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Showing papers on "Ideology published in 2009"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This review examines recent theory and research concerning the structure, contents, and functions of ideological belief systems and considers the consequences of ideology, especially with respect to attitudes, evaluations, and processes of system justification.
Abstract: Ideology has re-emerged as an important topic of inquiry among social, personality, and political psychologists. In this review, we examine recent theory and research concerning the structure, contents, and functions of ideological belief systems. We begin by defining the construct and placing it in historical and philosophical context. We then examine different perspectives on how many (and what types of) dimensions individuals use to organize their political opinions. We investigate (a) how and to what extent individuals acquire the discursive contents associated with various ideologies, and (b) the social-psychological functions that these ideologies serve for those who adopt them. Our review highlights “elective affinities” between situational and dispositional needs of individuals and groups and the structure and contents of specific ideologies. Finally, we consider the consequences of ideology, especially with respect to attitudes, evaluations, and processes of system justification.

1,399 citations


Book
01 Jan 2009
TL;DR: A realist theory of science and the Possibility of Naturalism, Scientific Realism and Human Emancipation, established the conception of social science as explanatory-and thence emancipatory-critique.
Abstract: Following on from Roy Bhaskar's first two books, A Realist Theory of Science and The Possibility of Naturalism, Scientific Realism and Human Emancipation, establishes the conception of social science as explanatory-and thence emancipatory-critique. Scientific Realism and Human Emancipation starts from an assessment of the impasse of contemporary accounts of science as stemming from an incomplete critique of positivism. It then proceeds to a systematic exposition of scientific realism in the form of transcendental realism, highlighting a conception of science as explanatory of a structured, differentiated and changing world. Turning to the social domain, the book argues for a view of the social order as conditioned by, and emergent from, nature. Advocating a critical naturalism, the author shows how the transformational model of social activity together with the conception of social science as explanatory critique which it entails, resolves the divisions and dualisms besetting orthodox social and normative theory: between society and the individual, structure and agency, meaning and behavior, mind and body, reason and cause, fact and value, and theory and practice. The book then goes on to discuss the emancipatory implications of social science and sketches the nature of the depth investigation characteristically entailed. In the highly innovative third part of the book Roy Bhaskar completes his critique of positivism by developing a theory of philosophical discourse and ideology, on the basis of the transcendental realism and critical naturalism already developed, showing how positivism functions as a restrictive ideology of and for science and other social practices.

1,042 citations


Book
23 Mar 2009
TL;DR: In this article, critical social theory is used to understand race relations in post-civil rights America, and the Ontology of Whiteness is used as a basis for post-race theory.
Abstract: Series Editor Introduction, Michael W. Apple Acknowledgements Introduction 1. Critical Social Theory: An Introduction 2. Ideology and Race Relations in Post-Civil Rights America 3. Marxism and Race Analysis: Toward a Synthesis 4. Futuring Race: From Race to Post-race Theory 5. The Color of Supremacy 6. The Ontology of Whiteness 7. The Myth of White Ignorance 8. Race and the War on Schools in an Era of Accountability 9. Race, Class, and Imagining the Urban, Zeus Leonardo and Margaret Hunter 10. The Souls of White Folk References

778 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper reviewed research on the construction of gender ideology and its consequences and provided a categorization schema for the items used to measure gender ideology, focusing on social and demographic characteristics while concurrently examining studies using cross-sectional, trend, and panel data.
Abstract: The purpose of this article is to review research on the construction of gender ideology and its consequences. The article begins with a summary of research focused on measuring gender ideology—individuals’ levels of support for a division of paid work and family responsibilities that is based on the belief in gendered separate spheres. We describe the ways this concept has been operationalized in widely available data sources and provide a categorization schema for the items used to measure gender ideology. We also review the research predicting gender ideology, focusing on social and demographic characteristics while concurrently examining studies using cross-sectional, trend, and panel data. Finally, this article summarizes research focused on the consequences of gender ideology, both in families and family-related behaviors and in other areas of social life where beliefs about gender are relevant, such as the workplace. We conclude with implications for future research for measurement tools, predictors of gender ideology, and consequences of ideology in individuals’ lives.

744 citations


Book
02 Sep 2009
TL;DR: Democracy and Other Neoliberal Fantasies as mentioned in this paper is an impassioned call for the realization of a progressive left politics in the United States, arguing that the left's ability to develop and defend a collective vision of equality and solidarity has been undermined by the ascendance of "communicative capitalism," a constellation of consumerism, the privileging of the self over group interests, and the embrace of the language of victimization.
Abstract: Democracy and Other Neoliberal Fantasies is an impassioned call for the realization of a progressive left politics in the United States. Through an assessment of the ideologies underlying contemporary political culture, Jodi Dean takes the left to task for its capitulations to conservatives and its failure to take responsibility for the extensive neoliberalization implemented during the Clinton presidency. She argues that the left’s ability to develop and defend a collective vision of equality and solidarity has been undermined by the ascendance of “communicative capitalism,” a constellation of consumerism, the privileging of the self over group interests, and the embrace of the language of victimization. As Dean explains, communicative capitalism is enabled and exacerbated by the Web and other networked communications media, which reduce political energies to the registration of opinion and the transmission of feelings. The result is a psychotic politics where certainty displaces credibility and the circulation of intense feeling trumps the exchange of reason. Dean’s critique ranges from her argument that the term democracy has become a meaningless cipher invoked by the left and right alike to an analysis of the fantasy of free trade underlying neoliberalism, and from an examination of new theories of sovereignty advanced by politicians and left academics to a look at the changing meanings of “evil” in the speeches of U.S. presidents since the mid-twentieth century. She emphasizes the futility of a politics enacted by individuals determined not to offend anyone, and she examines questions of truth, knowledge, and power in relation to 9/11 conspiracy theories. Dean insists that any reestablishment of a vital and purposeful left politics will require shedding the mantle of victimization, confronting the marriage of neoliberalism and democracy, and mobilizing different terms to represent political strategies and goals.

729 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The meaning and proper usage of the term neoliberalism have elicited little scholarly debate as mentioned in this paper, and they have become an academic catchphrase, which is often undefined and employed unevenly across ideological divides, and it is used to characterize an excessively broad variety of phenomena.
Abstract: In recent years, neoliberalism has become an academic catchphrase. Yet, in contrast to other prominent social science concepts such as democracy, the meaning and proper usage of neoliberalism curiously have elicited little scholarly debate. Based on a content analysis of 148 journal articles published from 1990 to 2004, we document three potentially problematic aspects of neoliberalism’s use: the term is often undefined; it is employed unevenly across ideological divides; and it is used to characterize an excessively broad variety of phenomena. To explain these characteristics, we trace the genesis and evolution of the term neoliberalism throughout several decades of political economy debates. We show that neoliberalism has undergone a striking transformation, from a positive label coined by the German Freiberg School to denote a moderate renovation of classical liberalism, to a normatively negative term associated with radical economic reforms in Pinochet’s Chile. We then present an extension of W. B. Gallie’s framework for analyzing essentially contested concepts to explain why the meaning of neoliberalism is so rarely debated, in contrast to other normatively and politically charged social science terms. We conclude by proposing several ways that the term can regain substantive meaning as a “new liberalism” and be transformed into a more useful analytic tool.

437 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the perceived need to align all academics around corporate values and goals has given rise to academic identity schisms in higher education and propose two inter-related strategies for bridging identity schism in academe.
Abstract: The relationship between values and academic identity has received scant attention in the higher education literature with some notable exceptions (Churchman, 2006; Harley, 2002; Henkel, 2005). This paper contends that the perceived need to align all academics around corporate values and goals has given rise to academic identity schisms in higher education. Central to the academic identity schism is the notion of person–organisation values fit and the degree to which the ideologies and values of academics are congruent (the ‘academic manager’) or incongruent (the ‘managed academic’) with the prevailing discourse of corporate managerialism. To reduce the prevalence of academic disengagement and make it easier for academic managers to gain the support of the managed, the paper proposes two inter-related strategies for bridging identity schisms in academe.

419 citations


Book
01 Jan 2009
TL;DR: The authors argues that while these struggles ended in historic failure and monstrosity, this is not the entire story and there was, in fact, a redemptive moment that gets lost in the liberal-democratic rejection of revolutionary authoritarianism and the valorization of soft, consensual, decentralized politics.
Abstract: Is global emancipation a lost cause? Are universal values outdated relics of an earlier age? In this combative major new work, philosophical sharpshooter Slavoj A iA ek takes on the reigning ideology with a plea that we should reappropriate several lost causes, and looks for the kernel of truth in the totalitarian politics of the past. Examining Heidegger's seduction by fascism and Foucault's flirtation with the Iranian Revolution, he suggests that these were the right steps in the wrong direction. Highlighting the revolutionary terror of Robespierre, Mao and the Bolsheviks, A iA ek argues that while these struggles ended in historic failure and monstrosity, this is not the entire story. There was, in fact, a redemptive moment that gets lost in the outright liberal-democratic rejection of revolutionary authoritarianism and the valorization of soft, consensual, decentralized politics. A iA ek claims that, particularly in the light of the forthcoming ecological crisis, we should reinvent revolutionary terror and the dictatorship of the proletariat in the struggle for universal emancipation. We need to courageously accept the return to this cause - even if we court the risk of a catastrophic disaster. In the words of Samuel Beckett: Try again. Fail again. Fail better.

392 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: It is suggested that the brain is necessarily the location of the `modern self', and that, consequently, the cerebral subject is the anthropological figure inherent to modernity (at least insofar as modernity gives supreme value to the individual as autonomous agent of choice and initiative).
Abstract: If personhood is the quality or condition of being an individual person, brainhood could name the quality or condition of being a brain. This ontological quality would define the `cerebral subject' that has, at least in industrialized and highly medicalized societies, gained numerous social inscriptions since the mid-20th century. This article explores the historical development of brainhood. It suggests that the brain is necessarily the location of the `modern self', and that, consequently, the cerebral subject is the anthropological figure inherent to modernity (at least insofar as modernity gives supreme value to the individual as autonomous agent of choice and initiative). It further argues that the ideology of brainhood impelled neuroscientific investigation much more than it resulted from it, and sketches how an expanding constellation of neurocultural discourses and practices embodies and sustains that ideology.

392 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The American electorate today is different from that described in The American Voter as discussed by the authors, and this is visible in the strength of partisan voting, the relationship between partisanship and ideology, and the relationship of partisanship with self-reported liberal-conservative ideology to public's economic, social, racial, and religious attitudes and opinions.
Abstract: The American electorate today is different from that described in The American Voter. Both the 1950s era of ideologically innocent party voting and the subsequent period of partisan dealignment are over. Some political scientists began to describe the New American Voter as a new partisan evolution occurred. What has not been fully appreciated in the twentieth/twenty-first century history of voting studies is how partisanship returned in a form more ideological and more issue based along liberal-conservative lines than it has been in more than 30 years. This is visible in the strength of partisan voting, in the relationship between partisanship and ideology, and in the strength of the relationship of partisanship and self-reported liberal-conservative ideology to the public's economic, social, racial, and religious attitudes and opinions. Not only has the public responded in a striking way to changes in politics and its context, but the current transformation has also appeared to be strikingly enduring and...

366 citations


Book
04 Jun 2009
TL;DR: The sociolinguistics of stance, style, and the Linguistic Individual have been studied by Jaffe and Johnstone as mentioned in this paper, with a focus on gender, interaction and indexicality in Mexican Immigrant youth slang.
Abstract: 1 Introduction: The Sociolinguistics of Stance, Alexandra Jaffe 2 Stance, Style, and the Linguistic Individual, Barbara Johnstone 3 How Mr Taylor Lost His Footing: Stance in a Colonial Encounter, Judith Irvine 4 Stance and Distance: Social Boundaries, Self-lamination and Metalinguistic Anxiety in White Kenyan Narratives about the African Occult, Janet McIntosh 5 Moral Irony and Moral Personhood in Sakapultek Discourse and Culture, Robin Shoaps 6 Stance in a Corsican school: Institutional and Ideological Orders and the production of Bilingual Subjects, Alexandra Jaffe 7 From Stance to Style: Gender, Interaction, and Indexicality in Mexican Immigrant Youth Slang, Mary Bucholtz 8 Style as Stance: Stance as the Explanation for Patterns of Sociolinguistic Variation, Scott Kiesling 9 Taking an Elitist Stance: Ideology and the Discursive Production of Social Distinction, Adam Jaworski and Crispin Thurlow 10 Attributing Stance in Discourses of Body Shape and Weight Loss, Justine Coupland and Nikolas Coupland

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper examined how students in a teacher preparation program with a social justice agenda understood the concept and how their understandings played out in practice, and found that teacher candidates focused on ensuring pupils' learning rather than merely boosting their self-esteem or spreading political ideologies.
Abstract: A particularly controversial aspect of teacher preparation is the increasing number of teacher preparation programs that emphasize “social justice” as part of the curriculum. This article examines how students in a program with a social justice agenda understood the concept and how their understandings played out in practice. Using interviews and observations, we show that teacher candidates focused on ensuring pupils’ learning rather than merely boosting their self‐esteem or spreading political ideologies, as critics of the social justice agenda suggest. In classrooms, candidates concentrated on teaching content and skills but also had a critical perspective, built on pupils’ cultural resources, and attempted to reach every pupil. We argue that teaching for social justice, or what we title “good and just teaching,” reflects an essential purpose of teaching in a democratic society in which the teacher is an advocate for students whose work supports larger efforts for social change.

Book
29 Sep 2009
TL;DR: Pincus as discussed by the authors argues that the Glorious Revolution was a European event, that it took place over a number of years, not months, and that it had repercussions in India, North America, the West Indies, and throughout continental Europe.
Abstract: For two hundred years historians have viewed England's Glorious Revolution of 1688-1689 as an un-revolutionary revolution-bloodless, consensual, aristocratic, and above all, sensible. In this brilliant new interpretation Steve Pincus refutes this traditional view. By expanding the interpretive lens to include a broader geographical and chronological frame, Pincus demonstrates that England's revolution was a European event, that it took place over a number of years, not months, and that it had repercussions in India, North America, the West Indies, and throughout continental Europe. His rich historical narrative, based on masses of new archival research, traces the transformation of English foreign policy, religious culture, and political economy that, he argues, was the intended consequence of the revolutionaries of 1688-1689. James II developed a modernization program that emphasized centralized control, repression of dissidents, and territorial empire. The revolutionaries, by contrast, took advantage of the new economic possibilities to create a bureaucratic but participatory state. The postrevolutionary English state emphasized its ideological break with the past and envisioned itself as continuing to evolve. All of this, argues Pincus, makes the Glorious Revolution-not the French Revolution-the first truly modern revolution. This wide-ranging book reenvisions the nature of the Glorious Revolution and of revolutions in general, the causes and consequences of commercialization, the nature of liberalism, and ultimately the origins and contours of modernity itself.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article proposed a dual-process motivational model of ideological attitudes, which sees RWA and SDO as originating in different social worldview beliefs, personality trait dimensions, and social environmental influences, and as influencing socio-political and intergroup be...
Abstract: There have been two broad approaches to how sociopolitical or ideological attitudes are structured. The more traditional unidimensional approach sees ideological attitudes as organized along a single left-to-right dimension, and influenced by a single coherent set of social and psychological causes, but has not been well supported empirically. During the past 2 decades evidence has increasingly suggested that there are two distinct dimensions of ideological attitudes, which seem best captured by the constructs of Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO). These dimensions may sometimes be strongly related, but often are not, and seem to express quite different basic values or motivational goals. This has been formalized in a dual-process motivational model of ideological attitudes, which sees RWA and SDO as originating in different social worldview beliefs, personality trait dimensions, and social environmental influences, and as influencing socio-political and intergroup be...

Book
11 Mar 2009
TL;DR: In this article, a dual process model of ideology and system justification is presented, with a focus on the psychology of belief in a just world, perceived fairness, and justification of the status quo.
Abstract: Foreword: Why Political Psychology Is Important - George Lakoff 1. Introduction: Social and Psychological Bases of Ideology and System Justification - John T. Jost, Aaron C. Kay and Hulda Thorisdottir 2. American Moral Exceptionalism - Eric Luis Uhlmann, T. Andrew Poehlman, and John A. Bargh 3. On the Automaticity of American Nationalism - Melissa J. Ferguson, Travis J. Carter, and Ran R. Hassin 4. On the Psychological Advantage of the Status Quo - Scott Eidelman and Chris Crandall 5. Belief in a Just World, Perceived Fairness, and Justification of the Status Quo - Carolyn L. Hafer and Becky L. Choma 6. Disentangling Reasons and Rationalizations: Exploring Perceived Fairness in Hypothetical Societies - Greg Mitchell and Phillip E. Tetlock 7. A Contextual Analysis of the System Justification Motive and Its Societal Consequences - Aaron C. Kay and Mark Zanna 8. The Social Psychology of Uncertainty Management and System Justification - Kees van den Bos 9. Political Ideology in the 21st Century: A Terror Management Perspective on Maintenance and Change of the Status Quo - Jacqueline Anson, Tom Pyszczynski, Sheldon Solomon, and Jeff Greenberg 10. No Atheists in Foxholes: Motivated Reasoning and Religious Belief - Robb Willer 11. Motivated Social Cognition and Ideology: Is Attention to Elite Discourse a Prerequisite for Epistemically Motivated Political Affinities? - Christopher M. Federico and Paul Goren 12. A Dual Process Motivational Model of Ideological Attitudes and System Justification - John Duckitt and Chris G. Sibley 13. Statewide Differences in Personality Predict Voting Patterns in 1996-2004 U.S. Presidential Elections - P. Jason Rentfrow, Sam Gosling, John T. Jost, and Jeffrey Potter 14. Procedural Justice and the Psychology of Justification - Irina Feygina and Tom R. Tyler 15. Planet of the Durkheimians, Where Community, Authority, and Sacredness are Foundations of Morality - Jonathan Haidt and Jesse Graham 16. Ideology of the Good Old Days: Exaggerated Perceptions of Moral Decline and Conservative Politics - Richard P. Eibach and Lisa K. Libby 17. Group Status and Feelings of Personal Entitlement: The Roles of Social Comparison and System-Justifying Beliefs - Laurie T. O'Brien and Brenda Major 18. Ambivalent Sexism at Home and at Work: How Attitudes Toward Women in Relationships Foster Exclusion in the Public Sphere - Mina Cikara, Tiana L. Lee, Susan T. Fiske, and Peter Glick 19. Acknowledging and Redressing Historical Injustices - Katherine B. Starzyk, Craig W. Blatz, and Mike Ross 20. The Politics of Intergroup Attitudes - Brian Nosek, Mahzarin R. Banaji, and John T. Jost

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article examined the contemporary contours of policy attitudes as they relate to ideo- logical identity and considered the implications for the way scholars conceptualize, measure, and use political ideology in empirical research.
Abstract: Given the increasingly polarized nature of American poli- tics, renewed attention has been focused on the ideological nature of the mass public. Using Bayesian Item Response Theory (IRT), we examine the contemporary contours of policy attitudes as they relate to ideo- logical identity and we consider the implications for the way scholars conceptualize, measure, and use political ideology in empirical research. Although political rhetoric today is clearly organized by a single ideolog- ical dimension, we find that the belief systems of the mass public remain multidimensional, with many in the electorate holding liberal preferences on one dimension and conservative preferences on another. These cross- pressured individuals tend to self-identify as moderate (or say "Don't Know") in response to the standard liberal-conservative scale, thereby jeopardizing the validity of this commonly used measure. Our analysis further shows that failing to account for the multidimensional nature of ideological preferences can produce inaccurate predictions about the voting behavior of the American public.

Book
16 May 2009
TL;DR: The authors published a new paperback edition of Behemoth with an introduction by the distinguished historian Peter Hayes, who argued that the Nazi organization of society involved the collapse of traditional ideas of the state, of ideology, of law, and even of any underlying rationality.
Abstract: Franz Neumann's classic account of the governmental workings of Nazi Germany, first published in 1942, is reprinted in a new paperback edition with an introduction by the distinguished historian Peter Hayes. Neumann was one of the only early Frankfurt School thinkers to examine seriously the problem of political institutions. After the rise of the Nazis to power, his emphasis shifted to an analysis of economic power, and then after the war to political psychology. But his contributions in Behemoth were groundbreaking: that the Nazi organization of society involved the collapse of traditional ideas of the state, of ideology, of law, and even of any underlying rationality. The book must be "studied, not simply read," Raul Hilberg wrote.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article investigated biased message processing of political satire in The Colbert Report and the influence of political ideology on perceptions of Stephen Colbert and found that individual-level political ideology significantly predicted perceptions of Colbert's political ideology.
Abstract: This study investigated biased message processing of political satire in The Colbert Report and the influence of political ideology on perceptions of Stephen Colbert. Results indicate that political ideology influences biased processing of ambiguous political messages and source in late-night comedy. Using data from an experiment (N = 332), we found that individual-level political ideology significantly predicted perceptions of Colbert's political ideology. Additionally, there was no significant difference between the groups in thinking Colbert was funny, but conservatives were more likely to report that Colbert only pretends to be joking and genuinely meant what he said while liberals were more likely to report that Colbert used satire and was not serious when offering political statements. Conservatism also significantly predicted perceptions that Colbert disliked liberalism. Finally, a post hoc analysis revealed that perceptions of Colbert's political opinions fully mediated the relationship between po...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Scholarshave et al. as discussed by the authors found that congressional polarization is primarily a function of the differences in how Democrats and Republicans represent the same districts rather than a function on which districts each party represents or the distribution of constituency preferences.
Abstract: Both pundits and scholars have blamed increasing levels of partisan conflict and polarization in Congress on the effects of partisan gerrymandering. We assess whether there is a strong causal relationship between congressional districting and polarization. We find very little evidence for such a link. First, we show that congressional polarization is primarily a function of the differences in how Democrats and Republicans represent the same districts rather than a function of which districts each party represents or the distribution of constituency preferences. Second, we conduct simulations to gauge the level of polarization under various “neutral” districting procedures. We find that the actual levels of polarization are not much higher than those produced by the simulations. We do find that gerrymandering has increased the Republican seat share in the House; however, this increase is not an important source of polarization. C ontemporary politics in the United States is historically distinctive in at least two respects. The first is the ever-increasing polarization of political elites. As McCarty, Poole, and Rosenthal (2006) have documented, partisan differences in congressional voting behavior have grown dramatically to levels not seen since the early twentieth century. The second distinction is the historically low levels of competition in congressional elections. This is especially true of the House of Representatives, where 99% of incumbents standing for reelection were successful in the 2002 and 2004 elections. In the swing to the Democrats in 2006, no individual Democrats were defeated and even 89% of standing Republicans were reelected. Given the conjunction of these two patterns, it seems natural to draw a link; namely, the increased polarization of Congress is a direct result of the increasing ease of reelection. Presumably in an era of declining competition politicians no longer feel the need to reach out to moderate and independent voters. Instead politicians are free to pander to their base. Politicians who do not pander may face primary challenges by ideologically purer candidates. Istherealinkbetweenincreasedpolarizationanddecliningcompetition?Scholarshaveyettoestablishacom

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, an ethnographic study of American Girl Place, a culturally rich and highly successful retail environment, was conducted to investigate the influence of brand ideology through consumers' retail experiences, and the centrality of retail place in ideological branding.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that the classic partisan theory of spending does not hold in post-Communist countries, where in the context of dual transition to democracy and to a market economy, leftist parties have had stronger incentives and better opportunities to enact tighter budgets, whereas rightist parties were compelled to spend more in order to alleviate economic hardships.
Abstract: According to the classic partisan theory of spending, leftist parties are expected to increase government spending, and rightist parties are expected to decrease it. We argue that this relationship does not hold in post-Communist countries, where in the context of dual transition to democracy and to a market economy, leftist parties have had stronger incentives and better opportunities to enact tighter budgets, whereas rightist parties were compelled to spend more in order to alleviate economic hardships. We illustrate this theoretical argument with case studies from Hungary and Poland. We then test and find support for our theory by considering the influence of cabinet ideology on total, health, and education spending in thirteen post-Communist democracies from 1989 to 2004. We explore various alternative explanations and provide further narratives to support our causal argument.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors focus on pious Muslim women's new veiling practices in Istanbul and chart possible geographical analyses not only of religion but also of secularism as the two phenomena intersect and compete with one another in complex and often contradictory ways.
Abstract: Recent calls for new geographies of religion draw attention to how religion shapes the formation of subjectivity. Focusing on pious Muslim women's new veiling practices in Istanbul, I chart possible geographical analyses not only of religion but also of secularism as the two phenomena intersect and compete with one another in complex and often contradictory ways. I approach veiling as a gendered embodied spatial practice that reveals the intertwined production of bodies and subjectivities. Social meanings, the wider political context and spatial regimes that govern everyday life, as well as individual experiences, shape the production of corporeal piety. For the case I analyze, the hegemonic ideology of secularism, the highly politicized issue of veiling, and the informal and formal restrictions on the headscarf all come into play. This analysis offers new insights about the geographies of the body, subjectivity, and the city by highlighting the significant role religion and secularism play in their produ...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper examined the role of the nationalist ideology of swadeshi in a contemporary anticonsumption movement and showed that its deployment is linked to the experiences of colonialism, modernity, and globalization in India.
Abstract: In this research we examine the role of the nationalist ideology of swadeshi in a contemporary anticonsumption movement and show that its deployment is linked to the experiences of colonialism, modernity, and globalization in India Specifically, we offer a postcolonial understanding of reflexivity and nationalism in an anticonsumption movement opposing Coca-Cola in India This helps us offer an interpretation of this consumer movement involving spatial politics, temporal heterogeneity, appropriation of existing ideology, the use of consumption in ideology, and attempts to bring together a disparate set of actors in the movement

Book
01 Jan 2009
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the roots of financial failure lie not with individuals, but with an idea -the idea that markets are inherently rational, which they call "how markets fail".
Abstract: How did we get to where we are? John Cassidy shows that the roots of our most recent financial failure lie not with individuals, but with an idea - the idea that markets are inherently rational. He gives us the big picture behind the financial headlines, tracing the rise and fall of free market ideology from Adam Smith to Milton Friedman and Alan Greenspan. Full of wit, sense and, above all, a deeper understanding, "How Markets Fail" argues for the end of 'utopian' economics, and the beginning of a pragmatic, reality-based way of thinking.

Book
30 May 2009
TL;DR: Eisenstein this paper argues that international feminism is at a fateful crossroads, and argues that it is crucial for feminists to throw in their lot with the progressive forces that are seeking alternatives to globalized corporate capitalism.
Abstract: In a pioneering reinterpretation of the role of mainstream feminism, Eisenstein shows how the ruling elites of developed countries utilize women's labor and the ideas of women's liberation and empowerment to maintain their economic and political power, both at home and abroad. Her explorations range from the abolition of "welfare as we know it" and the ending of the family wage in the United States to the creation of export-processing zones in the global South that depend on women's "nimble fingers"; and from the championing of microcredit as a path to women's empowerment in the global South to the claim of women's presumed liberation in the West as an ideological weapon in the war on terrorism. Eisenstein challenges activists and intellectuals to recognize that international feminism is at a fateful crossroads, and argues that it is crucial for feminists to throw in their lot with the progressive forces that are seeking alternatives to globalized corporate capitalism.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a cross-sectional analysis of parties' ideological dynamics in eight Western European democracies from 1976-1998 was conducted, and the authors concluded that both public opinion and global economic conditions influence political positions.
Abstract: Do Western European political parties adjust their ideological positions in response to shifts in public opinion and to changing global economic conditions? Based on a time-series, cross-sectional analysis of parties' ideological dynamics in eight Western European democracies from 1976-1998, the authors conclude that both factors influence parties' ideological positions but that this relationship is mediated by the type of party. Specifically, they find that parties of the center and right react to both public opinion and the global economy, whereas parties of the left display no discernible tendency to respond to public opinion and also appear less responsive to global economic conditions. The findings on leftist parties' distinctiveness support arguments about these parties' long-term policy orientations as well as about their organizational structures. The authors also find little support for neoliberal convergence arguments.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors propose that the content of certain sociopolitical ideologies can be shaped by individuals in ways that satisfy their social motivations and examine implications of the present perspective for understanding the manner in which individuals compete over the meaning of crucial ideologies.
Abstract: The authors propose that the content of certain sociopolitical ideologies can be shaped by individuals in ways that satisfy their social motivations. This notion was tested in the context of color-blind ideology. Color blindness, when construed as a principle of distributive justice, is an egalitarian stance concerned with reducing discrepancies between groups’ outcomes; as a principle of procedural justice, however, color blindness can function as a legitimizing ideology that entrenches existing inequalities. In Study 1, White people high in antiegalitarian sentiment were found to shift their construal of color blindness from a distributive to a procedural principle when exposed to intergroup threat. In Studies 2, 3A, and 3B, the authors used manipulations and a measure of threat to show that antiegalitarian White people endorse color blindness to legitimize the racial status quo. In Study 3B, participants’ endorsement of color-blind ideology was mediated by increases in their preference for equal treatment (i.e., procedural justice) as a response to threat. In the Discussion section, the authors examine implications of the present perspective for understanding the manner in which individuals’ compete over the meaning of crucial ideologies.

Book
01 Dec 2009
TL;DR: Lee et al. as mentioned in this paper argue that many partisan battles are rooted in competition for power rather than disagreement over the rightful role of government, and that the congressional agenda itself amplifies conflict by increasingly focusing on issues that reliably differentiate the parties.
Abstract: The congressional agenda includes many issues about which liberals and conservatives generally agree. Even over these matters, though, Democratic and Republican senators tend to fight with each other. What explains this discord? "Beyond Ideology" argues that many partisan battles are rooted in competition for power rather than disagreement over the rightful role of government. The first book to systematically distinguish Senate disputes centering on ideological questions from the large proportion of them that do not, this volume foregrounds the role of power struggle in partisan conflict. Presidential leadership, for example, inherently polarizes legislators who can influence public opinion of the president and his party by how they handle his agenda. Senators also exploit good government measures and floor debate to embarrass opponents and burnish their own party's image - even when the issues involved are broadly supported or lowstakes. Moreover, Frances E. Lee contends, the congressional agenda itself amplifies conflict by increasingly focusing on issues that reliably differentiate the parties. With the new president pledging to stem the tide of partisan polarization, "Beyond Ideology" provides a timely taxonomy of exactly what stands in his way.

Book
28 Oct 2009
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a glossary of the pre-party stage of Russian Jewish political life, including the emergence of the new politics: the Russian Jewish crisis, 1881-1882 Part II. The Bund: between nation and class 5.
Abstract: Preface Glossary Introduction Part I. The Preparty Stage: 1. Dilemmas of the messianic conscience: Moses Hess and Aron Liberman 2. The emergence of the new politics: the Russian-Jewish crisis, 1881-1882 Part II. The Party Ideologies Until 1907: 3. The politics of Jewish liberation, 1905-1906 4. The Bund: between nation and class 5. Chaim Zhitlovsky: Russian populist and Jewish socialist, 1887-1907 6. Nachman Syrkin: on the populist abd prophetic strands in socialist Zionism, 1882-1907 7. Ber Borochov and Marxist Zionism, 1903-1907 Part III. Ideology and Emigre Realities: 8. The revolutionary ethos in transition: Russian-Jewish youth in Palestine, 1904-1914 9. Class war and community: the socialists in American-Jewish politics, 1897-1918 Note: The American Jewish Congress and Russian Jewry, 1915-1919 Conclusion Notes Bibliography Index.

Book
04 Aug 2009
TL;DR: The authors examines the ways in which English is conceptualized as a global language in Japan, and considers how the resultant language ideologies - drawn in part from universal discourses; and part from context-specific trends in social history - inform the relationships that people in Japan have towards the language.
Abstract: This book examines the ways in which English is conceptualised as a global language in Japan, and considers how the resultant language ideologies - drawn in part from universal discourses; in part from context-specific trends in social history - inform the relationships that people in Japan have towards the language. The book analyses the specific nature of the language's symbolic meaning in Japan, and how this meaning is expressed and negotiated in society. It also discusses how the ideologies of English that exist in Japan might have implications for the more general concept of 'English as a global language'. To this end it considers the question of what constitutes a 'global' language, and how, if at all, a balance can be struck between the universal and the historically-contingent when it comes to formulating a theory of English within the world.