Weird people, yes, but also weird experiments
doi:10.1017/S0140525X10000038
Nicolas Baumard
a
and Dan Sperber
b
a
Institute of Cognitive and Evolutionary Anthropology, University of Oxford,
Oxford OX2 6PN, United Kingdom;
b
Institut Jean Nicod, Ecole Normale
Supe
´
rieure, 75005 Paris, France.
nbaumard@gmail.com
https://sites.google.com/site/nicolasbaumard/Home
dan@sperber.fr
http://www.dan.sperber.fr/
Abstract: While we agree that the cultural imbalance in the recruitment
of participants in psychology experiments is highly detrimental, we
emphasize the need to complement this criticism with a warning about
the “weirdness” of some cross-cultural studies showing seemingly deep
cultural differences. We take the example of economic games and
suggest that the variety of results observed in these games may not be
due to deep psychological differences per se, but rather due to
different interpretations of the situation.
Henrich et al.’s article fleshes out in a very useful and timely
manner comments often heard but rarely published about the
extraordinary cultural imbalance in the recruitment of partici-
pants in psychology experiments and the doubt this casts on gen-
eralization of findings from these “weird” samples to humans in
general. The authors mention that one of the concerns they
have met in defending their views has been of a methodological
nature: “the observed variation across populations may be due to
various methodological artifacts that arise from translating exper-
iments across contexts” (sect. 7.2, para. 1). Here we want to
express a less sweeping methodological concern. While accepting
the general conclusions and recommendations of the article, we
believe they should be complemented with a warning about the
“weirdness” of some experimental designs that have been used
across cultures and seem to show deep cultural differences. In
fact, they may just show quite different interpretations of the
experimental situation by the participants. This is not to deny,
of course, that these differences in interpretations are themselves
Commentary/Henrich et al.: The weirdest people in the world?
84
BEHAVIORAL AND BRAIN SCIENCES (2010) 33:2/3
both psychological and cultural and are worth studying in their
own right. In fact, unless one pays attention to them, it unclear
what the experimental evidence is really about.
Let us illustrate our point with the case of economic games
(discussed in sections 3.2, 4.1, and 6.1 of the target article). In
these experiments, people are given a sum of money for free
(which never happens in the real life) and have to share it with
someone about whom they have no information (which also
never happens in real life). Many researchers, including one of
the article’s authors (see Henrich et al. 2005), have pointed out
that cultural variations in economic games may have more to
do with methodological problems than with actual cultural differ-
ences (Ensminger 2002; Heintz 2005; Lesorogol 2007). In par-
ticular, participants in these games have no information about
the rights of each player over the stake and are asked to make
a “blind” decision. But who owns the money? Is the money a
gift? Is the money a payment in exchange for my participation?
Who is the other participant? Is he or she someone I know?
Does he or she have rights over the money? And so on.
This leaves open the possibility that behavioural differences
observed in economic games are not due to deep psychological
differences per se, but rather due to different interpretations of
the situation (for a similar point, see Hagen & Hammerstein
2006; Heintz 2005). For example, Henrich et al.’s (2005) study
in 15 small-scale societies reveals a striking difference between
the Lamalera, who make very generous offers in the Ultimatum
Game, and the Tsimane and the Machigenga, who make very
low offers in the very same game. But the game is likely to be con-
strued very differently within these societies. The Lamalera,
being collective hunters, may indeed see the money as jointly
owned by the proposer and the recipient. By contrast, the
Tsimane and the Machigenga, who are solitary horticulturalists,
may see the money as their own property and therefore feel
entitled to keep it. In the same way, Westerners may appear as
outliers not because they have a different moral psychology,
but rather because, living in very large, democratic and capitalist
societies, they make different assumptions in economic games
(e.g., that, not knowing the other participant – a situation of
anonymity that is common in large-scale urban societies – they
have no particular duty to share the stake with her).
In line with this idea, economic games framed within a more
detailed context tend to show that people’s decisions are based
on property rights (Oxoby & Spraggon 2008), past contributions
to collective actions (Cappelen et al. 2007; Frohlich et al. 2004),
or a personal link of solidarity (Cronk 2007). One possible
interpretation is that participants try to be fair with others
when they distribute the money: If the other player has produced
the money, she has more right over it; if she has been more pro-
ductive or has invested more money, she deserves a bigger part
of it; if both players are friends, they have special duties toward
each other; and so forth. Such a “sense of fairness” combined
with contextual differences might well explain the variety of
results observed around the world. When confronted with cul-
tural differences in experimental result, we should therefore
ask: Are they the product of deep differences in the psychological
dispositions and processes these experiments are intended to illu-
minate, or do they reflect differences in the interpretation of the
experimental situation? One way to help answer this question
would be, for instance, to present the Lamalera and the Machi-
genga with, as much as possible, the same rich context (e.g., clar-
ifying the source of the money and the relationships between the
participants) and assess whether they use the parameters at stake
(i.e., rights, past contributions, social links) in the same way.
The importance of the way participants interpret a task – which
may differ from the way the experimenter intended them to inter-
pret it – has been often stressed in experimental psychology (e.g.,
Sperber et al. 1995). The more the experiment is artificial and
devoid of “ecological validity” – in other terms, the weirder it is –
the greater the risk of misinterpreting the differences between
societies. When it comes to cross-cultural comparisons, ignoring
this pragmatic dimension of participants’ performance may cause
one to exaggerate or to miss genuine psychological differences.
Commentary/Henrich et al.: The weirdest people in the world?
BEHAVIORAL AND BRAIN SCIENCES (2010) 33:2/3 85
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