Showing papers in "European Journal of Political Research in 1992"

The silent counter-revolution

Abstract: . This article has two aims. The first attempts to define the ‘extreme right’political family. The three criteria adopted — spatial, historic-ideological, attitudinal-systemic — have led us to identify two types of the extreme right party. One type comprises parties with a fascist imprint (old right-wing parties); the other comprises recently-born parties with no fascist associations, but with a right-wing antisystem attitude (new right-wing parties). The second aim of this article is to explain the recent ‘unexpected’rise of the new right-wing parties. Changes in the cultural domain and in mass beliefs have favoured radicalization and system polarization on one side, and the emergence of attitudes and demands not treated by the established conservative parties on the other one. These two broad changes have set the conditions for the rise of extreme right parties.

Dimensions and types of policy networks

Abstract: The paper offers a refined and systematic concept of state-business relations based on the 'policy network' idea. The major dimensions of policy networks are presented as (1) number and type of actors, (2) function of networks, (3) structure, (4) institutionalization, (5) rules of conduct, (6) power relations, (7) actor strategies. Certain popular conventional policy making arrangements (e.g. sectoral corporation, sponsored pluralism, clientelism) are examined in terms of the network dimensions.

New directions in the study of policy networks

Abstract: . This paper is the product of a collaborative, comparative study of nine policy areas in British Government. It does not describe these several policy areas but summarises recent theoretical discussions in Britain of the concept of policy networks; provides a typology which encompasses the variety identified in the individual, detailed case studies; discusses a set of key problems in the analysis of networks; and identifies some directions for future research.

New social movements and political opportunities in Western Europe

Abstract: We present a number of concepts and hypotheses concerning the impact of the political opportunity structure on the mobilisation pattern of new social movements in Western Europe The hypotheses refer to the general level of mobilisation in a given country, the general forms and strategies of action employed, the system level at which mobilisation is typically oriented and the development of the level of mobilisation across time The hypotheses are tested in a comparative analysis of France, Germany, the Netherlands and Switzerland The analysis reveals country-specific variations in the mobilisation patterns of new social movements, which are largely in line with the theoretical expectations and serve to confirm the relevance of the political process approach for the study of social movements

The silent counter- revolu tion: hypo theses on the emer gence of extreme right- wing parties in Europe

Abstract: West European party systems are facing a period of change (Crewe and Denver 1985; Dalton 1988; Dalton et al. 1984; Daalder and Mair 1983; Mair 1984, 1989a,b; Wolinetz 1988). This change is observ able at two levels, elect oral and partisan. At the elect oral level, intra party volat il ity has progress ively accel er ated in the 1980s and‘there is little evid ence that this flux is likely to abate’ (Mair, 1989b: 169). At the partisan level, a series of indic at ors show the accel er ated process of ‘decom pos i tion of estab lished party ties’ (Dalton, 1988). The decline of party iden ti fic a tion, of the number of party members and of the degree of partisan involve ment (Mair, 1984) all indic ate that the previ ous endur ing ties between the elect or ate and estab lished parties are progress ively fading away, thus enabling the emer gence of new parties and/or new agen cies for the aggreg a tion of demands (Mair, 1984, 1989a; Reider, 1989).

A preliminary ordering of policy network labels

Abstract: . This introduction seeks to sketch out the relationship between a variety of terms that are used in contemporary discussion of the interaction between Government/State and interest groups. It starts with a short reflection on the main theories of interest intermediation — pluralism and corporatism — and argues for reserving the term policy network as a generic label embracing different types of network relationship. This piece thus attempts to record the variety of labels currently used to describe state/interest relations, to show the overlap between certain of these labels, and how they relate one to the other. The existing confusion of labels signal a greater variety than they deliver.

Why do they vote for Le Pen

Abstract: . The results of a survey conducted after the second round of the 1988 presidential election stress the inadequacy of the classical models of voting behaviour, as far as the Le Pen vote is concerned. The majority of lepenist electors identify themselves neither with the National Front, nor with the extreme-Right; they show no electoral stability, no strong sociological specificity. Less educated than the average, they do not correspond to the profile of the rational voter. With the exception of a small hardcore of regular voters, politicized, extremist and dedicated to the National Front, Le Pen supporters are protest voters that come and go.

Revisiting old friends: networks, implementation structures and the management of inter-organizational relations

Abstract: . Most of the current work on network analysis tends to concentrate on the relationship between actors and the context within which various actors engage in the formulation of public policy. Consequently, analysis of the inter-organizational structures through which this policy is implemented receives less attention. In this article attention is drawn to questions concerning the management of inter-organizational networks as the vehicles for carrying out policy programmes. At the same time, an argument is made for using the term ‘network’not only as an analytical concept but also to denote collectivities that are consciously constructed for the realization of purposeful joint action.

The New Right in Germany

Abstract: . Based on the theory that explains the neoconservative upsurge of the 1980s as a reaction against the post-materialist changes in values of the preceding decades, this paper analyzes the relationship between neoconservatism and the rise of the New Right parties in West Germany at the end of the 1980s. Secondary analysis of survey data demonstrates the differentiation of the political spectrum into the Old Politics and New Politics dimensions and related variants of conservatism. The New Right and in particular the Republicans are neither a ‘radicalization of the centre’of German society nor a simple mobilization of right-wing extremists. Rather, they are the product of the disintegration of the established parties which are in the process of losing voting support to the parties of the New Left and the New Right in an almost symmetrical fashion.

The structure of policy networks

Abstract: This paper1 compares the structure of policy networks in two different policy domains Policy networks are seen as clusters of relatively autonomous but interdependent actors that are incorporated into the process of public policy making Policy networks have to be seen as specific actor configurations beyond ‘policy markets’and ‘policy hierarchies’2 Their emergence is seen as a response to an increasing societal dispersion of resources, policy growth and governmental overload Growing governmental activities in a context of more complex policy problems and a greater dispersion of policy resources within society makes governments increasingly dependent upon the horizontal cooperation of private actors in policy formulation and implementation Institutional devices facilitating this mode of political resource mobilization range from formal advisory bodies, semi-institutionalized working groups to highly informal and even ‘secret’forms of cooptation of private actors (organizations and individuals) in the ‘production process’of a policy

New and old extreme right parties

Abstract: . The French and Italian extreme right parties - Front National (FN) and Movimento Sociale Italiano (MSI) - seem to belong to two different traditions of contemporary right radicalism. The analysis of survey data from both parties' middle level elites, dealing with the level of political experience, the degree of integration/alienation vis-a-vis the political system and the value system confirms that the FN and the MSI do indeed belong to two different types of the extreme right class.

Contemporary right‐wing extremism in West Germany

Abstract: . The sudden rise of the extreme right-wing party ‘The Republicans’in the late 1980s in the Federal Republic of Germany has attracted high attention within and outside Germany. After a few remarks on the definition and history of right-wing extremism in the Federal Republic of Germany, the paper gives an overview of the Republicans’genesis, organization, membership, platforms and style of electoral campaigns. The final part concentrates on the empirical test of hypotheses deduced from various theoretical approaches to explain support for extreme right-wing parties. The results of this analysis indicate that a considerable part of the Republicans’electorate does not have an extreme right-wing ideology but consists of protest voters. The party has benefited from socioeconomically and politically motivated dissatisfaction and feelings of threat. At the same time, the established parties have failed to respond adequately to these problems.

The historical institutionalization of typical national patterns in policy networks between state and industry

Abstract: . The themes of the earlier article by Van Waarden are applied to the empirical examples of the USA & the Netherlands. State — industry policy networks are explained by nationally specific characteristics of the actors involved: organized societal interests and state agencies. Policy networks are seen as the product of different political, administrative and cultural institutions. Their historical emergence is discussed.

Electoral reform in systems of proportional representation

Abstract: . Does electoral reform produce the effects that would be expected on the basis of those features of the systems that are modified? By using knowledge from the literature on electoral systems it is possible to predict whether a reform should result in a conversion of votes into seats more proportional than that which preceded the reform or less. In each of ten cases of reform in Western Europe and Israel the reform produced the expected results. However, graphical presentation of data pooled from all ten cases suggests that party systems have the ability to adjust after just a few elections, making the effects of the new system less impressive than when it was first adopted. Graphical analysis also reveals that changes to more proportional rules tend to occur when the number of parties was already rising, while changes to less proportional rules (which would tend to decrease the number of ‘relevant’parties) occur when the number of parties has already been declining.

Taking networks seriously: Education policy in Britain

Abstract: . This paper argues against the merely metaphorical use of concepts such as ‘network’in the analysis of policy processes that involve relationships between government and interests. It juxtaposes some contributions from anthropology and sociology with the more familiar literature of political science and policy studies. It considers the question of norms, upon which an analysis of networks has some bearing. Next, it focuses upon the understanding of human agency and trust as a micro-analytic strategy for research on meso-level interactions, or ‘networking’. In the light of this, it then looks at the education policy process in Britain, with particular reference to Scotland, as seen in recent literature. It ends by discussing the changing education ‘partnership’in Britain, construing this concept as one that serves both actors as well as observers, and which has affinities with other analyses of policy networks.

Conflict and consensus in social policy development

Abstract: . In the study of welfare state development, we find divergent approaches which assign differing weights to consensus and conflict as well as to various causal factors behind changes in social policy. This paper moves beyond the traditional concentration on social expenditures and tests the role of different causal factors by focussing instead on the development of social rights in the areas of workplace accidents, sickness, and unemployment insurance. Hypotheses derived from competing approaches are tested in relation to the relative development of social rights in these three policy areas and in relation to variation in social rights in accident insurance.

The extreme right in the Netherlands

Abstract: The Extreme Right in the Netherlands has always been relatively weak; there was neither a strong ideological right-wing tradition nor a solid social base. Moreover, the Extreme Right has always been fragmented and divided. Historically, three varieties can be distinguished: theocratic Protestantism ('Very Old Right'), neo-fascism or national socialism ('Old Right') and ethnocentric nationalism ('New Right'). The third variety, since 1984 represented by the Centre Democrats, has gained some ground in recent years. Though reliable data are still scarce, it seems plausible that the party has attracted not only ideologically motivated extremists but also 'protest voters', mainly in older urban working class areas.

Fiscal illusions: nothing but illusions?

Abstract: . The argument that people underestimate the costs of providing public goods, and overestimate the benefits of government programmes, has received widespread attention in the political science literature. According to this argument the (misinformed) citizen demands greater amounts of public sector goods than if he or she had been completely informed. Democratic competition leads political parties to adjust to the perceived demands of the voters rather than to the actual interests of the electorate. Therefore, the supply of public goods and services tends to be greater than the social optimum. The present article tests two propositions related to this argument using survey data. First, an analysis of a nationwide survey from Norway (1990) indicates a widespread misperception of government costs, both the unit costs of particular services and the aggregate costs of the public sector. However, the study reveals no sign of a general underestimation of costs. Second, the survey implies that while the demand for government services declines as the unit cost increases, the price elasticity of government services seems to be small. The (mis-)perceived tax-price seems to have little impact on demand compared to the (mis-)perceived costs levied on society as a whole. Even if people did under-rate government costs, the impact on demand would be marginal. Thus, empirical evidence provides little or no support for the hypothesis of fiscal illusions.

The new politics and the new social movements

Abstract: Central to the 'new politics' is the increased salience of non-material issues and a heightened concern with participation 'New social movements' and 'new politics' parties are contingent manifestations of this new politics, which is also manifest in changed orientations toward established political parties In most respects, the British appear no less well-disposed toward the 'new politics' than their European neighbours Yet Britain is distinguished by the absence of either a radical ecology movement or a successful 'new politics' party British exceptionalism is explained by institutional arrangements which constrain the environmental movement toward integration rather than opposition, and an electoral system which polarises political competition and inhibits the development of new parties One consequence is the preservation of the Labour Party as a beneficiary of, and vehicle for, the expression of much political dissent As a result, in Britain the 'new politics' is to an unusual degree combined with 'old politics'

Labour movement organization and political intervention

Abstract: . In contrast to much of the recent emphasis on micro economic reform and market oriented economic policy, there is a strong argument in favour of considering political institutional factors. In particular, these include the power of labour in systems of collective bargaining and in broader policy formulation institutions which is an essential element of successful economic policy, especially the achievement of low rates of unemployment. The research reported in this paper is aimed at developing an explanation of the ability of the organized labour movement to promote its political interests through the institutional decision making structures of modern capitalist economies. We argue that, where labour participation is formalised in these institutional arrangements, specific policy measures conducive to low unemployment will be favoured, including relatively high levels of public capital expenditure and the protection of manufacturing employment. Most comparative studies of the consequences of collective action and of political intervention in the market employ a cross‐sectional design that limits the number of cases in statistical analyses to the number of countries covered. In this paper we present the results of an analysis of comparative data on 11 OECD countries using a pooled time series regression procedure that enables us to use many more cases than is possible with the cross‐sectional design. In this way we arrive at more firmly grounded conclusions as to the efficacy of labour movement strategies in reducing unemployment. Copyright

Coalition theories: empirical evidence for dutch municipalities

Abstract: The paper analyzes coalition formation in Dutch municipalities. After discussing the main features of the institutional setting, several theories are discussed, which are classified as size oriented, policy oriented and actor oriented models. A test statistic is proposed to determine the predictive power of these models. The empirical analysis shows that strategic positions as well as some of the distinguished preferences are important in the setting of Dutch municipalities. Especially, the dominant minimum number principle yields highly significant results for coalition formations in the period 1978–1986.

Election campaigning, organisational transformation and the professionalisation of the British Labour Party

Abstract: . This paper deals with the relationship between election campaign innovation and organisational change within parties. Using the case of the British Labour Party, the paper considers how far campaign changes of the past few years entail the organisational transformation of the party. Broadly speaking, it seems reasonable to conclude that the professionalisation of Labour's election campaign personnel has had significant implications both for policy and for the autonomy of the party leadership. These developments indicate a partial, but nonetheless significant, transformation of Labour's organisation.

From an iron triangle to an iron duet

Abstract: The paper addresses five constructs of policy making: policy curtain, iron triangle, issue network, policy community and an iron duet The five constructs are distinguished on the basis of two variables: exclusion, denoting the degree of openness to new participants, and interdependence, pertaining to relationship between participants A policy curtain prevails in the pre-agenda stage denoting both exclusion and lack of dependence Iron triangle is characterized by exclusion and interdependence; issue network portrays inclusion and lack of interdependence; a policy community features inclusion and interdependence A fifth construct — an iron duet combines characteristics of an iron triangle, an issue network and a policy community The paper suggests that the five constructs of policy making are not only products of political environment but are affected by distribution of resources and primacy of values within a specific issue-area It further argues that a sequential development may take place following alterations in the division of power between state agencies and organized groups The involvement of powerful groups of professionals in a policy community, produced by mutual dependence of state and association, may lead to formation of a policy (iron) duet The historical evolution of specialization entitlement in Israeli health policy serves as a case study to illustrate the major arguments of the paper

Empirical analysis of the distribution of a priori voting power

Abstract: . This paper provides an empirical analysis using power indices derived by regarding the Conference and Electoral College as weighted majority games. It is shown that both main power indices, the Shapley-Shubik and the Banzhaf, may be computed with reasonable accuracy by an approximation method based on probabilistic-voting assumption. The results show voting power to be more concentrated than voting weight, that of some large trade unions being enhanced at the expense of smaller affiliated organisations and constituency parties (and, in the Electoral College, MPs). The results also provide insights into the comparative properties of the two classical power indices.

Models of interest intermediation and policy formation applied to an internationally comparative study of the dairy industry

Abstract: . Available theoretical perspectives on the relationship between government and organized interests are reviewed, utilizing an internationally comparative study of government-industry relations in the dairy industry. Four analytical models are considered: meso corporatism; policy community; private interest government and the negotiated economy. The meso corpora-list and policy community models provide useful insights, but are less helpful in explaining rapid and fundamental change as opposed to stability and incremental change. It is in such circumstances that the negotiated economy model can usefully be applied.