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Using Multivariate Statistics

Introduction 1. Woman's Place in Man's Life Cycle 2. Images of Relationship 3. Concepts of Self and Morality 4. Crisis and Transition 5. Women's Rights and Women's Judgment 6. Visions of Maturity References Index of Study Participants General Index

In a Different Voice. Psychological Theory and Women’s Development. Cambridge, MA (Harvard University Press) 1982.

The present article presents a meta-analytic test of intergroup contact theory. With 713 independent samples from 515 studies, the meta-analysis finds that intergroup contact typically reduces intergroup prejudice. Multiple tests indicate that this finding appears not to result from either participant selection or publication biases, and the more rigorous studies yield larger mean effects. These contact effects typically generalize to the entire outgroup, and they emerge across a broad range of outgroup targets and contact settings. Similar patterns also emerge for samples with racial or ethnic targets and samples with other targets. This result suggests that contact theory, devised originally for racial and ethnic encounters, can be extended to other groups. A global indicator of Allport's optimal contact conditions demonstrates that contact under these conditions typically leads to even greater reduction in prejudice. Closer examination demonstrates that these conditions are best conceptualized as an interrelated bundle rather than as independent factors. Further, the meta-analytic findings indicate that these conditions are not essential for prejudice reduction. Hence, future work should focus on negative factors that prevent intergroup contact from diminishing prejudice as well as the development of a more comprehensive theory of intergroup contact.

A meta-analytic test of intergroup contact theory.

What good is self-control? We incorporated a new measure of individual differences in self-control into two large investigations of a broad spectrum of behaviors. The new scale showed good internal consistency and retest reliability. Higher scores on self-control correlated with a higher grade point average, better adjustment (fewer reports of psychopathology, higher self-esteem), less binge eating and alcohol abuse, better relationships and interpersonal skills, secure attachment, and more optimal emotional responses. Tests for curvilinearity failed to indicate any drawbacks of so-called overcontrol, and the positive effects remained after controlling for social desirability. Low self-control is thus a significant risk factor for a broad range of personal and interpersonal problems.

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High self-control predicts good adjustment, less pathology, better grades, and interpersonal success.

1. Introduction and Overview. 2. Detecting Influential Observations and Outliers. 3. Detecting and Assessing Collinearity. 4. Applications and Remedies. 5. Research Issues and Directions for Extensions. Bibliography. Author Index. Subject Index.

Regression Diagnostics: Identifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity

"Get tough" control policies in the United States are often portrayed as the reflection of the public's will: Americans are punitive and want offenders locked up. Research from the past decade both reinforces and challenges this assessment. The public clearly accepts, if not prefers, a range of punitive policies (e. g., capital punishment, three-strikes-and-you're-out laws, imprisonment). But support for get-tough policies is "mushy." Thus citizens may be willing to substitute a sentence of life imprisonment without parole for the death penalty. Especially when nonviolent offenders are involved, there is substantial support for intermediate sanctions and for restorative justice. Despite three decades of criticism, rehabilitation-particularly for the young-remains an integral part of Americans' correctional philosophy. There is also widespread support for early intervention programs. In the end, the public shows a tendency to be punitive and progressive, wishing the correctional system to achieve the diver...

/pdf/public-opinion-about-punishment-and-corrections-40ntbgbw4s.pdf

Public Opinion about Punishment and Corrections

Recent research has assigned a prominent role to labeling and stigma as factors that impair the social and psychological functioning of people officially labeled mentally ill But can the effects of labeling and stigma be overcome by adopting a few simple approaches to coping with these problems? If so, the stigma-induced problems of social awkwardness, demoralization and unemployment emphasized by recent research may not be as severe as claimed Using a sample of psychiatric patients, we examine this issue by assessing whether patients can ameliorate labeling effects by keeping their history of treatment a secret, educating others about their situation, or avoiding situations in which rejection might occur None of these coping orientations were effective in diminishing negative labeling effects on unemployment or on psychological distress/demoralization In fact, the three coping strategies show consistent effects in the direction of producing more harm than good, and with respect to withdrawal-avoidance this effect is significant Based on these results we argue that stigma is powerfully reinforced by culture and that its effects are not easily overcome by the coping actions of individuals Using C Wright Mills's (1967) distinction we conclude that labeling and stigma are "social problems" not "individual troubles"

The effectiveness of stigma coping orientations: Can negative consequences of mental illness labeling be avoided?

Although advocates for the mentally ill assert that mental patients are inappropriately stigmatized as dangerous, research indicates that former mental patients have higher arrest rates than the general public. Because of the limitations of arrest-rate studies, however, alternative hypotheses have suggested that the apparent dangerousness of mental patients is a methodological artifact. We compare mental patients and never-treated community residents on several official and self-reported measures of violentlillegal conduct. Mental patients have higher rates on all measures of violentlillegal behavior, and these differences cannot be accountedfor by sociodemographic and community context variables. A scale of psychotic symptoms is the only variable that accounts for differences in levels of violent! illegal behavior between patients and never-treated community residents. Although mental patients have elevated rates of violentlillegal behavior compared to nonpatients, the differences are modest and are confined to those experiencing psychotic symptoms.

The violent and illegal behavior of mental patients reconsidered.

Imprisonment is the most severe punishment in democratic societies except for capital punishment, which is used only in the United States Crime prevention is its primary rationale Imprisonment may affect reoffending in various ways It may be reduced by some combination of rehabilitation and what criminologists call specific deterrence Sound arguments can be made, however, for a criminogenic effect (eg, due to antisocial prison experiences or to stigma endured upon release) Remarkably little is known about the effects of imprisonment on reoffending The existing research is limited in size, in quality, in its insights into why a prison term might be criminogenic or preventative, and in its capacity to explain why imprisonment might have differential effects depending on offenders’ personal and social characteristics Compared with noncustodial sanctions, incarceration appears to have a null or mildly criminogenic effect on future criminal behavior This conclusion is not sufficiently firm t

https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/599202

Imprisonment and Reoffending

Based on a survey of line staff in a southern correctional system, we analyzed how various stressors, coping factors, and status characteristics influenced three types of stress: work stress, job dissatisfaction, and life stress. The stressors of role problems and perceived dangerousness were positively related to multiple forms of stress. While supervisory support mitigated both work stress and job dissatisfaction, the effects of other coping factors were variable. Black and educated officers had higher levels of dissatisfaction, while female officers experienced more stress on the job. Taken together, the independent variables in our framework accounted for a large amount of the variance of work stress, a moderate amount of job dissatisfaction, and a relatively low amount of life stress. Apart from the specific findings, the data suggest that theoretical models of officer stress must incorporate coping factors and specify how the dimensions of an officer's occupational role and personality differentiall...

Francis T. Cullen

Papers

Public Opinion about Punishment and Corrections

The effectiveness of stigma coping orientations: Can negative consequences of mental illness labeling be avoided?

The violent and illegal behavior of mental patients reconsidered.

Imprisonment and Reoffending

The social dimensions of correctional officer stress