The authors offer a new, integrative conceptualization of the relational self based on a synthesis of recent approaches to the self and significant others. This conceptualization provides a sharper and fuller definition of the relational self than does any existing approach alone and a common framework to interpret findings from separate literatures. The authors then present 5 propositions and evidence to support the thesis that relational selves exert a pervasive influence on interpersonal life. Specifically, relational selves (a) shape a wide range of psychological processes and outcomes, (b) exert their influence automatically, (c) serve basic orientation and meaning functions, (d) provide continuity and context-specific variability in personality, and (e) carry implications for psychological well-being. Discussion focuses on remaining issues and implications for future research.

心理学原理 = The principles of psychology

The relational self revealed: integrative conceptualization and implications for interpersonal life.

It is generally believed that there are many benefits to having a positive view of the self. Those who have high self-esteem are presumed to be psychologically happy and healthy (Branden, 1994; Taylor & Brown, 1988), whereas those with low self-esteem are believed to be psychologically distressed and perhaps even depressed (Tennen & Affleck, 1993). Having high self-esteem apparently provides benefits to those who possess it: They feel good about themselves, they are able to cope effectively with challenges and negative feedback, and they live in a social world in which they believe that people value and respect them. Although there are negative consequences associated with having extremely high self-esteem (Baumeister, 1998), most people with high self-esteem appear to lead happy and productive lives. By contrast, people with low selfesteem see the world through a more negative filter, and their general dislike for themselves colors their perceptions of everything around them. Substantial evidence shows a link between self-esteem and depression, shyness, loneliness, and alienation—low self-esteem is aversive for those who have it. Thus, selfesteem affects the enjoyment of life even if it does not have a substantial impact on career success, productivity, or other objective outcome measures. Given the choice, however, most people would prefer to have high self-esteem. That self-esteem is vital for psychological health is evident in the popular media and in educational policy. Indeed, some educators have changed course curricula in their attempts to instill children with high self-esteem, even to the point that in some states students are promoted to a higher grade even when they have failed to master the material from the previous grade. These social promotions are based on the belief that positive self-esteem is of cardinal importance, and that many societal ills—such as teenage pregnancy and drug use, violence, academic failure, and crime—are caused by low self-esteem. Accordingly, California enacted legislation that encouraged schools to develop self-esteem enhancement programs, the general idea being that high selfesteem would act something like a “social vaccine” that would prevent many of the serious behavioral problems facing the state (Mecca, Smelser, & Vasconcellos, 1989). Although societal ills are not caused by low self-esteem, it is easy to understand why policy makers and educators are concerned with the emotional consequences of negative self-views. Those who feel ostracized

Assessing self-esteem.

Involuntary switching to task-irrelevant sound change was studied by measuring event-related brain potentials (ERPs) and behavioral performance in a dichotic listening paradigm. Pairs of tones (S1 and S2) were presented and subjects were instructed to ignore S1 (delivered to the left ear) and to make a go/no-go response to the subsequent S2 (delivered to the right ear). On most trials, the task-irrelevant S1 was of standard frequency, but occasionally it deviated from the standard frequency either by a small or large amount. It was predicted that deviant stimuli were automatically detected and that they could involuntarily capture attention. If they lead to attention switching, less capacity should be available for the processing of target tones resulting in impaired processing of S2. As in many previous studies, deviant tones elicited the mismatch negativity (MMN), which is a component of the ERP indicating automatic change detection. Furthermore, targets preceded by a deviant tone elicited a smaller N1 wave and were detected less effectively than targets preceded by a standard tone. This impaired processing of targets following task-irrelevant changes occurred only with short S1-S2 intervals (Experiment I) but not with long ones (Experiment II). The results support a model claiming that the auditory system possesses a change detection system that monitors the acoustic input and may produce an attentional “interrupt” signal when a deviant occurs. The involuntary attentional capture caused by this signal leads to impoverished processing of closely succeeding stimuli.

A neural mechanism for involuntary attention shifts to changes in auditory stimulation

(1999). Second‐generation effects of unresolved trauma in nonmaltreating parents: Dissociated, frightened, and threatening parental behavior. Psychoanalytic Inquiry: Vol. 19, Attachment Research and Psychoanalysis: 1. Theoretical Considerations, pp. 481-540.

心理学原理 = The principles of psychology

Citations

The relational self revealed: integrative conceptualization and implications for interpersonal life.

Assessing self-esteem.

A neural mechanism for involuntary attention shifts to changes in auditory stimulation

Second‐generation effects of unresolved trauma in nonmaltreating parents: Dissociated, frightened, and threatening parental behavior

The self as an organizing construct in the behavioral and social sciences.