Showing papers on "Plague (disease) published in 2005"

NATURAL HISTORY OF PLAGUE: Perspectives from More than a Century of Research ∗

Abstract: For more than a century, scientists have investigated the natural history of plague, a highly fatal disease caused by infection with the gram-negative bacterium Yersinia pestis. Among their most important discoveries were the zoonotic nature of the disease and that plague exists in natural cycles involving transmission between rodent hosts and flea vectors. Other significant findings include those on the evolution of Y. pestis; geographic variation among plague strains; the dynamics and maintenance of transmission cycles; mechanisms by which fleas transmit Y. pestis; resistance and susceptibility among plague hosts; the structure and typology of natural foci; and how landscape features influence the focality, maintenance, and spread of the disease. The knowledge gained from these studies is essential for the development of effective prevention and control strategies.

Race, Gender, and the Politics of Skin Tone

Abstract: Race, Gender, and the Politics of Skin Tone tackles the hidden yet painful issue of colorism in the African American and Mexican American communities. Beginning with a historical discussion of slavery and colonization in the Americas, the book quickly moves forward to a contemporary analysis of how skin tone continues to plague people of color today. This is the first book to explore this well-known, yet rarely discussed phenomenon.

Risk of Person-to-Person Transmission of Pneumonic Plague

Abstract: Plague has received much attention because it may be used as a weapon by terrorists. Intentionally released aerosols of Yersinia pestis would cause pneumonic plague. In order to prepare for such an event, it is important, particularly for medical personnel and first responders, to form a realistic idea of the risk of person-to-person spread of infection. Historical accounts and contemporary experience show that pneumonic plague is not as contagious as it is commonly believed to be. Persons with plague usually only transmit the infection when the disease is in the endstage, when infected persons cough copious amounts of bloody sputum, and only by means of close contact. Before antibiotics were available for postexposure prophylaxis for contacts, simple protective measures, such as wearing masks and avoiding close contact, were sufficient to interrupt transmission during pneumonic plague outbreaks. In this article, I review the historical literature and anecdotal evidence regarding the risk of transmission, and I discuss possible protective measures.

From the recent lessons of the Malagasy foci towards a global understanding of the factors involved in plague reemergence

Abstract: Re-emergence of human cases of plague after decades of silence does not necessarily mean that plague foci are re-emerging. Most often, Yersinia pestis bacteria have been maintained and circulating at low levels in the rodent populations. It seems therefore more appropriate to speak in terms of expansion or regression phases for sylvatic rodent plague foci and to reserve the term re-emergence for human cases. From the analysis of well-documented human plague cases in Madagascar, we underline the causes of re-emergence that can be generalized to most world foci, and can help define environments at risk where the threat of new emergence lurks. In all recent plague outbreaks, usually more than one risk factor was at the origin of the re-emergence. The reduction or discontinuance of surveillance and control, as well as poverty and insalubrity are the main factors in the re-emergence of human cases, allowing increased contacts with infected rodents and fleas. Environment changes (i.e. climatic changes, deforestation, urbanization) induce changes in flea and rodent populations by (i) extension of rodent habitats (for example by replacing forests by steppes or farmlands); (ii) modifications in population dynamics (possible outbreaks due to an increase of available food resources); but also, (iii) emergence of new vectors, reservoirs and new Y. pestis genotypes. Numerous and spontaneous genomic rearrangements occur at high frequencies in Y. pestis, which may confer selective advantages, enhancing the ability of Y. pestis to survive, to be transmitted to new hosts, and to colonize new environments. Therefore, any environmental change should be taken as a warning signal and active surveillance programs should be initiated.

Detection of the CCR5-Delta32 HIV resistance gene in Bronze Age skeletons.

Abstract: A mutant allele of the chemokine receptor CCR5 gene (CCR5-Delta32), which confers resistance to HIV-1 infection, is believed to have originated from a single mutation event in historic times, and rapidly expanded in Caucasian populations, owing to an unknown selective advantage. Among other candidates, the plague bacillus Yersinia pestis was implicated as a potential source of strong selective pressure on European populations during medieval times. Here, we report amplifications of the CCR5-Delta32 DNA sequence from up to 2900-year-old skeletal remains from different burial sites in central Germany and southern Italy. Furthermore, the allele frequency of CCR5-Delta32 in victims of the 14th century plague pandemic in Lubeck/northern Germany was not different from a historic control group. Our findings indicate that this mutation was prevalent already among prehistoric Europeans. The results also argue against the possibility of plague representing a major selective force that caused rapid increase in CCR5-Delta32 gene frequencies within these populations.

Landscape structure and plague occurrence in black-tailed prairie dogs on grasslands of the western USA

Abstract: Landscape structure influences the abundance and distribution of many species, including pathogens that cause infectious diseases. Black-tailed prairie dogs in the western USA have declined precipitously over the past 100 years, most recently due to grassland conversion and their susceptibility to sylvatic plague. We assembled and analyzed two long-term data sets on plague occurrence in black-tailed prairie dogs to explore the hypotheses that plague occurrence is associated with colony characteristics and landscape context. Our two study areas (Boulder County, Colorado, and Phillips County, Montana) differed markedly in degree of urbanization and other landscape characteristics. In both study areas, we found associations between plague occurrence and landscape and colony characteristics such as the amount of roads, streams and lakes surrounding a prairie dog colony, the area covered by the colony and its neighbors, and the distance to the nearest plague-positive colony. Logistic regression models were similar between the two study areas, with the best models predicting positive effects of proximity to plague-positive colonies and negative effects of road, stream and lake cover on plague occurrence. Taken together, these results suggest that roads, streams and lakes may serve as barriers to plague in black-tailed prairie dog colonies by affecting movement of or habitat quality for plague hosts or for fleas that serve as vectors for the pathogen. The similarity in plague correlates between urban and rural study areas suggests that the correlates of plague are not altered by uniquely urban stressors.

Mediterranean Plague in the Age of Justinian

Abstract: During these times there was a pestilence, by which the whole human race came near to being annihilated. – Procopius, Wars , 2.22.1, trans. Dewing Very occasionally the emperor Justinian deserves our sympathy. Epidemics are usually named after their victims: the biblical plague of the Philistines, for example, or the plague of Athens famously described by Thucydides. Yet the pandemic (worldwide epidemic) that struck the empire on an unprecedented scale during Justinian’s reign, spreading to northern and western Europe, many parts of the Middle East, and possibly China, has always been treated differently. In the Secret History Procopius blamed the emperor’s demonic machinations for all the natural disasters of his reign. Even though Justinian himself contracted the disease and its ravages long outlasted him, historians of the sixth century, following Procopius’s lead, have written of “the plague of Justinian.” This is unfair. In what follows attention will be confined for the most part to plague in sixth-century Byzantium. But the phenomenon is far larger, and to convey its “global” impact, extensive chronology, and questionable biological identity, I shall refer to it more neutrally as the early medieval pandemic (EMP). Itineraries There had doubtless been localized epidemics aplenty in the later Roman and the early Byzantine empires. Yet, when the EMP arrived in 541, there had apparently not been a major one since the 520s. Looking back to approximately a century before his own time, the author of the Paschal (Easter) Chronicle recorded a Great Death under the year 529, which may well be a mistaken reference to the EMP. Much later on, though more plausibly, the tenth-century universal chronicler Agapius of Hierapolis mentions a “terrible epidemic” that broke out in 525–526 and lasted for six years.

Testing the Generality of a Trophic-cascade Model for Plague

Abstract: Climate may affect the dynamics of infectious diseases by shifting pathogen, vector, or host species abundance, population dynamics, or community interactions. Black-tailed prairie dogs (Cynomysludovicianus) are highly susceptible to plague, yet little is known about factors that influence the dynamics of plague epizootics in prairie dogs. We investigated temporal patterns of plague occurrence in black-tailed prairie dogs to assess the generality of links between climate and plague occurrence found in previous analyses of human plague cases. We examined long-term data on climate and plague occurrence in prairie dog colonies within two study areas. Multiple regression analyses revealed that plague occurrence in prairie dogs was not associated with climatic variables in our Colorado study area. In contrast, plague occurrence was strongly associated with climatic variables in our Montana study area. The models with most support included a positive association with precipitation in April–July of the previous year, in addition to a positive association with the number of “warm” days and a negative association with the number of “hot” days in the same year as reported plague events. We conclude that the timing and magnitude of precipitation and temperature may affect plague occurrence in some geographic areas. The best climatic predictors of plague occurrence in prairie dogs within our Montana study area are quite similar to the best climatic predictors of human plague cases in the southwestern United States. This correspondence across regions and species suggests support for a (temperature-modulated) trophic-cascade model for plague, including climatic effects on rodent abundance, flea abundance, and pathogen transmission, at least in regions that experience strong climatic signals.

Detecting plague: palaeodemographic characterisation of a catastrophic death assemblage

Abstract: The archaeological definition of a plague should be possible from skeletal populations, because the age profile of a population afflicted by a catastrophe will be different to that of a community exposed to a more normal mortality. The authors show how this can be done using a Bayesian statistical analysis.

The Great Mortality: An Intimate History of the Black Death, the Most Devastating Plague of All Time

Abstract: A compelling and harrowing history of the Black Death epidemic that swept through Europe in the mid-14th century killing 25 million people. It was one of the most devastating human disasters in history. "The bodies were sparsely covered that the dogs dragged them forth and devoured them . And believing it to be the end of the world, no one wept for the dead, for all expected to die." Agnolo di Turo, Siena, 1348 In just over 1000 days from 1347 to 1351 the 'Black Death' swept across medieval Europe killing 30% of it's population. It was a catastrophe that touched the lives of every individual on the continent. The deadly Y. Pestis virus entered Europe by Genoese galley at Messina, Sicily in October 1347. By the spring of 1348 it was devastating the cities of central Italy, by June 1348 it had swept in to France and Spain, and by August it had reached England. One graphic testimony can be found at St Mary's, Ashwell, Hertfordshire, where an anonymous hand carved a harrowing inscription for 1349: 'Wretched, terrible, destructive year, the remnants of the people alone remain.' According to the Foster scale, a kind of Richter scale of human disaster, the plague of 1347-51 is the second worst catastrophe in recorded history. Only World War II produced more death, physical damage, and emotional suffering. It is also the closest thing that Defence Analysts compare a thermonuclear war to - in geographical extent, abruptness and casualties. In The Great Mortality John Kelly retraces the journey of the Black Death using original source material - diary fragments, letters, manuscripts - as it swept across Europe. It is harrowing portrait of a continent gripped byan epidemic, but also a very personal story narrated by the individuals whose lives were touched by it.

Identifying Sources of Human Exposure to Plague

Abstract: Yersinia pestis, the etiologic agent of plague, has shaped the course of human history, killing millions of people in three major pandemics. This bacterium is still endemic in parts of Asia, Africa, and the Americas, where it poses a natural disease threat to human populations. Y. pestis has also recently received attention as a possible bioterrorism agent. Thus, rapid methods to distinguish between bioterrorism and naturally occurring plague infections are of major importance. Our study is the first to demonstrate that variable-number tandem repeats (VNTRs) in the Y. pestis genome can link human case isolates to those obtained from suspected environmental sources of infection. We demonstrate the valuable utility of VNTR markers in epidemiological investigations of naturally occurring plague and the forensic analysis of possible bioterrorism events.

The Social World of Early Modern Westminster

Abstract: Introduction: Rediscovering Early Modern Westminster 1. Henrician Westminster: Corporate Life in a Time of Change, 1525-1547 2. The Impact of the Reformation in Westminster 1547-1562 3. Town, Cloister and Crown 4. Parish Elites 5. The Rise of a Fashionable Society 6. Space and Urban Identities 7. The Westminster Court of Burgesses: Neighbourhood, Disorder and Urban Expansion 8. Poverty, Plague and the Politics of Communal Responsibility 9. Religious Life and Religious Politics c.1558-1640 Conclusion

The role of rodents and small carnivores in plague ende- micity in Tanzania

Abstract: Between 1974 and 2003, blood samples were collected from wild and commensal rodents, and wild and domestic small carnivores in selected villages of seven districts in Tanzania that have experienced human plague outbreaks and seven districts that have not experienced any outbreak of the disease. The samples were tested for antibodies against Yersinia pestis Fraction I antigen, using passive haemagglutination (PHA) or ELISA tests. Of the 3354 rodents and 558 small carnivores from the plague infected districts, 122 (3.6 %) rodents (captured in Mbulu and Lushoto districts) were plague positive ; 29 (5.2 %) small carnivores from Mbulu, Arumeru, Hai and Lushoto districts were plague positive, 28 of these were domestic dogs (Canis familiaris). PCR tests showed that 17.5 % of 211 rodents tested from Lushoto contained Y. pestis DNA. In the non-infected districts, 1545 rodents and 171 domestic dogs were tested. 11 (0.7 %) of the rodents (captured in Monduli, Chunya and Masasi districts) were plague-positive. In Masasi district, 10.4% (7/67) of the rodents and 43.6% (17/39) of the dogs were positive for anti-Y. pestis IgG. It was concluded that wild and commensal rodents as well as wild and domestic small carnivores play a potential role as reservoirs and/or carriers of sylvatic plague in Tanzania, and that the disease exists in areas where human plague outbreaks have not occurred before. In order to update the distribution of the disease it is pro- posed that further epidemiological surveillance activities are established.

The Great Plague: The Story of London's Most Deadly Year

Abstract: List of Illustrations List of Tables Preface Prologue Part I: Beginnings 1. Winter, 1664-1665 2. The Other London 3. Signs and Sources Part II: Confusion 4. Fleeing or Staying? 5. The Medical Marketplace 6. Plague's Progress Part III: The Abyss 7. The Doctors Stumble 8. Business Not as Usual 9. Requiem for London 10. Contagion in the Countryside Part IV: Surviving 11. The Web of Authority 12. Not By Bread Alone 13. The Awakening Epilogue: Once and Future Plagues Appendix A: Bills of Mortality for Greater London Appendix B: Parish Records of Saint Margaret Westminster Appendix C: Parish Records of Saint Giles Cripplegate Appendix D: The Three Plague Pandemics Notes Acknowledgments Index

Environment: Early ant plagues in the New World

Abstract: The identity and origin of the West Indian plague ants of the early sixteenth and late eighteenth centuries have long been a mystery. By reviewing historic accounts with an analysis of the present-day Caribbean ant fauna, I have narrowed the list of suspects to two species and their insect symbionts.

Self-enforcing arrangements in African political economy

Abstract: Self-enforcing arrangements are crucial to the study of African political econmy. The weakness of formal governance in much of Africa makes understanding informal institutions of cooperation particularly important. I consider the application of self-enforcing arrangements, like those described by the Ostroms, to the problems of violence and social heterogeneity that plague Africa.

A plague upon the phagocytes

Abstract: Plague bacteria are renowned for causing some of the most devastating epidemics in human history. We are now closer to understanding why: the pathogen selectively disarms key cells of the innate immune system, weakening the front-line defenses of the body.

Asymptomatic Yersinia pestis infection, China.

Abstract: To the Editor: Plague is one of the oldest identifiable diseases. Modern public health measures and effective antimicrobial treatments have led to a decrease in plague cases worldwide. However, plague remains endemic in many natural foci. Since the early 1990s, the World Health Organization (WHO) has reported a steadily increasing trend in human plague cases, which has resulted in the recognition of plague as a reemerging disease (1). The emergence of antimicrobial drug–resistant strains of Yersinia pestis, along with an increasing number of plague cases, remind us that plague still poses a serious public health threat (2,3). In China, human cases of plague have been reported to WHO nearly every year from 1989 to 2003; these account for 9.5% of cases and 15.5% of deaths from this disease in Asia (1). Human cases of plague in China are usually caused by contact with plague-infected rodents. Here, we report the results of a serologic survey by using 3 methods (passive hemagglutination assay, Western blot, and protein microarray analysis) in marmot hunters in Qinghai Province, China. One hundred twenty serum samples were collected in 2 villages in Huangyuan County, Qinghai Province, from marmot hunters (63 samples) and their family members (57 samples); none had a history of fever in the past 2 years. One hundred nineteen serum samples were collected from persons with no history of marmot hunting in 2 nearby counties in Qinghai Province in which plague was not endemic. Thirty serum samples were collected from persons in Beijing and used as negative controls. All serum samples were initially screened with a passive hemagglutination assay to detect immunoglobulin (Ig) G antibody against F1 antigen of Y. pestis, by using a standard protocol (4). We then used an F1 antigen–based Western blot to analyze all serum samples. The protein microarray analysis was performed with 149 purified recombinant proteins of Y. pestis (5). The results of the serologic survey are summarized in the Table. The passive hemagglutination assay showed 17 positive samples in the marmot hunter population. None of the control serum samples were positive for F1 antigen in this assay. Western blot identified 9 additional positive samples in the marmot hunter population, resulting in a seropositivity rate of 21.7% (26/120). We also found positive samples in 4 (3.4%) of 119 serum samples by using Western blot in persons from areas in which plague was not endemic. Identical results were also obtained by using protein microarray analysis, which validated the results of Western blot. Table Analysis of sera for plague antibody by 3 methods Previous studies have shown that plague antibodies were more prevalent in males in the exposed population, and differences in the age, sex, or ethnic group of plague patients are the result of variations in exposure to the pathogen, not intrinsic factors (6,7). Our study showed that in the marmot hunter population, the plague seropositivity rate was significantly higher in males (36.8%, 25/68) than in females (2.0%, 1/52, p<0.01). Among the marmot hunter population, 63 (92.6%) of 68 males were hunters. Plague antibodies were also more prevalent in marmot hunters (39.7%, 25/63) than in their family members (1.8%, 1/57, p<0.01). This is the first serologic survey of plague in the marmot hunter population. The plague seropositivity rate of 21.7% (26/120) in hunters and their families is much higher than the 3.4% (4/119) in the population from regions in which plague was not endemic (p<0.01). Seroprevalence in marmot hunters was even higher (39.7%), which suggests that marmot hunting is a risk factor for plague infection. The marmot (Marmota himalayana) is the main host of Y. pestis in Qinghai Province. Plague-infected marmots are more easily captured by hunters. When persons hunt and butcher marmots without any effective protection, Y. pestis can be transmitted through tiny wounds in the skin, by bites of infected fleas, or by the respiratory route. Asymptomatic plague infection in marmot hunters might be explained by prophylactic use of antimicrobial drugs. Most hunters usually take sulfamethoxazole or tetracycline as a prophylactic measure. Even if the hunters were infected with Y. pestis, they would likely not develop symptomatic plague. However, if the antimicrobial drugs are not effective or hunters do not use prophylaxis, symptomatic infections will occur. Most reported human cases of plague in Qinghai Province were caused by hunting or butchering marmots, as shown by a recent outbreak of plague in October 2004 in Qinghai, in which 19 cases were reported and 8 persons died (M. Li et al., unpub. data).

A Plague upon Humanity: The Hidden History of Japan's Biological Warfare Program

Abstract: Documents Japan's covert biological warfare program, from the Unit 731 experimentation on thousands of Chinese victims during the Second World War, to MacArthur's contributions to limiting the unit's accountability. Reprint. 10,000 first printing.

Protective efficacy of a recombinant plague vaccine when co-administered with another sub-unit or live attenuated vaccine

Abstract: Vaccines against bioterrorism agents offer the prospect of providing high levels of protection against airborne pathogens. However, the diversity of the bioterrorism threat means that it may be necessary to use several vaccines simultaneously. In this study we have investigated whether there are changes to the protective immune response to a recombinant sub-unit plague vaccine when it is co-administered with other sub-unit or live attenuated vaccines. Our results indicate that the co-administration of these vaccines did not influence the protection afforded by the plague vaccine. However, the co-administration of the plague sub-unit vaccine with a live vaccine resulted in markedly increased levels of IgG2a subclass antibodies, and markedly reduced levels of IgG1 subclass antibodies, to the plague sub-unit vaccine. This finding might have implications when considering the co-administration of other vaccine combinations.

Destroying the life and career of a valued physician-scientist who tried to protect us from plague: was it really necessary?

Abstract: Thomas Campbell Butler, at 63 years of age, is completing the first year of a 2-year sentence in federal prison, following an investigation and trial that was initiated after he voluntarily reported that he believed vials containing Yersinia pestis were missing from his laboratory at Texas Tech University. We take this opportunity to remind the infectious diseases community of the plight of our esteemed colleague, whose career and family have, as a result of his efforts to protect us from infection by this organism, paid a price from which they will never recover.

The galenic plague: a breakdown of the imperial pathocoenosis. Pathocoenosis and longue durée.

Abstract: Is 'pathocoenosis', a notion conceived and a word coined by Mirko Grmek (1969), useful as far as ancient history is concerned? The author is interested in Galenic pathocoenosis, that of doctor Galen and his Emperor Marcus Aurelius (IInd cent. A.D.), when a new 'pestilence' or 'plague' (smallpox?) devastated the whole empire, from Mesopotamia to the Danube at least.

Complex networks: Behind enemy lines

Abstract: Computer viruses can spread through networks with alarming speed. But there is hope that those fighting the plague can keep up with the pace.

The Barbary Plague: The Black Death in Victorian San Francisco

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Plague: A Decade Since the 1994 Outbreaks in India

Abstract: The severe 1994 plague outbreaks in Surat and Beed drew attention to plague as a continuing source of both natural and potentially manmade disease. This article written a decade later reviews various aspects of Plague not only as a disease but also as an infectious disaster.