacts, elites, and social movements in Mexico's transition to democracy Jorge Cadena-Roa Part II. Parties and Social Movements: 5. Parties out of movements: party emergence in post-communist Eastern Europe John K. Glenn 6. From movement to party to government: why social policies in Kerala and West Bengal are so different 7. Parties, movements, and constituencies in categorizing race: state-level outcomes of multiracial category legislation Kim Williams 8. Protest cycles and party politics: the effects of elite allies and antagonists on student protest in the United States, 1930-90.