Showing papers in "West European Politics in 2022"
TL;DR: The empirical analysis based on new, fine-grained coding of welfare stances in party manifestos and original data on voters’ perceptions of party stances in seven European countries supports this argument and has important implications for party competition and welfare politics.
Abstract: Recent literature shows that radical right parties (RRPs) present moderate or blurry economic stances. However, this paper argues that this blurriness is restricted to only one of the two main conf...
34 citations
TL;DR: In this article, what kind of welfare state do voters of radical right parties (PRRPs) want and how do their preferences differ from voters of mainstream left and right-wing parties?
Abstract: What kind of welfare state do voters of populist radical right parties (PRRPs) want and how do their preferences differ from voters of mainstream left- and right-wing parties? In this paper, we dra...
27 citations
TL;DR: Partisan dealignment is recurrently presented in the literature as one of the main drivers of the personalisation of politics as mentioned in this paper. Yet, on the one hand, the claim that leader effects on voting behavi...
Abstract: Partisan dealignment is recurrently presented in the literature as one of the main drivers of the ‘personalisation of politics’. Yet, on the one hand, the claim that leader effects on voting behavi...
23 citations
TL;DR: The most important instrument by which parliament can express its lack of support for the government is the vote of no confidence in the government as mentioned in this paper, which is the most important way for expressing opposition to the government.
Abstract: The core feature of parliamentary democracy is government responsibility to the legislature. The most important instrument by which parliament can express its lack of support for the government is ...
18 citations
TL;DR: The authors examined the interplay between social risks, welfare state policies and far right voting, distinguishing between compensatory and protective policies and using data from seven waves of far right voter registration.
Abstract: This article examines the interplay between social risks, welfare state policies and far right voting. Distinguishing between compensatory and protective policies and using data from seven waves of...
14 citations
TL;DR: In contrast to the Social Democratic Party, which became more united as the election approached, the Christian Democrats were not able to consolidate the fissures unveiled by Merkel's departure and the Greens, emboldened by the polls, for the first time joined the traditional major parties in nominating a chancellor candidate as discussed by the authors .
Abstract: Abstract With the announced end of Angela Merkel’s tenure as Chancellor, the 2021 German federal election was particularly charged. In stark contrast to the Social Democratic Party, which became more united as the election approached, the Christian Democrats were not able to consolidate the fissures unveiled by Merkel’s departure. The Greens, emboldened by the polls, for the first time joined the traditional major parties in nominating a chancellor candidate. The result was a campaign period that centred heavily on the three-way race between Olaf Scholz (SPD), Armin Laschet (CDU/CSU) and Annalena Baerbock (Greens). The electoral outcome reduced the large number of coalitions discussed against the backdrop of a fragmenting party system and eventually led to a novel partnership on the federal level, a so-called traffic light coalition between the Social Democrats, Greens, and the Liberals. The formation of this coalition was facilitated by the refusal of Social and Christian Democrats to even consider renewing their ‘grand’ coalition, a newfound self-confidence on behalf of Greens and Liberals as well as the symbolic benefit that this novel alliance brought together the election winners. In many ways, the electoral result and the coalition it engendered represent new beginnings in German politics but significant hurdles to the consolidation of these patterns remain.
12 citations
TL;DR: The Portuguese elections of early 2022 took place during the most severe wave of COVID-19 infections in Portugal and the Portuguese Socialists gained their second absolute majority in history as mentioned in this paper .
Abstract: Abstract The Portuguese elections of early 2022 took place during the most severe wave of COVID-19 infections in Portugal. Nevertheless, the pandemic was not the most important issue in the campaign. Although opinion polls forecast a narrow election, the Socialists gained their second absolute majority in history. The electoral results marked a breakthrough for the radical right and Liberals. Every other traditional party had its worst electoral night in democratic history. The Christian Democrats and the Greens ended up exiting the parliament. The 2022 general elections saw the Socialists rise to dominance and the end of the Portuguese exceptionalism in keeping the radical right at arm’s length.
12 citations
TL;DR: The authors explored the relationship between affective polarisation and turnout using three longitudinal designs and found that there is a sizeable independent effect on turnout even when accounting for reverse causality and for the confounding impact of positive partisanship and ideological polarisation.
Abstract: Abstract Polarisation is often seen as mainly negative for the functioning of democracies, but one of its saving graces could be that it raises the stakes of politics and encourages participation. This study explores the relationship between affective polarisation and turnout using three longitudinal designs. It makes use of three decades of repeated cross-sectional surveys in Germany, a two-wave panel study in Spain, and an eleven-wave panel study in the Netherlands. It tests whether affective polarisation increases turnout using varying operationalizations and specifications, and studies whether any boost in participation extends beyond the most politically sophisticated citizens. The findings suggest a sizeable independent effect of affective polarisation on turnout even when accounting for reverse causality and for the confounding impact of positive partisanship and ideological polarisation. Importantly, this effect might even be somewhat more pronounced among those who are least sophisticated. The concluding section discusses the normative and theoretical implications of these findings.
11 citations
TL;DR: The authors found that governments in countries with the constructive vote of no-confidence (CVNC) tend to be more durable than those in countries that have a regular vote of No-Confidence (RVNC).
Abstract: Governments in countries with the constructive vote of no-confidence (CVNC) tend to be more durable than governments in countries with a regular vote of no-confidence (RVNC). Although this is the c...
11 citations
TL;DR: The authors argue that studying the relationship between the radical right and the welfare state requires bridging literatures that have so far been too divided to connect the two sides, and they propose a review article and a special issue introduction.
Abstract: This review article and special issue introduction argues that studying the relationship between the populist radical right and the welfare state requires bridging literatures that have so far adva...
11 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors investigated the social policies of populist radical right parties' social policies by looking at two cases, Italy and Poland, where such parties have been in office without the con...
Abstract: This article contributes to the emerging studies of populist radical right parties’ social policies by looking at two cases, Italy and Poland, where such parties have been in office without the con...
TL;DR: In this article, the authors analyze the institutions associated with government termination in parliamentary systems: no-confidence and confidence motions, and the early dissolution of the parliament, and propose a model for the early termination of a government.
Abstract: This paper analyses the institutions associated with government termination in parliamentary systems: no-confidence and confidence motions, and the early dissolution of the parliament. We consider ...
TL;DR: Policy inquiry commissions are widely used in policy-preparparparation processes across Europe and beyond as discussed by the authors, and they have been used as expert bodies and corporatist a...
Abstract: Policy inquiry commissions are widely used in policy-preparation processes across Europe and beyond. While previous research has primarily focussed on commissions as expert bodies and corporatist a...
TL;DR: In this paper, a comprehensive comparison of oppositional behaviour in European Union (EU) affairs in six countries: Austria, Denmark, Germany, Ireland, Sweden and the United Kingdom is presented.
Abstract: This article offers a comprehensive comparison of oppositional behaviour in European Union (EU) affairs in six countries: Austria, Denmark, Germany, Ireland, Sweden and the United Kingdom. By drawi...
TL;DR: In this paper , the authors examined whether acts of participation associated with social media should be classified using a traditional, five-factor solution to the structure of participatory acts, focusing instead on acts supported and enabled by social media, and in particular on differences between the use of Twitter and Facebook.
Abstract: Abstract Political participation opportunities have been expanding for years, most recently through digital tools. Social media platforms have become well integrated into civic and political participation. Using a cross-national sample from the United States, United Kingdom and France, this article examines whether acts of participation associated with social media should be classified using a traditional, five-factor solution to the structure of participatory acts. The distinction between online and offline participation is set aside, focusing instead on acts supported and enabled by social media, and in particular on differences between the use of Twitter and Facebook. The analysis shows that acts enabled by social media do not load with traditional factors in the structure of participation. Political acts employing Twitter and Facebook are distinct in the factor structure of participation.
TL;DR: This paper found that parties follow shifts in the preferences of either the general electorate or party supporters, drawing on theoretical model, and that the responsiveness of parties is correlated with the number of voters who supported them.
Abstract: Research on party responsiveness in established democracies suggests that parties follow shifts in the preferences of either the general electorate or party supporters. Drawing on theoretical model...
TL;DR: This paper examined the relationship between unpopular ministers' unpopularity and their duration in office and found that unpopular ministers are more likely to be forced out of office than their colleagues in Cabinet, while their colleagues are less likely to resign.
Abstract: Are unpopular ministers more likely to be forced out of office than their colleagues in Cabinet? This study examines the relationship between ministers’ unpopularity and their duration in office. B...
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors investigate the extent to which the European Commission discloses compliance assessments prepared by highly competent external actors only partially and raise concerns about the extent of wider audiences being adequately informed about national implementation outcomes.
Abstract: In the European context, the Commission is responsible for monitoring and
enforcing states’ compliance with EU legislation. However, the Commission
often entrusts external actors to monitor and assess implementation. To what
extent does the Commission withhold, partially or fully disclose compliance
assessments? Drawing on reputational accounts of bureaucratic performance,
it is expected that the Commission is confronted with competing incentives.
On the one hand, the Commission needs to justify enforcement decisions
based on expert evaluations. On the other hand, disseminating information
about non-compliance could exacerbate relations with the member states
and threatens to damage the Commission’s unique reputation as the main
guardian of the EU treaties. Employing a novel data-set on the transparency
of compliance assessments, it is found that the Commission discloses compliance assessments prepared by highly competent external actors only partially.
The finding raises concerns about the extent to which wider audiences are
sufficiently informed about national implementation outcomes.
TL;DR: The labour market dualization literature offers inconsistent evidence as to the effects of nonstandard employment on political demobilization as mentioned in this paper, and the labour market outsiders also political outsiders are political outsiders.
Abstract: Are labour market outsiders also political outsiders? The labour market dualization literature offers inconsistent evidence as to the effects of nonstandard employment on political demobilization. ...
TL;DR: In this article , the authors argue that the societal and political changes of the last decades justify descriptive representation of the contemporary working class, and evaluate the theoretical arguments for descriptive representation with the help of empirical insights on growing political marginalisation of lower status classes.
Abstract: Abstract This article departs from the normative-theoretical literature on descriptive representation, which argues that some disadvantaged groups need a special form of representation. Most proponents of a guaranteed presence of women or ethnic minorities, however, do not believe that their arguments equally apply to social classes. The main reason is that the class cleavage historically structured many party systems, making ‘class issues’ extraordinarily present. However, party systems and industrial relations have vastly changed since then, altering the circumstances under which representation takes place. Evaluating the theoretical arguments for descriptive representation with the help of empirical insights on growing political marginalisation of lower-status classes, this article argues that the societal and political changes of the last decades justify descriptive representation of the contemporary working class.
TL;DR: For the second time in the history of the Fifth Republic, the candidates of France's former mainstream left and right-wing parties were disqualified during the first round of the presidential elections as mentioned in this paper .
Abstract: Abstract For the second time in the history of the Fifth Republic, the candidates of France’s former mainstream left- and right-wing parties were disqualified during the first round of the presidential elections. The repetition of the duel between Emmanuel Macron (centrist candidate) and Marine Le Pen (radical-right candidate) in the second round of the presidential election marks the durable transformation of the political space in French politics, an evolution that was already taking shape in 2017. The 2022 parliamentary elections confirmed the transformation and reconfiguration of the political landscape. Overall, the results of the elections in 2022 underscore major shifts in the party system as well as deep political fragmentations not only on the left but also, and in particular, on the right. Above all, the poor level of turnout in both elections reconfirms the considerable and enduring crisis of representative democracy in France.
TL;DR: For the Conservative Party, it is about reacting to the challenge from the radical right, both in terms of the electoral threat from UKIP and a long... as mentioned in this paper The UK leaving the EU is about more than the UK exiting the EU.
Abstract: Brexit is about more than the UK exiting the EU. For the Conservative Party, it is about reacting to the challenge from the radical right, both in terms of the electoral threat from UKIP and a long...
TL;DR: In this article , the authors investigated how governments shift blame during large-scale, prolonged crises and found that blame diffusion patterns vary considerably across phases and that blame spills out of the political system when fuzzy governance structures "lose their bite".
Abstract: Abstract This article investigates how governments shift blame during large-scale, prolonged crises. While existing research shows that governments can effectively diffuse blame through ‘fuzzy’ governance structures, less is known about blame diffusion patterns during severe crises when citizens widely expect governments to assume leadership. The article develops expectations on how blame diffusion patterns – consisting of blame-shifting onto lower-level government units, citizens and experts – look and differ in fuzzy governance structures (the political courant normal) and in consolidated governance structures (when governments are called on to consolidate responsibility). The article then tests this theoretical argument with a within-unit longitudinal study of the blame diffusion patterns employed by the Swiss Federal Council (FC) during press conferences held during the COVID-19 pandemic. The period under analysis (March–December 2020) is divided into three phases characterised by different governance structures due to the FC’s enactment of emergency law. The analysis reveals that blame diffusion patterns vary considerably across phases and that blame spills out of the political system when fuzzy governance structures ‘lose their bite’. These findings are relevant for our understanding of democratic governance under pressure.
TL;DR: In this article , the Alternative for Germany (AfD) reached a vote share of 12.6 percent in the 2017 federal election, and some of this support comes from a group not usually expected to vote for Populist Radical Right Party (PRRP): immigrant-origin voters.
Abstract: Abstract By reaching a vote share of 12.6 percent in the 2017 federal election, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) ended Germany’s rare status as a Western European polity lacking a significant Populist Radical Right Party (PRRP). Some of this support comes from a group not usually expected to vote for PRRPs: immigrant-origin voters. Recent survey data shows high levels of support for the AfD especially within the group of Russian-Germans – immigrants from the former Soviet Union and its successor states. What motivates these immigrant-origin voters to support an anti-immigrant party? This article argues that support for the AfD – besides immigration-related preferences – can be best explained by their levels of assimilation or incorporation for different domains regarding the mainstream German society. Especially low levels of economic and social integration, and in particular a strong ethnic identity, relate positively to favouring the German radical right.
TL;DR: In a survey conducted in Spain using a comprehensive battery of items tapping into technocracy and populism, it was found that populist attitudes correlate with two dimensions of technocracy: anti-politics and pro-expertise sentiments as discussed by the authors .
Abstract: Abstract Populism and technocracy represent a challenge to pluralist party democracies. The first promotes the rule by ‘the people’, while the second demands the rule by independent experts. The literature on populism and technocracy as challenges to party democracy is burgeoning. Less is known about citizens’ attitudes towards the ideas that underpin both populism and technocracy. In this article these opinions are explored in a survey conducted in Spain using a comprehensive battery of items tapping into technocracy and populism. It is found that populist attitudes correlate with two dimensions of technocracy: anti-politics and pro-expertise sentiments. A latent-class analysis shows that the largest sample group simultaneously endorses rule by the people and the enrolment of experts in political decision making. In the article this group is named technopopulists. The article challenges extant views of populism and technocracy as separate alternatives and spurs works on voter demand for the involvement of experts in politics. Supplemental data for this article can be accessed online at: https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2022.2027116 .
TL;DR: In this paper , the effects of COVID-19 on democracy and mental health are investigated by conducting two online surveys in Britain in August 2020 and March 2021, and it was found that higher COVID19 worry and stress were associated with more symptoms of mental/emotional distress.
Abstract: Abstract The effects of COVID-19 on democracy and mental health are still under investigation. In this article, it is considered that, on average, higher COVID-19 stressors and symptoms of distress are associated with lower political support and that higher COVID-19 stressors are associated with higher symptoms of mental/emotional distress. This formulation was tested by conducting two online surveys in Britain in August 2020 and March 2021. Strong support was found for this hypothesis. Greater worry about COVID-19 life changes is associated with a lower evaluation of government performance on the pandemic and with a lower perceived responsiveness of the political system; higher COVID-19 stress resulting from anti-pandemic measures is associated with a poorer evaluation of government performance and, subsequently, with less trust in government. It was also found that higher COVID-19 worry and stress were associated with more symptoms of mental/emotional distress. These findings highlight that pandemic-related stressors may influence people’s political engagement and mental health.
TL;DR: Interparliamentary cooperation in EU foreign and security policy, once the paradigmatic example of competitive relations between parliamentary levels, has recently evolved towards more cooperative cooperation as discussed by the authors. But, as discussed in Section 2.
Abstract: Interparliamentary cooperation in EU foreign and security policy, once the paradigmatic example of competitive relations between parliamentary levels, has recently evolved towards more cooperative ...
TL;DR: A growing number of parliaments around the world have adopted anti-defection laws that protect the unity of legislative party groups as mentioned in this paper. Although they remain rare among established democracies, India,...
Abstract: A growing number of parliaments around the world have adopted anti-defection laws that protect the unity of legislative party groups. Although they remain rare among established democracies, India,...
TL;DR: In this article, the authors focus on the division lines in the European Parliament and, to a lesser extent, the Council of Ministers and propose a broad analysis of political contestation of EU decision making.
Abstract: Studies of political contestation of EU decision making usually focus on the division lines in the European Parliament and, to a lesser extent, the Council of Ministers. This article seeks to broad...
TL;DR: The authors examined the determinants of wage militancy and moderation at the individual level and found no relationship between the structure of wage bargaining (more or less coordinated or centralised) and wage dissatisfaction, and found that wage dissatisfaction decreases strongly when workers are individually exposed to trade and countries rely heavily on export-led growth.
Abstract: Abstract An extensive literature in comparative political economy has examined the determinants of wage militancy and moderation at the country level. So far, however, there has been no attempt to analyse the determinants of wage satisfaction and dissatisfaction at the individual level. Based on two waves of the International Social Survey Programme, this article seeks to fill this void. It examines to what extent trade exposure affects individual attitudes towards wages, and whether bargaining institutions facilitate the internalisation of competitiveness requirements, as suggested by the vast literature on neocorporatism. Surprisingly, no relationship is found between the structure of wage bargaining (more or less coordinated or centralised) and wage dissatisfaction at the individual level. Instead, wage dissatisfaction decreases strongly when workers are individually exposed to trade and countries rely heavily on export-led growth. The findings point to the need to rethink the determinants of wage moderation. Supplemental data for this article can be accessed online at: https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2021.2024010 .