Showing papers on "Government published in 1975"

A Re-assessment of the Concept of Political Support

Abstract: It has been said about the United States that it is now suffering ‘a crisis of regime’. Europe, we have been told, is in little better condition: ‘all over Europe the First World War broke up the structure of society which, before 1914, had provided the necessary basis of confidence between government and governed. There no longer exists, except in a few places such as Switzerland, that general acceptance of the conduct of national affairs that adds to the vigor of government and society alike.’1 These are the kinds of practical political problems to which the concept of political support, as found in systems analysis, has been directed.

Bureaucrats and Politicians

Abstract: FIVE years ago I completed the manuscript that was published as Bureaucracy and Representative Government.2 This book-an attempt to match a now conventional theory of the demand for government services in a representative government with a new theory of bureaucratic supplyprovoked a minor stir, some misunderstanding, and some useful subsequent research. This paper summarizes my reflections on this book and the findings of several empirical studies that bear on some of its conjectures. These reflections, like the perspectives of the book, are based on a combination of personal experience, the comments and contributions of others, and the available empirical studies.3 Part I of this paper outlines several suggested modifications to my earlier theory of bureaucracy and representative government. Part II summarizes a set of relevant empirical findings.

The Independent Judiciary in an Interest-Group Perspective

Abstract: We believe that at a deeper level the independent judiciary is not only consistent with, but essential to, the interest-group theory of government. Part I of this paper explains our theory of the independent judiciary. Part II discusses several implications of the theory, relating to administrative regulation, the form of interest-group legislation, the tenure of judges, and constitutional adjudication. The appendix to this paper presents an empirical analysis of judicial independence using data on Acts of Congress that have been held unconstitutional by the Supreme Court.

The transitional gains trap

Abstract: Many government programs which appear to be designed to help some particular industry or group do not seem to be succeeding. The explanation offered here is that the program, when inaugurated, generated transitional gains for the individuals or companies in the industry, but that these have been fully capitalized, with the result that the people in the industry now are doing no better than normal. On the other hand, the termination of the particular scheme would, in general, lead to large losses for the entrenched interests.

The government and politics of Hong Kong

Abstract: This study of the government of Hong Kong examines the machinery of government with its social, economic and cultural contexts. The text has been substantially revised for this edition to take account of the changing context in which policies are being made in the lead up to 1997. The author details the most recent constitutional developments and moves towards democracy, and describes the changes that will take place in the system of government in 1997 when Hong Kong becomes a Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China.

Comparison Advertising: Problems and Potential:

Abstract: ALTHOUGH not new, comparison advertising has only in the last few years become prevalent enough to provoke growing interest and controversy. The subject is of concern to many groups-consumer organizations, the advertising industry, government bodies-and, of course, to individual marketers. The question arises as to whether comparison advertising is, indeed, a powerful marketing tool; in this regard, there are many interesting issues that require further consideration. The purpose of this article is to present the contexts for these issues and to propose some fruitful avenues for investigation.

India : Government and Politics in a Developing Nation

Abstract: 1. The Globalization of the Development Challenge. 2. The Legacies of National History. 3. The Framework: Institutions of Governance. 4. The Challenge of Federalism. 5. Interest Politics in India. 6. Parties and Politics: The Congress System and Its Decline. 7. Political Parties: The Emergence of Coalition Politics and the Rise of the BJP. 8. Elections and Political Behavior. 9. Policy and Performance: The Politics of Development. 10. Policy and Performance: National Security and Foreign Policy. Index.

Learner Control: Beyond Aptitude-Treatment Interactions

Abstract: Cronbach and Snow (in press) have prepared an extensive review of the theoretical orientation and methodology of an aptitude-treatment interaction (ATI) approach to revision of curriculum and instructional methods, and have summarized related research. In this paper, I attempt to state briefly their theoretical position and examine some of the premises that seem to provide the basis for their argument. Following a synopsis of their views, I propose alternative premises which seem to be less limiting than those of Cronbach and Snow. This paper is not a critique of ATI research. It discusses the philosophy and premises underlying the ATI approach, not ATI procedure and methodology. I have attempted to substantiate that ATI does represent a philosophy. And I suggest an alternative theoretical methodology that follows from revised premises. In my view, the study of aptitudeEditor's Note. The material in this article was prepared pursuant to a contract with the National Institute of Education, U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare. Contractors undertaking such projects under government sponsorship are encouraged to express freely their judgment in professional and technical matters. Points of view or opinions do not necessarily represent the official view or opinions of the National Institute of Education.

Educational policy-making: A study of interest groups and Parliament

Abstract: Originally published in 1975. This masterly study of policies and policy-makers in education opens up a major, and fascinating, area of public policy to analysis. In this book Professor Kogan draws together many of his previous findings to provide a searching examination and overview of education and its relationship both to government and to individuals and groups within the system. The result is not only a definitive statement on the making of educational policy, but a study of pressure groups; and in broader terms it is a commentary on the democratic efficiency of the British policymaking process both inside and outside Parliament. The core of the book is an analysis of the main policies which were the major concerns of educational government between 1960 and 1974. This shows how the various interest groups in education differ in their attitudes and their ways of working; and provides both an intriguing insight into the historical development of education over this key period and a variety of personal views from the individuals who helped to shape this development.

Justice Field and the Jurisprudence of Government-Business Relations: Some Parameters of Laissez-Faire Constitutionalism, 1863–1897

Abstract: HE institutional and economic growth of American society through the mid-nineteenth century entailed -close cooperation between the public and private sectors. Antebellum state and local politicians viewed government's resources as a means to attain the developmental goals of a society dedicated to material growth; public officials were more than willing "to seek the public good through private negotiations."' State legislatures chartered hundreds of corporations and lavished them with land grants, lottery franchises, eminent domain privileges, and tax exemptions.2 Local governments, too, engaged in the scramble for regional development and readily opened their treasuries to railroad corporations and other businesses.3 By the 1870s, however, various socioeconomic groups began to perceive that their interests were no longer congruent with those of the corporations that government had created and subsidized. In that decade, shippers waged successful struggles to impose stiff regulatory laws on grain

Property Rights and Efficiency in the Oyster Industry

Abstract: OWNERSHIP rights to resources and product are important determinants of economic efficiency. The effects of a communal or common property right system for resource allocation have received the principal attention of contributors to the literature pertaining to fishery economics. In the context of this literature, common property means that any member of the community has the right to harvest the fish stock. However, the right in practice may be constrained by government enforced conservation policies such as bag limits and size limitations. Consensus among the discussants is that common property leads to over-exploitation of fish stocks and perhaps extinction of the species.1 The property rights literature draws similar conclusions.2 To date, the literature contains few examples of empirical investigations of the effects of property right systems and, in particular, applications to the fisheries.3 In this paper the significance of property rights for one aspect of economic efficiency, labor productivity, is empirically tested using data from the U.S.

China's Imperial Past : An Introduction to Chinese History and Culture

Abstract: Introduction Part I. The formative age, prehistory-206 BC 1. General history 2. State and society 3. Thought 34. Literature and art Part II. The Early Empire, 206 BC-AD 960: 5. General history 6. Government 7. Society and the economy 8. Thought 9. Literature and art Part III. The Later Empire, 960-1850: 10. General history 11. Government 12. Society and the economy 13. Thought 14. Literature and art Epilogue.

Demographic Characteristics of Canadian Consumer Complainers

Abstract: A survey of over 17,000 Canadian consumers who had written a letter of complaint to one of several government or consumer service agencies in 1972 found that the average consumer complainer is a middle aged, well educated, affluent, managerial-professional man or woman The study also found that 49 percent of complaint letters are written by only 24 percent consumer of complainers and that consumers who write several letters of complaint are also well educated, affluent, and have managerial/professional occupations These findings suggest that care must be taken in using consumer complaint data to identify the nature and severity of consumer problems in the marketplace or as a foundation for government policy and programs

Scientific Advice for British India: Imperial Perceptions and Administrative Goals, 1898—1923

Abstract: In recent years there has been a continuing effort to place the history of scientific activity in Europe firmly in the political, economic and social contexts in which ideas and institutions have developed. Hitherto, however, comparatively little attention has been paid to the development of scientific institutions in the European colonial empires, or to the role of scientific activity in the commercial exploitation, civil government, or political development of individual countries.

A Byzantine government in exile : government and society under the Laskarids of Nicaea, 1204-1261

Abstract: A Byzantine Government in Exile Government and Society under the Laskarids of Nicaea (1204-1261)

Domestic Politics and Regional Harmonization in the European Communities

Abstract: In an operational sense, European integration amounts to the transnational harmonization and standardization of diverse national laws, practices, and norms. Insight into the integrative process in Western Europe, therefore, can be gleaned by looking into problems encountered during attempts at transnational harmonization. Case studies of national attempts to implement EEC directives in the fields of regional aid, pharmaceutical marketing, investment control, and fiscal harmonization point up important interplays between regional harmonization and domestic politics. Evidence concerning the politics of regional implementation shows that the ability of an EEC country to contribute to European integration depends fundamentally upon its government's ability to act politically in its domestic arena.

Wellington House and British Propaganda during the First World War1

Abstract: At the outbreak of war in August 1914, the Germans poured out propaganda in the form of posters, leaflets and pamphlets, in an attempt to explain Germany's entry into the war and discredit the motives of the allies. The British government was greatly disturbed by the virulence of the German campaign, which was specially directed towards influencing the United States of America. At the end of August 1914, the matter was raised in the cabinet: ‘Mr Lloyd George urged the importance of setting on foot an organization to inform and influence public opinion abroad and to confute German mis-statements and sophistries.’ On 5 September the cabinet decided that steps were to be taken without delay to counteract the dissemination by Germany of false news abroad. Though there had been no peace-time precedent, the cabinet accepted the need for an organization to co-ordinate propaganda directed at foreign opinion for the duration of the war.

New perspectives on the public policy implications of defense and welfare expenditures in four modern democracies: 1950–1970

Abstract: This article compares expenditure decisions in four “Western” democracies (Australia, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States) in the policy areas of defense, health, education, and all government expenditures from 1950 to 1970. In addition, national income is used as a measure of economic growth in the four countries. The research focuses on the yearly fluctuations of expenditures and the statistical relationships existing among the variables under changing conditions.

The Politics of Higher Education.

Abstract: That the former should be so is understandable. Higher education is a necessary aspect of national life, and the national government has always been involved. Washington raised the subject in his Inaugural Address. It is the imbalance of the relation that is anomalous. Why has there been so little initiative and effective organization on the part of higher education in pressing its interests with the national government? A review of the experience from the 1950s on suggests that government has behaved about as governments will do, pursuing recognizable in terests, including that of acting and appearing to act in terms of fairly generously defined public interests. Higher education might have been expected to respond by becoming a moderately importunate and reasonably coherent claimant on national resources. During this same period?and given no better opportunity?elementary and secondary schools, and schoolteachers, fashioned themselves into an aggressive national lobby. Higher education did not. In a manner recorded more in literature than in politics, it responded in a passive mode, accepting support it had not the power to command; agreeing without overmuch fuss to the small conditions and obligations that seemed ever to accompany such support. Dignity was maintained; dependency deepened. The series of historical accidents, which over the past two decades have given a political priority to the needs of higher education quite indepen dent of any assertion of those needs by higher education, evidently induced an assumption that people, or rather The People, would always be kind. When, as of late, things have not quite worked as some would wish, there has been a tendency to at tribute this to an aberrant condition in government which will soon enough be righted. This might be termed "Waiting for '76." This paper will contend that political realities are quite different, and that, unless higher education takes a more active part in the shaping of national educational policy, interests of the first order will be jeopardized or lost. In particular, the interests of private institutions, more especially the major private universities, will be lost. Appearances, for the moment, are notably confusing, suggesting simultaneously the closest cooperation and the most protracted hostility. Thus by any general measure, federal funds going to higher education continue to increase at a comfortable pace. Similarly, while in the course of the century two Ivy League universities have sent their presidents to the White House, there has been nothing comparable to the extent Ivy League faculties have of late sent their professors to the Cabinet. In the winter of 1973-74, no less than five such posts?State, Treasury, Defense, Justice, Agriculture?were held by men whose principal work had been teaching and research in the more prestigious institutions of learning. Along with this there has been 128

Moderni in Education and Government in England

Abstract: AMONG the earliest English parliamentary petitions is one from the abbot of St. Mary's at York in 1290 which complains of the \"subtlety of the moderns\" (subtilitas modernorum). This striking phrase stands out from the mass of common form and circumscribed claims of the other parliamentary petitions. Who were these \"moderns,\" how were they \"subtle,\" and why did the abbot complain to Edward I about them? The idea of being modern, which gained currency in the twelfth century, indicates the beginnings of historical awareness. Walter Map for example describes \"this modern period\" (modernitatem hanc) as the course of the preceding century up to c. 1190. He likewise appreciates the relativity of historical periods, as he notes that he himself will be considered ancient by future generations.' Medieval ideas of modernity and historical periodization will not be discussed here in general, however, as they comprise an enormous area over which scholars have already drawn consistent guide-lines.2 The abbot's petition is remarkable in associating the moderns with

The maendeleo ya wanawake organization: the co-optation of leadership

Abstract: The largest women's voluntary association in Kenya and the only one with a countrywide network of clubs is Maendeleo ya Wanawake (Swahili for "women's progress"). It was organized by a small group of European women in the early 1950s under the auspices of the colonial government's Department of Community Development and Rehabilitation, to promote "the advancement of African women" and to raise African living standards. This paper will argue that although Maendeleo was founded to improve rural living standards through self-help, and although its national leadership in the early years of independence took a critical position towards the government, in the last few years the leadership has tended to accept the status quo and accomodate itself to the political elite.1 Moroever the gap between rural and urban women has grown wider and the development projects that have been implemented have been the results of local level initiative. The paper suggests that unless there is a greater commitment of resources from the national executive and from the government, Maendeleo ya Wanawake (MyW) will likely lose its extensive rural base. To support this proposition, the paper contends that: (1) the national executive and its urban supporters engage in the "patrons' round" of activities, and in the urban context MyW bears more resemblance to a western women's philanthropic organization than to an African self-help organization; (2) the national executive, though voicing support for women's rights, enjoys essentially an accomodative relationship with the government, and makes little attempt to secure equal rights or more resources for women; (3) the central government continues to give verbal rather than substantive support; and (4) the rural members feel neglected and bitter towards the government and the national executive, both of whom they see as doing little to help them solve their problems. In examining these hypotheses I will discuss first Maendeleo's origins and program; second, the activities of the urban leadership; third, the beliefs and opinions of those in the rural areas towards the central government and the national executive; and fourth, the national executive's relationships with the central government.